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REPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL 

SYSTEMS 

Section on Representation and Electoral Systems 

© The American Political Science Association 

Rockefeller College 

State University of New York at Albany 

135 Western Avenue 

Albany, New York 12222 

Vol. XXIII, No. 2 Editor: Joseph F. Zimmerman (zimmer@albany.edu) April 2008 

SECTION WEB SITE 

Webmaster Erik Herron of the University of Kansas reports the Section’s Website 

is functioning and can be accessed at http://www.apsanet.org/~res/ The site contains 

back issues of Representation and Electoral Systems with the exception of the current 

issue which is available only to Section members, and links to related sites in other 

nations. 

SECTION PANELS 

Program Chair Matthew Golder of the Florida State University has announced the 

Section-sponsored panels at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science 

Association in Boston, August 28-31, 2008. 

Panel 1: Co-sponsored with Comparative Democratization 

Panel Title: “Changing Perspectives on Party System Institutionalization in New Democracies 

Panel Chair 

Richard Gunther (Ohio State) 

Panel Discussant 

Dr. Herbert Kitschelt (Duke) 

Panel Participants 

Michael Bernhard (Penn State) and Ekrem Karakoc (Penn State), “Moving West or 

Going South? Inequality and Institutionalization in Post-Communist Party Systems.” 

Scott Mainwaring (Notre Dame) and Carlos Gervasoni (Notre Dame), “Extra System 

Electoral Volatility and Party System Institutionalization.” 

Steven I. Wilkinson (Chicago), “How Colonial Legacies of Party Competition Affect 

Post-independence Levels of Democracy.” 

Margit Tavits (Wash. U.), “Party Organizations and Electoral Performance in Central and 

Eastern Europe.”

Panel 2: Co-sponsored with Elections and Voting Behavior 

Panel Title: New Issues in Voter Turnout: Americanists meet Comparativists 

Panel Chair 

Harold D. Clarke (UT Dallas) 

Panel Discussants 

Dr. Brad T. Gomez (FSU) 

Miki Caul Kittilson (Arizona State) 

2 


Jan E. Leighley (Arizona) and Jonathan Nagler (NYU), “Issues, Voter Turnout and Class 

Bias in the U.S., 1972-2004.” 

Jack Vowles (Exeter), “Turnout, Competitiveness, Age, and Generations in British 

Elections, 1964-2005.” 

Eric C.C. Chang (Michigan State) and Tse-Hsin Chen (Michigan State) 

“Uncovering the Micro-foundation of Turnout and Electoral Systems.” 

Jean-Francois Godbout (Simon Fraser) and Mathieu Turgeon (UNT), “A Matter of 

Degree: Policy Preferences and the Probability to Vote.” 

Aina Gallego (Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona), “Why is Turnout More Unequal in 

Some Countries Than in Others? The Impact of Institutions and Political Mobilization.” 

Panel 3: Co-sponsored with Comparative Democratization 

Panel Title: Dictators, Citizens, and Elections 

Panel Chair 

Ellen M. Lust-Okar (Yale) 


Susan Dayton Hyde (Yale) 

Jennifer Gandhi (Emory) 


Andrew Barwig (Denver), “Electoral Rules and Electoral Participation in Arab 

Parliamentary Elections.” 

Henry A. Kim (Arizona), Nathan Batto (University of the Pacific), and Faten Ghosn 

(Arizona), “Wringing More Seats out of Votes: the Case of Jordan” 

Sarah Birch (Essex), “Electoral System Manipulation in Non- and Semi-Democracies” 

Philip Roessler (Oxford) and Marc Howard (Georgetown), “Risking Defeat: Explaining 

Electoral Contestation in Authoritarian Regimes.” 

Graeme Robertson (UNC) and Grigore Pop-Eleches (Princeton), “Elections, Revolution 

And Democracy in the Post-Cold War Era.”

Panel 4: Co-sponsored with Comparative Politics of Advanced Industrialized Societies 

Panel Title: Representation in Parliamentary Systems. 

Panel Chair Matt Golder (FSU) 


Royce A Carroll (Rice) 

Michael D. McDonald (Binghamton) 

3 


Professor G. Bingham Powell Jr. (Rochester), “Party System Change and Ideological 

Congruence.” 

Jay K. Dow (Missouri). “Party Dispersion in Majoritarian and Proportional Electoral 

Systems.” 

Paul V. Warwick (Simon Fraser), “Bilateralism or the Median Mandate? An Examination 

of Rival Perspectives on Democratic Governance.” 

Lawrence Ezrow (Essex), “Party Responsiveness to Men and Women in Western Europe: 

Do Parties Respond Equally to the Policy Preferences of Men and Women?” 

Panel 5: Co-sponsored with Women and Politics 

Panel Title: Electoral Institutions and Female Representation 

Panel Chair Janet K. Boles (Marquette) 


Rob Salmond (Michigan) 

Karen Beckwith (Case Western) 


Dr. Melody Ellis Valdini (Portland State) and Lisa Baldez (Dartmouth), 

“Existence is not Enough: A Comparative Study of Gender Quota Implementation.” 

Andrew Roberts (Northwestern), “The Effect of Electoral Rules on Women’s 

Representation: Surprising Results.” 

