CHAPTER – II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF DALITS

CHAPTER – II 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF DALITS 

The contradictions of socio-economic order in India remain 

almost the same even after 63 years of independence. Half a 

century is a considerable period of time for a society, state and 

nation to realize its mistakes and imbalances. But even at the 

beginning of the 21 st century neither the society nor the state in 

India has been able to resolve its contradictions. Despite the 

Constitutional commitment of the post-colonial state towards the 

goal of equality, liberty and justice, the age old structure of 

inequality has not been dismantled. Social and economic inequality 

still occupies the centre-stage of Indian reality. The ideals of social 

democracy and distributive justice, in their essence, remain 

elusive. On the contrary, the vast majority of the Indian population 

is deprived socially, economically, politically and educationally. The 

social opportunities, offered to the citizens by the state, are 

confined to the privileged sections of society. The deprived and 

disadvantage groups are still exposed to the experiences of 

cumulative inequality. These marginalized groups have yet to 

experience fully the so-called fruits of modern development. There 

is a tremendous gap between the population of the upper castes 

and the Dalits who constitutes more than 16 per cent of the Indian

population. The upwardly mobile other backward castes have, of 

course, challenged the hegemonic structure of the upper castes 

(Brahminical) order and they have crystallized themselves as a 

major economic and political power in independent India. But as 

far as the social status of Dalits is concerned, no substantial 

changes have taken place during the six decades of development 

planning. They are still rated at the underside in the socio- 

economic structure. 

It is widely acknowledged that traditional Indian society was 

based on varna and jati. This system is very ancient in origin and 

through the passage of time it has undergone profound changes, 

but caste still a very powerful institution in our socio-economic , 

religious and political organization. The most disquietening and 

disturbing feature connected with the caste system has been the 

concept of untouchability. Those who were engaged in unclean 

occupation were considered as polluted persons and had to go with 

this stigma in the prevailing reality and had to accept for 

themselves the status of untouchables. 1 

Over the period of time, the various social and religious 

movements strived to make a dent in the social system in favour of 

the Dalits. Several saints, social reformers and political leaders 

from both the Dalits and non-Dalits had tried their best for the

eradication of untouchability from the social fabric. 2 But the impact 

of some reform movements was short-lived because the reformers 

fought within the caste system. However, their attempt was to 

facilitate certain caste groups simply to move up within the caste 

hierarchy through sanskritization. 3 In fact, these movements were 

reform oriented rather than providing protection against the 

existing inequality in the social system. 

In this regard, the efforts by Ambedkar and Gandhi, before 

and after independence in India, are important. The difference 

between the two leaders, were on the basis of their approaches in 

tackling the problem of untouchability and upliftment of the 

untouchables. Gandhi who described himself as an untouchable by 

choice 1 attempted to solve the problem within the framework of 

caste system. But he could neither change the attitude of caste 

Hindus nor satisfy the untouchables as the practice of 

untouchability and discrimination continued to operate against the 

Dalits. On the other hand Ambedkar was totally opposed to 

Gandhi's philosophy and programme for the removal of 

untouchability. He stated "to the untouchables Hinduism is a 

veritable chamber of horrors. The sanctity and infallibility of the 

Vedas, Smiritis, Shastra, the Iron law of caste, the heartless law of 

Karma and the senseless low status by birth are to the

untouchable's veritable instruments of torture which Hinduism has 

forged against the untouchables. These very instruments which 

have multilated, blasted and blighted the life of the untouchables, 

are to be found intact and untarnished in the blossom of 

Gandhism". 4 Ambedkar felt that the problem of the untouchables 

was economic, social and political as well as religious that widely 

prevailed in India even then. 5 

Caste System and Dalits 

Indian social structure has its unique place in the world, 

primarily because of its caste system. Several social scientists have 

made in-depth studies on this Indian social system. Although the 

social scientists have done much work on the Indian caste system, 

but they have found it difficult to define it. Some scholars hold that 

caste is a particular rigid form of class and think its existence to be 

world wide while others believe it is to be a system peculiar to India 

and its environs.6 

The English word caste is probably derived from the 

Portuguese word casta (race). It is especially used by Europeans to 

denote the different classes into which the Hindus are divided. 

Varna, colour, jati, race, are Indian names. 7 The word seems to 

have applied to India by the Portuguese in the middle of 15 th 

century. 8 In English there is a use in the sense of 'race' in 1555 and

the Indian sense is encountered at the beginning of the seventeenth 

century, the French spelling Caste is, scarcely found before 1800. 9 

The word 'caste' is used in everyday life and we use it to distinguish 

from one person to another. 

The first literary traces of the caste system were found in 

Rigveda and Pursasukta hymn. 10 In the Bhagavad Gita the caste 

system is sought to be justified on the basis of the idea of Guna 

Karma (deed) and Dharma (Religion). 11 In the age of Simritis and 

Sutras, the society had been divided into various castes. 12 They had 

framed hard and fast rules regarding occupation, food conduct and 

marriage. In the same age, these castes became so diversified that 

they could not meet together in course of time. The feeling of 

untouchability also grew in this age. 13 

Untouchability is undoubtedly the most pernicious aspect of 

the caste system. Its origin is obscure and is a matter of 

controversy to this day. To Iravati Karve it is a sub-caste of 

Shudras, 14 whereas Ambedkar regarded it as a bye product of the 

caste system. 15 There is however general unanimity of opinion as to 

non-existence of untouchability during the Vedic period. 16 

Words such as Varna, Jati, biradri and samaj are used 

interchangeably with the term caste . All of these terms refer to

anked groups of various size and breadth. Varna meaning colour, 

actually refers in large divisions that include various castes; the 

other terms include caste and sub divisions of castes, sometimes 

called sub-cates. 17 

The 'Varna' model provide a framework within which the 

innumerable variations of caste throughout India are found. The 

varna scheme is a hierarchy in the literal sense of the term because 

the criteria of ritual purity and pollution are at the basis of 

differentiation. 18 Each caste ranked higher or lower on the basis of 

the ritual purity. The description of caste model in its extreme form 

is that one's caste position in a ritually determined status- 

hierarchy defines one's total life. 19 There is some correlation 

between ritual rank in the caste hierarchy and economic 

prosperity. Member of higher castes tend, on the whole, to be more 

prosperous than members of lower ranking castes. Most of the 

castes are traditionally associated with an occupation, such as high 

ranking- Brahmins, middle ranking - farmers and Artisan groups, 

and very low ranking- Dalits: leatherworkers, butcher, latrine 

cleaners. These low ranking jobs are low paid, therefore, many 

lower caste people live in conditions of poverty and social 

disadvantage. 20

Caste dominate people's lives from birth to death in India. 