Burt L. Monroe (Penn State) and Elena Kirtcheva (Penn State), “He Said, She Said: 

Feminine Pronouns and the Parliamentary Representation of Female Points of View.” 

Christina Xydias (Ohio State), “(Gender) Quota Vadit?: Electoral Institutions and 

Concepts of Representation in Germany.” 

Robert G. Moser (UT Austin) and Stephanie Holmsten (UT Austin), “Do Ethnic Parties 

Discriminate Against Women?” 

Panel 6: 

Panel Title: Politics of Electoral Reform 

Panel Chair 

David M. Farrell (Manchester) 


Richard S. Katz (Johns Hopkins) 

Kenneth R. Benoit (Trinity College)

4 


Jih-wen Lin (Academia Sinica), “The Endogenous Change of the Electoral System: The 

Case of SNTV.” 

Shaheen Mozaffar (Bridgewater State), “Context, Contingency and Choice in Electoral 

System Reform.” 

Alan J. Renwick (Oxford), “The Politics of Electoral Reform in Established 

Democracies.” 

Georg Lutz (Lausanne), “Explaining the introduction of PR: non-strategic actors, unfair electoral 

competition and the need for political coordination.” 

Panel 7: Co-sponsored with Elections and Voting Behavior 

Panel Title: ID Requirements and Voter Turnout 

Panel Chair 

Richard Sobel (Harvard) 


Jonathan Nagler (NYU) 

Richard Sobel (Harvard) 


Matt A. Barreto (University of Washington), Stepehn Nuno (UC Irvine), and Gabriel 

Sanchez (University of New Mexico), “The Disproportionate Impact of Photo Identification 

Requirements on the Indiana Electorate.” 

Jonathan N. Katz (Caltech), “The Effect of Voter Identification Laws on Turnout.” 

David Anderson (Rutgers), “A Peek Inside: How Provisional Ballots Can Cast Light 

Upon Voter ID and Turnout.” 

Stephen D. Ansolabehere (MIT), “The Voting Experience in the 2008 Presidential 

Primary Elections.” 

Marjorie R. Hershey (Indiana, Bloomington), “Costs of Voting: Effects on Turnout.” 

Panel 8: Co-sponsored with Comparative Politics of Advanced Industrialized Societies 

Panel Title: Voter Turnout: Who Votes and Why? 

Panel Chair 

Melanie Goodrich (NYU) 


Robert A. Jackson (FSU) 

Timothy Hellwig (Houston) 


Todd Donovan (Western Washington University) and Caroline Tolbert (Iowa), “The 

Political Context of Learning: Electoral Competition and Turnout of Less Interested Citizens.” 

Marina Costa Lobo (Universidade de Lisboa) and Michael Lewis-Beck (Iowa), “Party 

Identification vs. Ideology in Portugal: Evidence from the 2005 Legislative and the 2006 

Presidential Elections.”

5 

Lee Ann Banaszak (Penn State) and Ekrem Karakoc (Penn State), “Revisiting Bonding 

and Bridging Associations in Ethnically Diverse Societies: Their Differential Effect on Political 

Participation.” 

Jae-Jae Spoon (Iowa) and Christian Jensen (Iowa), “Moving Beyond Turnout: The 

Effects of Compulsory Voting on Governments and Policy Outcomes.” 

Vincent A. Mahler (Loyola University, Chicago) and Sarah Skowronski, “Exploring the 

Sources of Cross-National Variation in Electoral Turnout: An Empirical Analysis of the 

Developed Countries.” 

Panel 9: 

Panel Title: Re-Examining Strategic Voting 

Panel Chair 

Bernard N. Grofman (UC Irvine) 


Pradeep Chhibber (Berkeley) 

R. Kenneth Carty (UBC) 


Bernard Dolez (CERAPS), Annie Laurent (CERAPS), and Eric Dubois (CERAPS). 

Michael F. Meffert (Mannheim) and Thomas Gschwend (Mannheim), “Strategic 

Coalition Voting. Evidence from Austria.” 

Jungug Choi (Konkuk University), “The Extent and Determinants of Strategic Voting: 

The 2004 Indian General Elections.” 

Jiyoon Kim (Montreal), “Decision Under Two Ballots: Strategic Voting Behaviour of 

Korean Electorates.” 

Panel 10: 

Panel Title: Electoral Coordination and Volatility 

Panel Chair 

Kenneth W. Kollman (Michigan) 


Indridi Haukur Indridason (Oxford/UC Riverside) 

Won-Ho Park (Florida) 


Heather Stoll (UCSB) and Allen Hicken (Michigan), “Legislative Policy-Making 

Authority and Electoral Coordination in Parliamentary Democracies.” 

Eitan Tzelgov (Penn State), “Party System Inflation in Proportional Representation 

Democracies.” 

Frank C. Thames (Texas Tech), Dennis Patterson (Texas Tech) and Joe Robbins (Texas 

Tech), “The Institutional Causes of Electoral Volatility.” 

Jon Fraenkel (Australian National University), “Neo-Patrimonialism, Unbounded Politics 

or Personal Rule? An Investigation of Parliamentary Instability & Incumbent Turnover in postindependence 

Melanesia.”

Panel 11: Co-sponsored with Women and Politics 

Panel Title: Gender Quotas and Women’s Political Representation 

Panel Chair 

Richard E. Matland (Loyola University, Chicago) 


Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer (University of Missouri, Columbia) 

Richard E. Matland (Loyola University, Chicago) 

6 


Petra Meier (Antwerp), “Do Gender Quotas Have an Impact? Explaining the Increasing 

Number of Women in Belgian Politics.” 

Gretchen M. Bauer (Delaware), “Better Governors? The Impact of Women MPs on 

Governance in Africa.” 

Jennifer Marie Piscopo (UCSD), “The Framing and Articulation of Women’s Rights in 

Argentina: Evidence from Legislative Debates.” 

Aparna Thomas (Cornell College), “Formal and Informal Institutions: Gender and 

Participation in the Panchayati Raj.” 

Susan Franceschet (Calgary) and Mona Krook (Wash. U.), “Measuring the Impact of 

Quotas on Women’s Substantive Representation: Towards a Conceptual Framework.” 

Panel 12: Co-sponsored with the law and Political process Study Group 

Panel Title: Debating Rules for Presidential Elections: Primaries and the Electoral College 

Panel Chair 

Mark Rush, Washington and Lee University 


Vikram, Amar, Hastings College of Law 

Bruce Cain, University of California, Berkeley 

Daniel Lowenstein, University of California, Los Angeles 

Steven Smith, Washington University 

Posters 

Josh Ryan (University of Colorado, Boulder), “The Relationship Between State 

Redistricting Methods and House Member Ideology.” 

Shigeo Hirano (Columbia University), “Direct and Indirect Representation.” 

Frank C. Thames (Texas Tech University) and Margaret Susan Williams (Goucher 

College), “Political Context and Party Gender Quotas in the OECD.” 

Paulina Pospieszna (University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa), “Government Responsiveness 

in Central and Eastern Europe:Relating Median Voter and Government Policy Preferences.” 

Ko Maeda (University of North Texas), “The Behavioral Differences between Ruling 

Parties and Opposition Parties: Policy Shifts, Leadership Changes, and Splits.” 

Ray Christensen (Brigham Young University), “Democratic Reversals, A Study of 

Electoral Outcomes that Differ from the Intent of the Voters.” 

Michael J. Ensley (Indiana University) and Edward G. Carmines (Indiana University, 

Bloomington), “The Long-term Consequences of Competitive House Campaigns.”

SECTION TREASURER REPORT 

7 

Professor Bonnie M. Meguid of the University of Rochester assumed the role of 

Section Treasurer/Secretary as of September 2007. Because the account information was 

not available at the time of the annual business meeting held during the 2007 annual 

meeting of the American Political Science Association, she submits a “mid-year” 

Treasurer’s Report on the state of the section’s finances as of January 31, 2008. 

American Political Science Association 

Representation and Electoral Systems Organized Section 

Treasurer's Report (July 2007 - January 2008) 

1. Beginning Balance $5,701.63 [6/30/07] 

2. Income Since July 2007 

3. Expenses Since July 2007 

Quarterly Section Member Dues $248.00 [8/02/2007] 

Quarterly Section Member Dues $138.00 [10/17/2007] 

Mailing Label Sales $67.82 [8/02/2007] 

TOTAL INCOME $453.82 

2007 Award Plaques $541.26 

New Checks for the Account $30.00 

TOTAL EXPENSES $571.26 

4. Balance as of 31 January 2008 $5,584.19 

Respectfully Submitted, 

Bonnie M. Meguid 

Section Treasurer

8 

She notes “our income derives mainly from section membership dues. According 

to APSA’s count in January, our current membership is 379. We need to maintain a 

membership of at least 250 per quarter in order to retain APSA’s Organized Section 

status, which includes the right to be part of the official Program Committee of the 

Annual Meeting. This report also shows that our expenditures have exceeded our 

income, but by only a small amount; this has been the pattern over the last 18 months. 

SECTION BYLAWS 

I. NAME AND PURPOSE OF SECTION 

The name of this section is the Section on Representation and Electoral Systems of the 

American Political Science Association. The purposes of this section are to promote 

teaching and research in the areas of representation and electoral systems, and to 

encourage communication among persons interested in these fields within the 

Association and with related disciplines. 

II. MEMBERSHIP 

Section 1. Membership in the Section is open to all persons with an interest in 

Representation and Electoral Systems who pay the annual section dues and their associate 

or regular American Political Science Association dues. 

Section 2. Annual section dues may be established at the annual meeting of 

the section and are payable at the time of payment of associate or regular American 

Political Science Association dues. 

Section 3. The annual meeting of the section will be held in conjunction with 

the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association. The announcement of 

the section’s annual meeting will be published in the printed annual meeting program of 

the Association. 

III. GOVERNANCE 

Section 1. An executive committee consisting of eight members shall be 

elected at the annual meeting of the section in odd number years for two year terms. 

Section 2. One of the members of the Executive Committee shall be elected 

at the annual meeting of the section in odd number years to serve as chairperson. The 

chairperson of the section shall preside at the annual meeting, call meetings of the 

executive committee, and be responsible for implementing and coordinating the programs 

of the section for a two-year period. 