The understanding of the caste system which controls and 

regulates social, economic, political and religious life in India is 

absolutely essential while interpreting the Indian reality. It is true 

that social and racial differences in some form or the other do 

prevail in other parts of the world, but the kind of system found In 

India is characterized more by its specific unique features like the 

complexity, elaboration and rigidity than by such features which 

share with caste structures elsewhere. 21 

The stratification of Indian population into groups is defined 

by caste, which is determined by birth. An individual is born into a 

caste and his status in society depends largely upon the caste to 

which he/she belongs and not on his/her personal success or 

failure. The reason of the permanence of caste system in India is 

the unity of social and religious rules. No rule of social order is 

distinct from the religious rules. 22 

Considering the background of social change, some people 

believe that the system of caste is on the way out, others believe 

that inspite of external features, the caste has retained most of its 

essential functions. Many social reformers, political and social 

scientists have expressed their concerns about the increasing

influence of caste on politics and many other spheres of social life. 

M.N. Srinivas, the well known anthropologist, is a major proponent 

of the view that 'the caste system in India is not declining but 

growing more powerful. Modern means of communication, the 

spread of education and an increase in prosperity have contributed 

to the strengthening of the caste system, especially through the 

formation of caste associations which cover large area and utilize 

the means of communication and organization made available 

through technological progress in order to strengthen their hold 

upon members of the caste and to mould their activities.' 23 More 

and more is being written on the caste system by scholars. 

Although scholars have done much work on the Indian caste 

system, they find difficult to define it. They also differ on the 

meaning of caste. 

According to Risley caste is a collection of families or groups 

of families bearing a common name; claiming a common descent 

from a mythical ancestor; human or divine professing to follow the 

same hereditary calling; and regarded by those who are competent 

to give opinion of forming a single homogenous community. The 

name generally denotes or is associated with a specific occupation. 

A caste is almost invariable endogamous in the sense that a

member of the large circle denoted by a common name may not 

marry outside that circle, but within the circle there are usually a 

number of smaller circles each of which is endogamous. 24 

Ketkar defines a caste as ' a social group having two 

charactericts (i) membership is confined to those who are born of 

members and includes all persons so born (ii) the members are 

forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group. 

Each one of such groups has a special name by which it is called 

several of such small aggregates are grouped together under a 

common name, while these larger groups are but subdivisions of 

groups still larger which have independent names. 25 

According to Beteille caste is a small and named group of 

persons characterized by endogamy, hereditary membership, and a 

specific style of life which sometimes includes the pursuit by 

tradition of a particular occupation and is usually associated with a 

more or less distinct ritual status in a hierarchical system. 26 

According to Majumdar "if a number of people constitute a group, 

not because of physical togetherness but because they have some 

common interests and common ways of doing things, as a 

consequence of which stratification of society into higher and lower 

groups emerges, then these groups may be called status groups. If

a status group is open to entry, that is, if anybody can become its 

member by fulfilling certain prerequisite conditions, like obtaining 

a degree, or paying an admission fee, or earning a particular 

income, the status group may be called a class. The restrictions of 

the term class to mean an income group has no sociological 

sanction: such a group is properly called an economic class. If the 

recruitment is not free, that is, a status group is not open to 

anybody, but only those are its members who have certain ascribed 

attributes, which cannot be acquired by others, then it is called a 

caste." 27 G.S. Ghurye, has defined caste and enlisted its six 

outstanding characteristics: Endogamy, Hierarchy, Restrictions on 

consensual relations between castes, Restriction on choice of 

occupation, Civil and religious disabilities and Privileges of certain 

groups, and Untouchability. It follows that membership is fixed for 

life, because the individual cannot alter his caste by any effort of 

his own. Further he makes a distinction between caste societies 

and class societies by arguing that 'the status of a person in a caste 

society depended not on his wealth as in the classes of modern 

Europe, but on the traditional importance of the caste in which he 

had the luck of being born. 28

J.H. Hutton points out that caste provides the individual 

members with a fixed social milieu, a prominent body of association 

which controls almost all his behaviour and contacts. 29 

A.R. Desai has described the social structure stratified into 

the divisions identified as castes. He that writes the castes 

constituting the series were hierarchically graded and each caste 

being considered inferior to those above it and superior to those 

below it. The status of a man born in a particular caste was 

determined by the rank of that caste in this hierarchy. Once born 

in that caste his status was predetermined and immutable. His 

birth decided his status which could not be altered by any talent he 

might show or wealth he might accumulate. 30 

However, we need not go into a detailed discussion regarding 

the origin of caste system and the different theories put forth by the 

scholars regarding it. The different theories, mentioned above, 

show that only one or two factors cannot be indicated as probably 

contributing to the emergence and development of the caste system 

in India. Caste system is commonly viewed as an hierarchical 

system. It also evinces some of the properties of a segmentary 

system i.e. there are several levels of differentiation and these levels 

are related to each other in specific ways. First, membership in a

caste is by birth; second, a caste is an endogamous unit; third, 

members of each caste traditionally had an occupation or trade to 

pursue; fourth, castes are graded in a local hierarchy and fifth, 

notions of pollution and purity govern the nature and extent of the 

relationships between castes. 31 To sum-up, the caste system is a 

segmental division of society into endogamous, hereditary descent 

groups. These groups constitute a hierarchy in which the Brahmins 

occupy the top position and the Dalits the bottom one. 

Existence of caste system gives a distinctive identity to Indian 

society amongst the traditional social systems of the world. At the 

beginning, the caste system was apparently an arrangement for the 

peaceful coexistence of several clans, tribes or other social groups. 

But, with the passage of time, it developed rigidity and caste and 

communities multiplied themselves on the basis of occupation and 

other considerations. 32 The differentiations in status, based on 

caste, creed or occupation has transformed our society into 

somewhat closed stratified system. 33 Another point that caste 

system is very significant is because it was linked with various 

aspects of an individual's life i.e. economic, political, religious, legal 

and moral etc. In so far as the life of the average people is 

concerned, religious, rituals and caste obligations still matter very

much. 34 The caste system divided the whole society into a large 

number of hereditary groups, distinguished from one another and 

connected together by three characteristics i.e. 