The chairperson shall appoint three members to serve as a Nominations Committee 

under the chairmanship of a member designated by the chair-person of the section. The 

Nominations Committee shall recommend at least one member for each office the terms 

of which are due to expire at the next annual business meeting. 

The chairperson shall appoint a Secretary-Treasurer who is responsible for submitting 

an annual report to the chairperson of the section and to the Executive Director of the 

American Political Science Association. The chairperson shall appoint other officers

9 

from among members of the Executive Committee as the chairperson may consider 

appropriate. 

IV. PROGRAMS OF THE SECTION 

The Section may establish special panels, workshops, symposia, and social gathers at 

the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, and at international, 

regional, state, and other professional meetings. 

V. AMENDMENT OF THE BYLAWS 

The annual meeting of the Section shall have the power to amend by Bylaws of the 

Section by a majority vote. 

ELECTIONS, PUBLIC OPINION, PARTIES CONFERENCE 

The 2008 annual Elections, Public Opinion, and Parties Conference will be held at 

the University of Manchester (England) on September 12-14, 2008. High quality papers 

on any aspect of these subjects will be welcomed and there are no methodological biases 

or prejudices. 

Panel proposers should complete the Panel Proposal Form (see below) and 

submit it as an E-mail attachment to conference convenor David Cutts at 

David.Cutts@manchester.ac.uk. All panels should have a minimum of three papers and a 

maximum of four papers. All panel proposals forms must be completed in full, including 

an abstract of each paper. 

Individuals submitting a paper proposal should submit an abstract of no more than 

150 words as an E-mail attachment to David.Cutts@manchester.ac.uk. 

The deadline for proposals is May 2, 2008. Conference details are available at 

http://www.epop08.com 

ELECTION LAW COURT DECISIONS 

Editor: Richard Winger 

Ballot Access News 

E-mail: richardwinger@yahoo.com 

During the period October 2007 through March 2008, political parties continued 

to win lawsuits involving their own autonomy when they nominate candidates. There 

were also significant court developments in voter identification requirements for voting at 

the polls, and in equal treatment for minor parties relative to campaign assistance from 

state governments. 

However, the single most important development in election law in that period 

may not have been any particular court decision, but the enactment by the Vermont 

General Assembly of Senate bill 108 providing for the use Instant Runoff Voting for 

congressional elections. As of the date of this article, we do not know whether Governor 

James Douglas will sign or veto that bill. No state to date has used Instant Runoff Voting 

for statewide general elections.

10 

Political Party Autonomy Cases 

On January 16, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court rendered a unanimous opinion in 

New York State Board of Elections v Lopez Torres upholding New York State procedures 

for choosing party nominees for Justices of the Supreme Court (a general trial court). 

New York is divided into 12 Supreme Court districts. Each district elects its own 

Supreme Court Justices on a partisan basis. The Lopez Torres lawsuit concerned the 

election law governing how political parties nominate candidates for these offices. The 

lower courts had invalidated the law, but the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated them, and 

seemed to say that since the Democratic and Republican parties approve of those state 

laws, and since political parties have a freedom of association right to control their own 

nominations process, therefore they are constitutional. 

The case would have been more interesting if a New York state political party that 

does not approve of the state nomination procedures had filed a lawsuit. The Court’s 

decision is only 12 pages long and seems to add nothing new to judicial theory on 

political party autonomy. One of the oddities of the decision is that although it says the 

major political parties support the state nominations procedures, the lead plaintiffs are 

Democratic Party members and residents of Brooklyn. Neither the New York State 

Democratic Party, nor the Brooklyn Democratic Party, nor the national Democratic Party 

intervened in the case or expressed any opinion to any of the courts that heard this case. 

The only arm of the Democratic Party that expressed any opinion whatsoever was the 

Manhattan Democratic Party. However, the U.S. Supreme Court took no note of this 

anomaly. The most quoted line from the Lopez Torres decision will probably be this one: 

“A political party has a First Amendment right to limit its membership as it wishes, and 

to choose a candidate-selection process that will in its view produce the nominee who 

best represents its political platform.” 

The specific procedures upheld in the case require parties to nominate by 

convention, and to elect delegates to these judicial nominating conventions. The law 

provides that delegates are nominated from the 150 Assembly districts which vary in 

population. The lead plaintiff, Margarita Lopez Torres, lives in the Brooklyn judicial 

district which has 21 Assembly districts inside itself. So, if Lopez Torres wanted to place 

a full slate of delegate candidates who were pledged to her candidacy, she would need to 

recruit 305 candidates, and have them placed on Democratic primary ballots. A slate of 

delegates within an Assembly district needs 500 signatures. Hence, she would have 

needed to coordinate 21 different petition drives, each requiring 500 valid signatures of 

Democrats who had not signed a petition for a competing slate. The U.S. Supreme Court 

did not discuss the record, which showed that in practice, organizing such slates and 

getting them on the ballot is so difficult that not one insurgent candidate for Judge has 

ever been able to do the job, in the 80 years this system has existed. The only group that 

can get the job done is the party organization, so generally, only delegates chosen by the 

county party leaders get on the primary ballot, and therefore the primary voters have no 

choice in which judicial candidates are nominated. The U.S. Supreme Court did not refer 

to this matter. The court merely opined that since an individual candidate for Delegate 

only needs 500 signatures, obviously there is no ballot access constitutional problem.

11 

Other Political Party Autonomy Decisions 

The Democratic Parties of Michigan, Florida, Texas, and Nevada, all won 

lawsuits filed by voters or candidates who were unhappy with party decisions about the 

presidential nominating process. The Texas lawsuit was filed by presidential candidate 

Dennis Kucinich, a member of Congress. He challenged a Texas Democratic Party rule 

providing no one can be placed on the presidential primary ballot unless that candidate 

signs a pledge promising to “fully support” the eventual presidential nominee of the 

party. The U.S. District Court upheld the party rule and suggested that it is not important 

since it is not legally binding. Kucinich asked for injunctive relief from the 5 th circuit, 

but failed to get it and he did not appear on the Texas ballot in March. He also asked for 

injunctive relief from the U.S. Supreme Court, but he did not get that either. His lawsuit 

remains alive and he is asking the 5 th circuit to rule that the party’s Bylaw is illegitimate. 

The case is called Kucinich v Texas Democratic Party. 

The Nevada Democratic Party won a lawsuit filed by a voter who challenged the 

party’s decision to establish presidential caucus meeting places in large hotel-casinos. 

Nevada state law governs presidential caucus procedures and does not provide for 

meeting places that are not based on a voter’s residence. The party set up the special 

caucuses to accommodate workers who were required to work during the evening hours 

when the caucuses were held. A federal court ruled that freedom of association provision 

of the First Amendment protects the party’s decision. This case was called Chesnut v 

Democratic Party of Nevada. 

The Florida Democratic Party and the national Democratic Party won a lawsuit 

filed by U.S. Senator Bill Nelson, and another lawsuit filed by an ordinary voter. Both 

lawsuits challenged the party’s decision not to seat Florida delegates at the national 

convention. The Nelson lawsuit was filed in the Northern District, and when Senator 

Nelson lost the case, he did not appeal. The other lawsuit, DiMaio v Democratic 

National Committee and Florida Democratic Party, lost in the Middle District of Florida. 

On March 21, 2008, the 11 th circuit affirmed the lower court decision which was based on 

standing. However, the 11 th circuit said the voter is free to file a new case which should 

cure his standing problem. 

Political parties lost an election law decision in the U.S. Supreme Court on March 

18, 2008. That case, Washington State v Washington State Republican Party, had been 

filed in U.S. District Court in 2005. The lawsuit had been filed by the Republican, 

Democratic, and Libertarian Parties, to challenge the “top-two” primary initiative passed 

by the voters of Washington state in November 2004. Because the U.S. District Court 

had ruled the “top-two” system unconstitutional in 2005, and because the 9 th circuit had 

agreed in 2006, the “top-two” system has never been tried in Washington. The U.S. 

Supreme Court said that the system does not, on its face, violate the associational rights 

of political parties. It noted that the system may yet be shown to violate those rights, but 

until it is tried, courts won’t have enough evidence to decide the case. 

That system provides that all candidates run on the same primary ballot in August (for all 

federal and state office except president). Then, only the two candidates who poll the 

most votes, and the second-most votes, may appear on the November ballot. 

The “top-two” law provides that candidates may express their party preference on 

ballots, but that no one should assume that this means that the political parties approve of 

candidates who say they “prefer” that particular party. The U.S. Supreme Court said that

12 

since the Washington election system does not involve nomination by political parties, 

therefore the parties can not complain that they have lost the right to control their own 

nominations process. In effect, there is no longer a party nominations process in 

Washington state (except for presidential electors and delegates to presidential 

conventions). By contrast, the lower courts had ruled that since the system does place 

party labels on ballots, therefore the system suggests that parties do nominate candidates, 

and therefore party associational rights are still implicated. The Washington Republican 

Party has already filed an amended complaint against the “top-two” system, to transform 

its original lawsuit into an “as applied” lawsuit, so it is clear that litigation over the 

Washington system will continue for some time. 

Other Areas of Election Law Litigation 

On January 9, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a case 

involving whether states may require voters at the polls to show government photo 

identification in order to vote at the polls. No decision has been released in Crawford v 

Marion County Election Board. For the most part, state legislatures are not enacting new 

laws on this subject, and new lawsuits are not being filed on this subject while the nation 

awaits the decision. 

The only ballot access decision of note during the October 2007-March 2008 

period was from the 6 th circuit which, Citizens for Tax Reform v Deters, struck down an 

Ohio law that made it illegal for initiative proponents to pay circulators on a per-signature 

basis.The court noted that initiative proponents had presented credible evidence that the 

law would cost them an additional $300,000. The evidence showed that petitioners who 

are paid per signature are more productive than petitioners who are paid by the hour. 

Minor parties won four lawsuits against discriminatory state laws that relate to 

campaign assistance from governments, during the last six months. In New Hampshire 

and Michigan, minor parties won rulings striking down laws providing the government 

should give a free list of the voters to the major parties, but not other parties. In New 

Hampshire, the case was in state court and is called Libertarian Party of New Hampshire 

v Gardner. In Michigan, the case was in federal court and is called Green Party of 

Michigan v Land. 