(i) separation in matters of marriage and contact whether 

direct or indirect; 

(ii) division of labour, each group having, in theory or by 

tradition, a profession; and 

(iii) finally hierarchy, which ranks the group as relatively 

superior or inferior to one another. 35 

Thus characteristic features of the caste system are its strict 

hierarchical organization and that each caste is tied to a particular 

profession. 

The social distance between the caste groups varies from 

state to state, but generally there is well established hierarchy of 

castes that can be considered under four broad headings, namely- 

Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Shudras and such a 

stratification can be traced back to Vedas. 36 

In Rigveda period, the earliest work of the first three classes 

of society are very frequently mentioned, and named Brahma, 

Kshatra, and Visha. It is only in one of the later hymns, the 

celebrated Purushasukta, that a reference has been made to four

orders of society as emanating from the sacrifice of the primeval 

being. The names of those four orders are given there as 

Brahimana, Rajanya, Vaishya, and Shudra. 37 Further, M.N. 

Srinivas writes, "In the Rigvedic hymn Purushasukta, the four 

varna or order formed the limbs of primeval man (Purusha), who 

was victim in the divine sacrifice which produced the cosmos. The 

Brahmin emerged from his mouth, the Kshatriyas from his arms, 

the Vaishyas from his thighs and the Shudras from the feet". 38 The 

first three castes are twice born or Davija since the men from these 

castes are entitled to use the sacred thread at the Vedic rite of 

Upanayana, which the Sudras were not allowed to perform. 39 

It is not only that these four varnas have been mentioned in 

the sacred texts, but they have also been assigned their duties as 

well. The Brahmins was directed to the ritual process which was 

associated with pastoral or agricultural work, the Kshatriya 

defended the territory and also conduct fire scarifies for the 

prosperity of his subjects, the Vaishya looked after economic 

exchange of goods and service and management of livestock and 

the Shudra toiled in the field and rendered services such as 

delivering message etc. 40 It appears that the major stratification in 

term of caste was originally based on occupational division without 

a vertical social hierarchy. 41

Shudras were considered clearly inferior to the other three 

castes and were constrained to perform only menial jobs. Those 

doing menial jobs obviously had low status. A person who had a 

low status in the caste hierarchy also had low status in other 

hierarchy of the society such as economic or political. 

Since Dalits were assigned the duties of serving the other 

three Varnas, they were deprived of higher training of mind and 

were denied social status. Although in the beginning, the caste 

system was merely based upon division of labour for the purpose of 

fixing responsibility and duty, yet with the passage of time, it 

degenerated into pathogenic affairs where occupations changed 

into castes. The higher castes of the society looked down upon the 

Shudras. It was a general belief that the Dalits are part of the 

lowest of low Varnas. 

Thus for centuries Dalits have been positioned at the bottom 

of the rigid Indian caste society. People from other castes, who 

considered themselves to be higher, believe that Dalits are impure 

by birth and that their touch or sheer presence could be polluting 

hence, they are assumed to be untouchable. 42 For centuries, Dalits 

were excluded from the mainstream society and were only allowed 

to pursue menial occupations like cleaning dry latrines, sweeping,

tanning or working as landless labour for meager daily wages. 43 

Almost in whole of the ancient period, they were the people who 

cultivated the land, mended the shoes, washed the clothes, made 

the ropes, cleaned the streets and did all types of menial works. 44 

Dalits were discriminated in every sense. They lived in the 

Hindu villages hence did not have advantage of geographical 

isolation like tribes. They were to serve all classes of people around 

and had to do all the dirty jobs. They were barred to enter in 

society in every sense, they were prohibited to wear decent dress 

and ornaments besides being untouchable in every sense. . 

The first three upper castes were subsequently designated 

"dvija"- twice born, and were entitled to wear a sacred thread 

across the chest and over one shoulder as a badge of their nobility. 

They also enjoyed the exclusive privilege of studying the holy 

Vedas, the Sudras being permitted neither to open a page of sacred 

book, nor even to listen to the reading thereof. 46 

Many of the atrocities were committed in the name of religion, 

like pouring molten lead into the ears of a Dalit, who happened to 

listen to some mantra. To retain the stronghold on people, 

education, especially religious education, was the monopoly of the 

Brahmins. 47

The two great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, 

describe further deterioration of the Dalits' condition. Indeed, a 

story from the Ramayana shows how even to the Sudras had 

become degraded in the Rama's time only. The three upper castes 

were allowed to do Tapasya (Penance and meditation), when one 

Sudras by the name of Samvuka nevertheless undertook penance 

in order to attain divinity, a 15 year old Brahmin boy died as a 

result. When lord Rama came to know about this, he went to meet 

him. The ascetic replied. "O King ! I am born of Shudra caste. I 

want to attain divinity by such penance. Because I want to attain 

divinity, I will not tell lies. I am a Sudra by caste and my name is 

Samvuka."As soon as the ascetic uttered these words Lord Rama 

drew his sword and severed Samvuka's head. 48 

Another story of the Mahabharata also illustrates the 

degraded status of the Dalits. Ekalavya, an indigenous boy, had to 

have his right thumb cut off because he had learnt archery so well 

that his skill equaled that of Arjuna." 49 The point is that Dalits in 

the past had no access to education. The road to knowledge was 

closed for them. As a consequence, these castes remained socially, 

economically and educationally backward.

The higher castes of society looked down upon the Dalits. 

They gave them the title of untouchables because of their total 

exclusion. They did not allowed Dalits to enter in the temples and 

barred them from fetching the water from the common well and 

from using the common facilities. 

Thus, for years, the Dalits suffered from social injustices and 

exploitations so as to prevent them from rising above the social 

status fixed for them. The Dalits being on the lowest rung of the 

social ladder were denied entry into several occupations which were 

relatively cleaner. They were associated with a variety of specialized 

traditional occupations such as scavenging, cobbling and disposal 

of carcasses etc. 

While discussing the low position of these groups Blunt says 

'At all times, the Brahmin priesthood has endeavoured to keep 

them segregated, not only from the society, but from the Hindu 

religion and the Hindu ceremonies; they were not allowed to hear, 

much less study the Vedas; they must not enter the temples; they 

must carry on all ceremonies without using the mantras and no 

Brahmin would carry out any domestic ceremony for them. 50 

Thus, we can conclude that Dalits suffered oppression at the 

hands of the upper castes for centuries; their economic condition 

remained bad, they were educationally backward and they lacked

political skills to hold their own self against the upper caste 

leadership of the country. In brief, the low rank of the Dalits 

resulted from cumulative inequalities in economic, political and 

cultural system. 