In Connecticut, a U.S. District Court issued a 49-page ruling on March 20, 2008, 

suggesting that the Connecticut public funding law, enacted in 2005, is apt to be held 

unconstitutional. The case is Green Party of Connecticut v Garfield. The Court denied 

the state’s motion for summary judgment, and said a trial will be held to establish if the 

law is constitutional. The law provides that all candidates for state office who want 

public funding must raise small contributions from many contributors. The amount of 

contributors is the same for all candidates. However, if the candidate is not a member of 

a party that polled 20 percent for Governor at the last election, and if the candidate wants 

the full amount of public funding, he or she must submit a petition signed by 20 percent 

of the last vote cast for that office. 

Connecticut argued that it is constitutional to make public funding more difficult 

for people who are not Democrats and Republicans because the U.S. Supreme Court in 

1976 had upheld a federal law that gives general election public funding to political 

parties’ presidential campaign committees if that party polled 5 percent in the last 

presidential election. New parties and independent candidates who were not eligible for

13 

the funding before the election could receive such funding after the election if they polled 

5%. But the Connecticut court said that the U.S. Supreme Court decision from 1976, 

Buckley v Valeo, does not settle the issue. The Connecticut court pointed out that 

presidential general elections in the U.S. are almost always very competitive. However, 

most Connecticut state legislative races are not competitive; in most districts, the seat is 

“safe” for one of the two major parties. Yet the Connecticut public funding system 

makes public funding readily available to the weaker of the two major parties, in these 

uncompetitive districts. 

Finally, on the subject of candidate eligibility to run for Congress, a Minnesota 

state court in Rice County ruled on January 18, 2008, in Richards v Windschitl that a 

convict serving time in prison may run for Congress. This decision is consistent with the 

1995 U.S. Supreme Court decision in U.S. Term Limits v Thornton which held that states 

may not add to the constitutional qualifications for people to run for Congress. Even 

though individuals may not be able to vote, if they are old enough, and citizens, and 

residents of the state they wish to represent, they may not be barred from running if they 

show a modicum of support. 

FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION 

The Commission on August 31, 2007 published notice of proposed rulemaking in 

the Federal Register seeking public comment on proposed changes to the Commission 

regulations pertaining to electioneering communications. The notice was a response to 

the U.S. Supreme Court’s June 25, 2007 decision in Federal Election Commission v. 

Wisconsin Right to Life, Incorporated (127 S.Ct. 2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 309) relating to 

Wisconsin right to Life, Incorporated use of its own general treasury funds, which 

included corporation contributions, to pay for broadcast advertisements that referred to 

the two U.S. Senators from Wisconsin, one of whom was identified as a candidate for 

federal office in the election. The court opined that because the advertisements were not 

the “functional equivalent of express advocacy,” the prohibition on corporate or labor 

organization funding of electioneering communications was unconstitutional as applied 

to the plaintiff’s advertisements. The court added a communication is the “functional 

equivalent of express advocacy” only if it “is susceptible of no reasonable interpretation 

other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate. 

The text of the proposed rules is available in the Federal Register (72 FR 50261) 

and is posted on the Commissions web site at http://fec.gov/law/law_rulemakings.shtml 

The Commission on December 14, 2007, approved modifications of the rules governing 

the funding of electioneering communications by corporations and labor organization and 

to apply the reporting and disclaimer requirements to electioneering communications 

made by corporations and labor organizations. A new section (11 CFR 114.15) provides a 

general exemption from the prohibition on corporate and labor organization funding of 

electioneering communications unless the communication is susceptible of no reasonable 

interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a clearly identified federal 

candidate. 

The full text of the final rule and explanation and justification is available in the 

Federal Register (72 FR 72899) and also is posted on the Commission’s web site 

http.//www.fec.gov/law/law_rulemaking.shtml#ec07.

14 

Congress enacted and president George w. Bush signed on September 14, 2007, 

the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act of 2007 (PL. 110-81, 121 Stat. 735, 2 

U.S.C.§1601) amending House and Senate Ethics Rules and the Federal election 

Campaign Act. Amendments to the latter act introduces new disclosure requirements for 

certain committees that receive bundled contributions from lobbyists and committees 

established or controlled by any lobbyist and new rules relating to travel on private jet 

aircraft. The law requires candidates’ authorized committees, leadership political action 

committees, and party committees to disclose the name, address, employer of, and the 

bundled contribution amount credited to, each lobbyist (or lobbyist’s committee) who 

provided the committee with bundled contributions aggregating in excess of $15,000 

during specified time periods. 

The commission on December 20, 2007, certified $19,287,504.65 in federal 

matching funds to seven presidential candidates (Joseph Biden, Christopher Dodd, John 

Edwards, Duncan Hunter, Dennis Kucinich, John McCain, and Thomas Tancredo) for the 

2008 election. Other candidates declined to participate in the matching fund program. 

The presidential public funding program, however, lacks sufficient funds to make the 

payments. 