Dalit Movements and Organizations in India 

The problem of untouchability and exploitation of Dalits in 

social, economic and political areas has been a stark reality of 

Indian society. Various efforts have been made so far by 

visionaries in this direction by launching movements and forming 

organizations to highlight and find solution of the problems of the 

Dalits in India. As a result we can see a constant growth of 

awareness among the Dalits who have started asserting their 

identity and demanding their due share in power. Here an attempt 

has been made to give an account of various Dalits movements 

and organizations in India. 

If we look at the history of Dalit movements organized in 

different parts of the country, it becomes clear that a number of 

socio-political organizations, struggles and various types of 

activities of the Dalits had emerged out of different socio-economic 

and political conditions in the past to ameliorate their wretched 

condition. 51 These movements have led to some alleviation in the

plight of the Dalits and resulted in breaking of various social 

barriers. 

A number of leaders raised their voice against the upper caste 

exploitation of the Dalits. Jyotiba Phule, E.K. Nayar, B.R. 

Ambedkar, M.K.Gandhi, Mangoo Ram etc. were particularly 

noticeable for their struggle for the Dalits. Mahatama Jyotiba Phule 

was the first leader of notice to emerge, who worked to uplift the 

Dalits and fought for their rights. 52 After Mahatama Jyotiba Phule, 

B.R. Ambedkar, well known as Constitution maker and ‘MESSIAH’ 

of Dalits, represented the Dalits at Round Table Conference in 

London. It is to be noted that before Ambedkar the personalities 

who raised their voice against the society did that from the social 

aspect but Ambedkar did the same from the social as well as 

political aspect. In 1932, British Government presented the 

‘Communal Award’ concerning the depressed classes. In this Award 

two types of vote system and separate electoral was awarded. 53 

Ambedkar wanted a guarantee for Dalits as a pre-condition of self 

rule. But M.K. Gandhi was against the separate representation of 

Dalits and he had to resort to fast unto death. Initially, Ambedkar 

was against Gandhi’s proposition. But later on they agreed with 

each other and reached at the connivance which is known as

‘Poona Pact'. 54 This pact was similar to Communal Award, more 

seats were reserved for the Dalits. But candidates were left to be 

chosen by joint electorates of both Hindu and Dalits. 

In the annals of Indian politics there have been a few 

independent Dalit movements and parties. Some of the important 

movements are chronicled below: 

Ad-Dharm Movement 

The beginning of the 20 th Century witnessed a series of 

political developments which interalia led to the formation of 

movements in different parts of colonial India. The main objective of 

these movements was to liberate the so called untouchables so that 

they could lead a life of dignity and equality with the so called twice 

born. The Ad-Dharm movement which was one of the most 

important movements of the Dalits started in 1925 under the 

direction of Mangoo Ram and other depressed class leaders. The 

first organizational meeting of the Ad-Dharm occurred in 

Jallandhar in 1925. 55 Speeches were made by Swami Shudranand, 

Vasant Rai, Thakur Chand and other lower caste leaders. The Ad- 

Dharm was contemporary to the Mahar Movement in Maharashtra 

led by B.R. Ambedkar. It was a movement which rejected 

Hinduism, Sikhism, Islam and made efforts to establish a distinct

identity of Dalit castes. The main objectives of the Ad-Dharm 

movement were to carve out an independent identity for the 

untouchables and to blot out the stigma of untouchability. Within a 

short period, it became popular in the Dalits of Punjab. However, in 

1929, the Ad-Dharm split into two factions, one the All India Ad- 

Dharm Mandal which was headed by Vasant Rai and other Ad- 

Dharm Mandal which was headed by Mangoo Ram. 56 Infact, Vasant 

Rai was lured back by Arya Samaj in 1929, but the Mangoo Ram’s 

group played an active part in the politics of Punjab for more than 

two decades. The contribution of Ad-Dharm movement was crucial. 

It helped the Dalits to seek social recognition through the process 

of cultural transformation on the one hand and spiritual 

regeneration on the other hand. 57 It carved out a new identity and 

gave them a new name. The Ad-Dharm movement succeeded in 

raising the consciousness among the down trodden people of the 

Doaba region in particular and of the entire state in general. But 

Ad-Dharm movement failed to change the attitude of the upper 

castes. Dalits continued to face discrimination and oppression. 

Independent Labour Party (ILP) 

B.R. Ambedkar himself tried to wrest space for Dalit 

emancipation at religious, social, economic and political realms. In

1936, he gave the political movement a specific focus by 

establishing the ‘Independent Labour Party’. 58 This was the first 

political party of Dalits. This was necessary because the existing 

political parties, dominated primarily by upper castes, were capable 

neither of representing the interests of the Scheduled Castes nor 

fighting for their cause. 59 The absence of any political party which 

could represent Dalits in first election of 1937 encouraged B.R. 

Ambedkar to establish Independent Labour party. It was intended 

to champion the cause of the workers and to advance the welfare of 

labouring classes and of depressed classes also. 

All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) 

In 1942, B.R. Ambedkar founded the All India Scheduled 

Caste Federation, a political organization for the Dalits. He 

reformulated his political plans. He formed a new political party the 

AISCF and limited it to the untouchables in the hope of uniting all 

the untouchables in a new battle for political power. 60 With the 

objectives of securing political rights and representation for the 

Dalit people, he established the AISCF at an All India depressed 

classes Conference in Nagpur in July 1942. 61 The AISCF, being a 

rival organization to the Congress, it used to constantly challenge 

the Congress claim to represent the Dalit interest. In the initial

period, its main area was Bombay but in a very short period it was 

spread all over India. The main purpose of AISCF was to unite the 

Dalits and fight against the untouchability. 

Republican Party of India (RPI) 

The Republican Party of India’ came into existence out of the 

All India Scheduled Caste Federation by changing latter’s name. 62 

The RPI was the first political party formed by the post Ambedkar 

leadership in India on October 03, 1957. The RPI accorded 

acceptance to the fundamental principles of the Indian 

Constitution such as justice, freedom, equality and brotherhood for 

the citizens of India. The objective of the party was to organize the 

oppressed and to fight against the atrocities committed on the 

Dalits and to get their disabilities removed. It took up many issues 

that appealed to the Dalits. It lobbyed for installing the portrait of 

B.R. Ambedkar - the Constitution maker, in the Central Hall of the 

Parliament.It also argued that idle and wasteland must go to the 

landless labourers and full justice be done under the 

untouchability Act to them. 63 The RPI initially did some good work 

and tried to get the problems of Dalits resolved. RPI played an 

important role in the formation of workers organizations, students’ 

organizations, women organizations, etc. Unfortunately the tempo

and the revolutionary zeal of the party leaders got lost in mutual 

conflicts as every leader was posing as a junior Ambedkar. 64 In this 

competition, they failed to carry forward the momentum of the Dalit 

movement which led to party's decline. After some time the party 

split in many groups. The splits in RPI had no ideological basis but 

they were due to clash of personalities and personal political 

ambitions. 65 So, the party failed to recognize and address the root 

cause of the problems of the Dalits. 

Dalit Panther Movement 

The disintegration of the ‘Republican Party of India’ created 

discontentment among the Dalits and Dalit youth in particular. The 

Dalit youth came forward and took up the task of bringing all the 

Dalits on a single platform and mobilize them for the struggle for 

their civil rights and justice. This gave rise to the Dalit Panther 

Movement in Maharashtra, 1970. The most fundamental factor 

responsible for the rise of Dalit Panthar Movement was, the 

repression and terror under which the oppressed Dalits continued 

to live in the rural area. 66 The programmes of the Dalit Panther 

Movement was incorporated into the manifesto published nearly 

one year after the formation of the Dalit Panther Movement. Their 

Manifesto stated: "All those who are victims of political, social and

economic suppression are our allies; power, money and prestige are 

our enemies." 67 The Panther Movement was based on the ideology 

of B.R. Ambadkar. But in later stages, at least a faction of the 

Panthers was found inclined to the leftist, especially the Marxist 

ideology. 68 So, the Dalit Panther Movement split and got divided 

into two parts. The Panther leaders failed to provide proper 

leadership to the movement and their slogans and aims remained 

glued to paper only. Further, no serious efforts were made by either 

of the two factions to follow the significance of issues mentioned in 

their manifesto and programmes. After the split in the movement, 

in 1974, some Panthers again united and continued the Dalit 

Panther Movement under the leadership of Arun Kamble and 

Gangadhar Gade, S.L. Virdi etc. 69 They took initiative on the 

problems of reservation and other concessions granted to the Dalits 

in various parts of the country. But the whole leadership of Panther 

Movement has in mobilizing the Dalits at large. 

Backward And Minority Communities Employees Federation 

(BAMCEF) 

In the early 1970s, Kanshi Ram emerged as a dynamic leader 

after B.R. Ambedkar who gained all India significance by 

establishing the Dalit organizations. With a handful of educated

employees from Pune and Delhi, he set up the All India Backward 

and Minority Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) in 1973 

and aspired to give it an all India dimension in the next five years. 70 

For some years the BAMCEF was working informally until Kanshi 

Ram launched it formally on 6 Dec. 1978 in Delhi. 71 Kanshi Ram 

made the BAMCEF ‘A Pool of Brains, Talents and Funds’. 72 The 

basic object of this organization, which consisted of educated Dalits 

who had been able to make use of the fruits of government policies, 

was to pay back to the more oppressed and exploited section of the 

society to which they belonged. The BAMCEF, consisting of 

government employees did not launch rallies but only held 

seminars. In the political field the main function of the BAMCEF 

was to supply the funds and dedicated workers to the Bahujan 

Samaj Party, which was founded in the early eighties. 

Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharash Samiti (DS-4) 

Although BAMCEF was regarded by some as a pool of Brains, 

talents and funds, it kept a low profile because of service rules 

restrictions on public employees. For the furtherance of its 

objective, Kanshi Ram proceeded to set up a new organization 

known as Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharash Samiti on Dec. 6 1981, 73 

as a non political agitational arm of his movement. It’s primary

purpose was to create awareness among the Dalits. The DS-4 

consisted mostly of students, unemploymed professionals like 

engineers, lawyers etc. who provided local leadership. 74 The DS-4 

was initially conceived as a non-political body, but it soon became a 

political organization. The DS-4 tested the political water by 

contesting the election of Haryana Assembly in 1982, Delhi 

Metropolitan Council and Corporation in 1982 and also of Jammu 

& Kashmir Assembly election in 1983. 75 None of the DS-4 

candidates won in these elections. But it encouraged the Dalits and 

Dalit leaders to strive for getting their share in political power. 

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) 

The rise in the political standing of any party can be equated 

with the rise of the political fortunes of its leaders. 76 Having gained 

political experience and using the BAMCEF and DS-4 as base 

organization, Kanshi Ram decided to lay the foundation of political 

party, the BSP on April 14, 1984 on the birth anniversary of B.R. 

Ambedkar to fulfill the political aspirations of the Dalit people. 77 

The party adopted Ambedkar’s ideology and soon became the 

political voice of the Dalits in India. BSP gave a new hope to 

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in creating a strong 

platform in Indian politics under the leadership of their own 

community leaders.

In Punjab, the influence of the BSP as a political force was felt 

during the February 1992 Assembly elections when it managed to 

capture 9 seats, thus becoming the main opposition party in the 

Vidhan Sabha. The BSP candidates were runner up in 34 seats. 79 It 

also won a Lok Sabha seat in February 1992 elections. 

With the November 1993 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, 

Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan, Kanshi Ram 

led BSP emerged as a political force at the national level to be 

reckoned with. Especially in Uttar Pradesh the BSP-SP alliance who 

won a majority of the seats to form the government. These elections 

showed an upward mobility among the downtrodden of India. It 

raised the prospects of BSP to further strengthen its influence. 

The BSP leaders in the beginning believed that any seat 

sharing arrangement with its rival political parties might weaken its 

stance on the depressed classes. 80 But in the later years, it has 

done exactly the opposite. The BSP unhesitatingly indulged in 

compromises for the sake of maximizing their political gains. The 

1993 Uttar Pradesh state elections, the formation of BSP-SP 

coalition government and its subsequent demise and BSP-BJP 

combine are vivid examples of such a flexible political strategy. 81 

BSP has been successful in a rather short span of time in 

arousing a marked socio-political consciousness among the

ackward and depressed classes about their degrading status. The 

BSP commands considerable influence among the Dalits living in 

urban and rural areas of North India. Dalits were the traditional 

vote bank of the Congress and now they seem to have shifted the 

affiliation from the Congress and other upper caste parties. 