On December 20, 2007, the commission amended its written rules for the conduct 

of meetings to provide for circumstances when the commission has fewer than four 

members. Currently, the commission has only two members. The amended rules were 

published in the Federal Register on January 30, 2008 (73 FR 5569) and are available on 

the commission’s web site: 

http://www.fec.gov/law/cfr/ej_compilation/2008/notice_2008-01.pdf 

The commission reported a 1.5 percent increase in the number of federally registered 

political action committees (PACs) from 4,168 to 4,234 during the second half of 2007. 

Corporate PACs continue to be the largest category with 1,601 committees, an increase 

of 15. Labor PACs remained constant at 273, but trade/member/health PACs declined by 

1 to 925. 

The commission issued several advisory opinions. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-9 provides the Kerry-Edwards 2004 General Legal and 

Compliance Fund may reimburse the Kerry-Edwards 2004 Incorporated Presidential 

Campaign Committee for the portion of its advertising expenses dedicated to compliance 

with the “stand-by-your-ad” provision of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-10 holds a candidate’s committee may not recognize the 

corporate employers of individual contributors at a golf tournament fundraiser because 

the use of the corporation’s name, trademark, or service mark would result in the 

corporation facilitation of contributions which are prohibited by the Federal Election 

Campaign Act. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-16 holds the American Kennel Club (AKC) and its 

voting clubs and accredited clubs are membership organizations under the Federal 

Election Campaign Act and commission regulations, and the voting clubs and the 

accredited clubs are affiliated with AKC. Therefore, any separate segregated fund the 

AKC establishes may solicit contributions from the individual members of its affiliated 

voting clubs and accredited clubs. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-18 authorizes U.S. Representative Charles Rangel’s 

principal campaign committee or his leadership political action committee to pay for the

15 

commissioning of an official portrait of the representatives that will be donated to the 

U.S. House of representatives. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-19 stipulates a non-profit 501(c)(4) corporation qualifies 

as a membership organization and individuals selected to be members of that 

organization qualify as “members” for purposes of the Federal Election Campaign Act. 

Hence, the organization may solicit those individuals for contributions to a separate 

segregated fund established by the organization. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-22 provides Jim Hurysz for Congress may receive 

volunteer services and professional services from Canadian citizens and may use its 

campaign funds to pay for candidate travel to Canada in order to gather campaign-related 

information. The committee may not accept elections materials donated by Canadian 

campaigns, but may purchase the materials at fair market value. Mr. Hurysz also may 

use his personal funds to pay for candidate travel to Canada and to obtain information 

from Canadian citizens. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-24 allows the campaign committees of Jim Burkee for 

Congress (Republican) and Jeff Walz for Congress (Democrat) may engage jointly in 

fundraising and campaigning activities provided the committees use an appropriate 

payment method for each type of activity, and otherwise follow the limits, prohibitions, 

and other requirements of the Federal election Campaign Act. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-28 provides U.S. Representatives Kevin McCarthy and 

Devin Nunes may, in addition to soliciting funds from federally permissible sources and 

not exceeding the contribution limits for individuals and political committees, may solicit 

funds from individuals, subject to a $20,000 calendar year limit, for one or more 

independently run ballot measure committees in connection with the qualification and 

passage of a redistricting initiative. 

Advisory Opinion 2007-34 holds a federal candidate’s appearance on a billboard 

endorsing a nonfederal candidate is not a coordinated communication and may be paid 

for with nonfederal funds. 

BOOK REVIEWS 

Editor: Richard Vengroff 

Kennesaw State University 

Kennesaw, Georgia 30144 

Telephone: (770) 423-6174 

E-Mail: Richard_Vengroff@kennesaw.edu 

Section members with forthcoming books should notify the book editor to facilitate the 

speedy review of books. 

Rein Taagepera, Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems. Oxford 

and New York: University of Oxford Press, 2007. xxii, 314 pp. ISBN: 078-0-19- 

928774-1. Hardback, $84.00. 

Predicting Party Sizes is a testament to Rein Taagepera’s seminal contribution to 

cumulative theory development in comparative electoral systems research. It builds on

16 

but goes well beyond Seats and Votes (Taagepera and Shugart 1989) because of 

substantial advances since the publication of that classic in our understanding of the 

relationship between electoral systems and party systems. The book represents the 

culmination of almost four decades of painstaking research into unpacking, extending and 

formalizing the Duvergerian macro-agenda with the goal of developing a parsimonious 

model of electoral systems that can predict the number and size of political parties. That 

research began with Taagepera’s 1969 MA thesis on “The Seat-Vote Equation” at the 

University of Delaware, which he completed four years after earning a doctorate in 

physics also at the University of Delaware. It is thus no coincidence that Taagepera’s 

theory-building effort has embodied the rigorous analytical method of the hard sciences. 

In Predicting Party Sizes, Taagepera draws on his basic research to also delve into the 

realm of applied politics by offering practical advice to practitioners about the 

institutional design of electoral systems they should adopt. This bold step is carefully 

calibrated, however, to the predictions of the analytical models and the advice is thus 

tempered with emphasis on what is feasible and not necessarily what is desirable, given 

the political goals politicians wish to achieve. This incursion into applied scholarship 

was motivated by the appreciation of the severe time constraints on practitioners’ ability 

to consider all the possible consequences of institutional choice that Taagepera gained 

through his own venture into politics, first as a presidential candidate in Estonia (“ending 

a respectable third”) and then as the founding chair of a political party that, after his 

tenure, won parliamentary seats before “crashing” (p. ix). 