These were some movements and parties who raised their 

voice against the upper caste and against the social and political 

exploitation of the Dalits. But at the same time there have been 

other numerous small and large organizations of Dalits all over the 

country such as: Self Respect Movement, the Dalit Sangharsh 

Samiti in Karnataka, Indian Dalit Federation in Kerala, Dalit Maha 

Sabha and Dalit Sena in Andhra Pradesh etc. which have been 

playing significant role to raise the consciousness among the 

Dalits. However, none of these could make a recognizable impact. 

Constitutional Safeguards for the Dalits 

During the British rule in India, the problem of the Dalit 

became of focus of law and politics, and soon after Independence, a 

vigorous campaign was launched to bring an end to the age old 

problem and ensure the enforcement of equality and justice both in 

law and fact. 82 

The Constituent Assembly, prepared the Indian Constitution 

with the hope that it would bring about social revolution in the

country. The social revolution hoped to get India out of the 

medievalism based on birth, religion, custom and community and 

reconstruct social structure on modern foundations of law, 

individual merit and secular education. 83 

The main aim of our Constitution is to provide equality and 

justice. Although, India is a country of institutionalized inequalities 

but our Constitution abolished any discrimination to any class. The 

principle of equality in a democracy indeed, can work only if the 

nation as a whole is brought on the same level. 84 Our Constitution 

therefore, provides certain temporary measures to help the 

backward sections to come up to the same level with the rest of the 

nation, as well as certain permanent safeguards for the protection 

of the cultural, linguistic and similar rights of any section of the 

community who might be said to constitute minority from the 

numerical, not communal, point of view. 85 To accord protection to 

the needy, the Constitution provides mechanism in the form of 

reservation. By providing reservation the state can take positive 

action to uplift the down-trodden and remove unequal treatment 

arising from social, economic and political conditions of the society. 

Our Constitution has provided many securities and 

protections to the Dalits. It was done with a view to ensure social 

progress to those sections of people who were kept under

conditions of backwardness and oppression in all spheres of life 

due to some historic reasons. 

Article-14 of Indian Constitution which provides equality 

before law - The state shall not deny to any person equality before 

the law or the equal protection of the law within the territory of 

India. 86 

Further, in Article 15, the state prohibits the discrimination 

on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. 87 This 

Article seems to be the first Article which indicates the reservation 

for Dalits. It provides that the state can make special provisions for 

the upliftment of any socially and educationally backward classes 

of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes some 

selected people and nothing in the Constitution comes in 

contradiction to this provision. Thus Article 15 provides the 

foundation for incorporating Reservation in the Constitutions 

framework. 

We all know how, due to distinct historical happenings, a 

major group of our society has been left behind in the race for 

development that the Indian community, in general, has achieved 

so far. A large section of people of the India have been regarded as 

untouchables. It is well known fact that Dalits had to suffer

generation after generation, apart from all other factors, the social 

venum of untouchabilty. The Constitution of India abolished 

untouchabilty with a stroke of the pen through Article 17. 88 

According to Article 17 of the Constitution untouchability 

abolished and the practice of untouchability in any form is 

forbidden. This Article really provides a big support for the Dalits to 

proclaim their equality to others. 

Articles 29 is no less important, while either provision provide 

upliftment to the downtrodden. This Article provides them the 

freedom to conserve their own ways of living. Any section of the 

citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having 

a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right 

to conserve the same. 89 This is the Article which gives India its 

prime cultural feature-the "unity within diversity". Clause (2) of 

Article 29 says that no citizen shall be denied admission to any 

educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out 

of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or 

any of them. 

Article 46 has been framed with the particular attention paid 

to the promotion of educational and economic interests of 

Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the weaker sections. It 

says: The state shall promote with special care the educational and

economic interests of the weaker section of the people, and in 

particular of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and shall 

protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. 90 

Political reservation as a means to emancipate the backward 

sections of Indian society from the age old bondage was not given 

recognition during the 19th century. It was only after the Act of 

1919 that the depressed classes acquired the status of an 

important political entity. 91 

After Independence, it was thought that the interests of the 

Dalits could be secured by their representatives in the State 

Legislative Assemblies and Parliament–which is the supreme law 

making body of the country. Article 330 & 332 were incorporated 

with this view in the mind. These Articles provide for the 

reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in 

the House of People (Lok Sabha) and State Legislative Assemblies. 

The reservation of seats in the Parliament and State Assemblies are 

given as per the population of the Dalits. But It is noted that there 

is no reservation of seats in the indirectly elected upper Houses i.e. 

Rajya Sabha in the Centre and Vidhan Parisad (wherever they are 

present) in the States.

However, Article 334 of the Constitution provided that the 

reservation of seats for Dalits in the House of the People and in the 

Legislative Assembly of each state shall cease to have any effect on 

the expiration of a period of ten years from the commencement of 

the Constitution. Though the reservation of seats in Parliament and 

state legislative Assemblies was to come to an end in the year 1960 

but the politically motivated decisions of political bosses were 

successful in getting Articles 330,332 and 334 amended after ever 

ten years. Each amendment in these Articles extended the period of 

reservation of seats in the House of People and Legislative 

Assemblies for a further period of ten years without giving a 

thought whether the really down trodden have been able to get any 

representation or not. 

To secure their position in the administration, the claims of 

the Dalits for the service of the posts in the administration have 

been made acceptable under Article 335. The Constitution makes 

the people belonging to these classes able to influence each and 

every part of the governance system so as to make them able to 

guard their interest. 

There shall be special officer for SC, and STs to be appointed 

by the President. It should be the duty to the officer to investigate

all maters relating to the safeguards provided for the SCs and STs 

under the Constitution. It has been provided in Article 338 of the 

Constitution that all matters relating to the safeguards provided to 

SCs will be reported to this officer, who, in turn, will report the 

same to the President. Further, Article 340 provides for the 

appointment of a Commission which will investigate the conditions 

of backward classes in the country. The President can as he thinks 

fit, appoint such a Commission which shall exercise the powers 

and the Jurisdictions as given by the President. 

After Independence and proclamation of the Constitution, the 

list of Scheduled Castes in India was notified by the President, in 

accordance with the provisions of Articles 366 and 341 of the 

Constitution. Article 366 of the Constitution gives the meaning of 

the word 'Scheduled Castes'. Scheduled Castes means such castes, 

races or tribes or parts of groups within sub-castes races or tribes 

as are deemed under Article 341 to be Scheduled Castes for the 

purpose of this Constitution. 92 

Thus, the Constitution of India deals minutely with each and 

every aspect of the life and problems of the people belonging to 

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes or the Dalits. Basically, 

the Indian Constitution does not recognize any religion or caste. It

aims at creating equality among all Indians. Provisions were made 

for the upliftment of the weaker sections of the society so that they 

may be brought at par with other sections of the society and they 

do not feel handicapped. 

Reservation of seats, right from village Panchayat upto the 

level of the Parliament has integrated the Scheduled Castes into the 

political mainstream of the nation. 

The efforts of social reformers and the adoption of various 

Constitutional measures, legal and governmental policies and 

programmes, have helped to bring about a certain amount of 

development and change among the Dalits. Reservation was 

primarily introduced to give adequate representation to the Dalits 

in Legislatures and services for to the simple reason that the 

society had ignored this section for countries. 

In other words, this is a protective or positive discrimination 

to create equality. This was all together a new approach to the 

problem. True, these efforts positively contributed to the welfare of 

Dalits community. But if seen in relation to the overall development 

of our economy, polity and societal progress, they are yet to come 

on par with the rest of the society. We speak of democracy equality, 

etc. but even today about 24 per cent of downtrodden people in our 

country are deprived of real freedom and equality. Members of the

this section are living as untouchables and like second class 

citizens, and at many places they are worse than animals. At some 

places, even today, they are prohibited to draw water from the 

common wells and visit temples or places of worship. 

When India attained freedom and a new era began in the 

history of our nation, it was but natural for all the people, 

particularly the Dalits, to feel that life would be much better for 

them in a free India. But no freedom from poverty, discrimination 

and social castigation came to them. When the Constitution of an 

independent India was framed; social economic and religious 

freedom was the right of every citizen. There was to be no 

discrimination on the basis of caste or religion. All are equal in the 

eyes of law. Most of the provisions of the Constitution have 

remained only on paper because their implementation has been 

faulty, half hearted and inadequate. Inequality, discrimination, 

exclusion and stigmatization can jointly contribute to the utter 

marginalization of scavengers in India. 93 Thus, Dalits got freedom 

from the bondage of the British Raj but they are still slaves of 

tradition. 

No doubt, India has a rich and glorious cultural legacy to feel 

proud of. But there is no doubt, that it is the only county in the 

world where the social discrimination is perpetuated on the lower

castes by the higher castes on caste and religious grounds. 94 Most 

members of the lower castes, share the stigma of untouchability 

they are frequently denied the chance to eat, smoke or even sit with 

members of the upper castes, and they often must use separate 

wells from those maintained for the use of others. 95 These 

injustices are sanctioned more or less by religion, but there are 

others, more extreme, that go entirely beyond religious approval; 

begar-forced labour for instance, and the sexual abuse to which 

many lower caste wives and daughters are subjected. 96 Caste based 

discrimination and atrocities against Dalit communities have 

increased all over India that lead to the bloody and brutal killing of 

Dalits many a times. 

The Constitutional safeguards and legislation in pursuit of 

positive discrimination in favour of the Dalits have made some dent 

into the malpractices in the society but only marginally. The caste 

based discriminations ranging from untouchability to sexual 

exploitation of Dalit women are still containing. The Dalit 

organizations and political parties like the BSP have played a role 

in organizing Dalits to assert their separate political identity but 

not all sections of the Dalits have been benefited socially, 

economically and politically. The next chapter tries to highlight the 

status of the Dalits in one of the economically better off states of 

India i.e. Punjab.

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1. K.S. Shukla and B.M. Verma, Development of Scheduled 

Castes and Administration, Upper Publishing House, New 

Delhi, 1993, p.3. 

2. R.K. Kshirsagar, Dalit Movements in India and its Leaders, 

M.D. Publishers, New Delhi, 1994, p.1. 

3. M.N. Srinivas, Caste in Modern India and Other Essays, Asia 

Publication house, New Delhi., 1977, p. 42. 

4. Eleanor Zelliot, 'Gandhi and Ambedkar, in J Michael Mahar 

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Arizona Press, Arizona, 1972. p. 95. 

5. B.R. Ambedkar, What Congress and Gandhi have done to the 

untouchables, Thacker and Co. limited, Bombay, 1946. p. 1 

6. Eleanor Zelliot, op. cit., p. 95. 

7. S.N. Singh, Reservation Policy for Backward Classes, Rawat 

Publication, Jaipur, 1996, p. 2. 

8. J. Murdoch, Review of Caste in India, Rawat Publication, 

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9. Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchious, Vikas Publication, Delhi, 

10. Ibid. 

1966, p. 21. 

11. Ranjit Rajadhyaksha, Encyclopaedia of Social Problems and 

Social Change, Vol-I. Dominant Publisher, New Delhi, 2004, 

p. 235. 

12. Ibid.

13. Sunder Lal Sagar, Hindu Culture and Caste System, Uppal 

14. Ibid. 

Book Store, Delhi, 1975. p. 32. 

15. Iravati Karve, Hindu Society- An Interpretation, Decan College, 

Poona, 1961. p. 78 

16. G.S. Ghurey, Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan 

Bombay, 1969, p. 309. 

17. Ibid. p. 18. 

18. Ekta Singh, Caste System in India, Kalpaz Publication, Delhi, 

2005, p. 22. 

19. Ranjit Rajadhyaksha, op. cit. p. 236. 

20. Anil Bhatt, Caste, Class and Politics, Manohar Book Service, 

Delhi, 1975, p. 14. 

21. Ekta Singh, op. cit., pp. 33-36 

22. S.K. Chatterjee, The Scheduled Castes in India,Vol. I, Gyan 

Publishing House, New Delhi,1996, p. 11. 

23. Sunder Lal Sagar, op. cit., p. 37. 

24. The problem, Seminar, N0. 70, June, 1965. 

25. H.H. Risley quoted by S.K. Chatterjee, op. cit. p. 17. 

26. S.V. Ketkar, History of Castes in India, Rawat Publications, 

Jaipur, 1979, p.15. 

27. Andre Beteille, Caste, Class and Power-Changing Pattern of 

Stratification in a Tanjore Village, University of California 

Press, Berkeley, 1965. p. 46.

28. D.N. Majumdar, An Introduction to Social Anthropology, Asia 

Publishing house, 1956, p. 221. 

29. G.S. Ghurye, op. cit., pp. 1-5. 

30. J.H. Hutton., Caste in India: Its Nature, Function, and Origins, 

Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1983, p.47 

31. A.R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular 

Parkashan Bombay, 1976, p. 241. 

32. G.K. Karnath, "Caste in contemporary India" in M.N. Srinivas, 

Caste-its Twentieth Century Avtar, Penguin Books India, New 

Delhi, 1996, p. 88. 

33. S.N. Singh, op.cit. p.35. 

34. K.S. Shukla and B.M. Verma, op. cit., p.1. 

35. C.N. Venugopal, Religion and Indian Society - A Sociological 

Perspective, Gyan Publishers, New Delhi, 1998, p. 36. 

36. Ranjit Rajadhyaksha, op. cit., p. 235. 

37. S. Srinivasm and Sanjay Kumar. "Economic and Caste 

Criteria in Definition of Backwardness", Economic and Political 

Weekly. Vol. XXXIV, No. 16, 1999, p. 3052. 

38. G.S. Ghurey, op. cit., p. 44. 

39. M.N. Srinivas, op. cit., pp. 150-51. 

40. Ranjit Rajadhyaksha, op. cit. p. 235. 

41. C.N. Venogopal. op. cit., p. 37. 

42. S. Srinivasm and Sanjay Kumar, op. cit., p. 3052.

43. Michael Kropac, "Working Paper Series", ICSSR, November, 

44. Ibid. 

2005, p. 1. 

45. Sanjay Paswan and Paramanshi Jaideva, Encyclopeadia of 

Dalits In India, Vol. I, Kalpaz Publishers, Delhi, 2002, p.12. 

46. G.K. Ghosh and Shukla Ghosh, Dalit Women, A.P.H. 

Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1997, p. 4. 

47. John Camphell Oman, Religious Festivals and Caste system 

in India, Khanna Publishers, New Delhi, 2003, p. 30. 

48. Bhai Ashok Singh, "Contribution of Guru Nanak to the Indian 

Social and Religious thought", Abstract of Sikh Studies, Vol, X. 

Issue 1, Jan-March, 2008, p. 49 

49. James, Massey, Down Trodden, the Struggle of Indian Dalits 

for Identity, Solidarity and Liberation, WCC Publication, 

Geneva, 1997, p. 13 

50. Ibid. p. 14 

51. E. A.H. Blunt, Caste System of Northern India, S. Chand & 

Company, Delhi. 1969. p. 336. 

52. Vivek Kumar, Dalit Leadership in India, Kalpaz Publications, 

Delhi, 2002, p. 20. 

53. Sanjay Paswan & Paramanshi Jaideva, op. cit., p. 12. 

54. G.S. Lakhande, Bhim Rao Ramji Ambedkar – A Study in Social 

Democracy, Intellectual Publishing House, New Delhi, 

1982, p. 16. 

55. Sanjay Paswan & Paramanshi Jaideva, op. cit., p. 246.

56. Mark Juergensmeyer, Religious Rebels in Punjab : Social 

Vision of Untouchability, Ajanta Publication, Delhi, 1988, p. 

39. 

57. Ronki Ram, "Untouchability, Dalit Consciousness and the Ad- 

dharm movement in Punjab", Contribution to Indian sociology, 

March, 2004, p. 329. 

58. Ibid, p. 347. 

59. Prakash Louis, Political Sociology of Dalit Assertion, Gyan 

Publishing House, Delhi, 1997, p. 156. 

60. P.G. Jogdand, Dalit Movement in Maharashtra, Kanak 

Publishing, New Delhi, 1991, p. 56. 

61. Prakash Louis, op. cit., p. 56. 

62. T Triputi Rao & Y.B. Abbasayulu, "Harijan Movement", in 

B.A.V, Sharma & K.M. Reddy (ed.), Reservation Policy in India, 

Light and Life Publication, New Delhi, 1982, p. 266. 

63. Sanjay Paswan and Paramanshi Jaideva, op. cit., p. 315. 

64. Sudha Pai, Dalit Assertion and Unfinished Democratic 

Revolution : The BSP in U.P., Sage Publication, New Delhi, 

2002, p. 76. 


66. T. Tripathi Rao & Y.B. Abbasayulu, op. cit., p. 267. 


68. P.G. Jagdand, op. cit., p. 65. 

69. T. Tripathi Rao & Y.B. Abbasayulu, op. cit., p. 267.

70. S.L. Virdi, Punjab Da Dalit Itihas (in Punjabi), Dalit Sahit 

Academy, Punjab Phagwara, 2000, p. 137. 

71. Farhat Parveen, "The Rise of Bahujan Samaj Party", in 

Varinder Grover & Rajanan Arora (ed.), India Fifty Years of 

Independence 1947-97, Vol. 2, Deep & Deep Publication, New 

Delhi, 1997, p. 87. 

72. Sudha Pai, op. cit., p. 104. 

73. Farhat Parveen, op. cit., p. 88. 

74. S.L. Virdi, op. cit., p. 288. 

75. Sudha Pai, op. cit., p. 107. 


77. Ibid., p. 86. 

78. Vivek Kumar, op. cit., p. 165. 


80. Paramjit S. Judge, "Green Revolution and Bahujan Samaj 

Party in Punjab", in Paramjit S. Judge and S. K. Sharma (ed.), 

Dimensions of Social Changes, Rawat Publication, New Delhi, 

1997, p. 64. 


82. N.S. Gehlot, "The Plight of Human Rights of Untouchables 

and Dalits in India : Some Areas are to be Focused" in Zenab 

Banu (ed). Decline and Fall of Indian Politics, Kanisha 

Publishers, New Delhi, 1999, p.214. 

83. Graville Austin, The Indian Constitution : Cornerstone of a 

Nation, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1972, p. 26

84. D.D. Basu, Introduction to the Indian Constitution, (6th 

85. Ibid. 

edition), Wadhwa & Company Law Publishers, New Delhi, 

2001, p. 327. 

86. Mahendra P. Singh, Constitution of India, Eastern Book 

Company, Lucknow, 2001, p. 37 

87. D.D. Basu, op. cit., p. 81 

88. K.D. Purane, Untouchability and Law - the Ground Reality, 

Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2001, p. 41. 

89. G.K. Ghosh and Shukla Ghosh, op. cit., p. 34. 

90. Mahendra, P. Singh, op. cit., p. 309. 

91 Supra Note, 1, p. 37. 

91. K.D. Purane, op. cit., p. 40 

92. Emanual Nahar, "Restoration of Human Right and Dignity to 

Dalits", Mainstream, Vol. XLV, April 21, 2007, p. 13 

93. N.S. Gehlot, op. cit., p. 214. 

94. Mark Juergensmeyer, op. cit., p. 14. 

95. Ibid.

CHAPTER – II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF DALITS

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