In contrast to the concern in much of the literature with the triviality that “institutions 

matter” (as if there was any doubt!), Taagepera begins with a succinct exposition of 

“How Electoral Systems Matter (Ch. 1) that appropriately emphasizes the remote effects 

of electoral systems on the structure of party systems via their direct effect in restricting 

seat distributions and subsequent effect on the vote distributions of political parties. But 

Taagepera’s also draws attention to the exogenous conditions that limit the impact of 

electoral systems: “An excellent institutional framework cannot compensate for flawed 

political culture, but inadequate institutions can make it worse” (p. 5). Unwittingly, 

Taagepera highlights an important but unacknowledged insight of institutionalism, that 

the hallmark of good institutional analysis is an appreciation of both the limits of such 

analysis and the bounds within which institutions shape political outcomes. 

This modest approach helps to buttress Taagepera’s preference for the analytical rigor 

and method of physics in developing the parsimonious predictive model of simple 

electoral systems. To ensure that the substantive and technical complexity of the analysis 

does not obscure its practical utility, Taagepera wisely begins each chapter with a block 

of bulleted points “For the Practitioner of Politics,” which present in plain English the 

key lessons of the chapter as guidelines for choosing electoral systems. The chapters are 

themselves written in an engaging style with clear exposition of the mathematical 

formulas, graphs and numerical data presented to clarify the theoretical arguments. The 

more complex technical materials, such as proofs of equation, which should be of 

interests to specialists, are appropriately consigned to an appendix to each chapter.

17 

Part I of the book on “Rules and Tools” offers a useful review of the typology and key 

institutional components of electoral systems. The discussion covers familiar ground – 

the origins of electoral systems (Ch. 2), simple and complex electoral systems (Ch. 3), the 

number and balance of political parties (Ch. 4), deviations from proportionality (Ch. 5), 

and the degree of openness of electoral systems to small parties (Ch. 6) – and sets the 

stage for Part II on the “Duvergerian Macro-Agenda: How Simple Electoral Systems 

Affect Party Sizes and Politics.” This is the substantive core of the book in which 

Taagepera draws on recent advances and his prodigious contribution in elaborating 

Duverger’s central argument concerning the relationship between electoral systems and 

party systems. Chapter 7 presents a concise exposition of the Duvergerian agenda for 

simple electoral systems, “those that include no features beyond assembly size, a fairly 

uniform magnitude for districts, and seat allocation according to a usual PR formula 

(which boils down to FPTP when M = 1)” (p.110). This parsimonious model is 

employed to predict the number of seat-winning parties and the largest seat share (Ch. 8), 

the seat shares of all parties and the effective number of parties (Ch. 9), and the mean 

duration of cabinets (Ch. 10). Shifting gears from prediction to application, Taagepera 

presents an intriguing discussion of how to simplify complex electoral systems (Ch. 11), 

in which he employs the notion of an “output-based effective magnitude” to calculate 

which simple electoral system is likely to produce, on average, the observed value of 

some output, for example, the effective number of parties, of an existing complex 

electoral system. In Ch. 12, he employs the now classic cube root law of assembly size to 

clarify the logic of designing an optimum-sized assembly. In Ch. 13, Taagepera extends 

his initial exposition in his MA thesis of the “law of minority attrition” in FPTP systems 

to PR systems. The law says that the under-representation of social minorities in lowerlevel 

political positions (e.g. city councils) will, on average, be replicated in higher-level 

positions (e.g. national legislatures). Ch. 14 presents a model for converting seats into 

votes that may facilitate more analytically precise calculations of the effective number of 

electoral parties, but this model is presented with only illustrative examples and will 

require further testing with empirical data. 

Part III on “Implications and Broader Agenda” begins with a discussion of the 

relationship between thresholds of representation and the number of pertinent parties (Ch. 

15). Because the inputs that determine the effective number of electoral parties include 

institutional variables as well exogenous (structural) and the more contingent strategic 

variables, the models in Chs. 14 and 15 do not have accurate predictive capability and 

thus require further refinements. Ch. 16 extends the logic of simple electoral systems to 

seat allocation in federal chambers and the assemblies of the European Union. Ch. 17 

concludes with some realistic (read feasible) answers to the question “What Can We 

Expect from Electoral Laws?” 

The reliance on cumulative theory building and analytical rigor to develop a successful 

predictive model of simple electoral system and the use of this model to clarify future 

research directions for completing the Duvergerian agenda (e.g. Chs. 14 and 15) make 

Predicting Party Sizes an important book. The use of this model as a guide for offering 

practical advice on electoral systems choice also makes it an innovative book. The focus 

on a simple electoral system model defined by only three variables, of course, ignores the

18 

complexity of most electoral systems in practice, but the choice is analytically and 

practically sound. Analytically, it facilitates the construction of a parsimonious 

predictive model and helps to clarify the logic, dynamics and outcomes of electoral 

systems, not a mean feat because this is invaluable information for constructing 

predictive models of more complex electoral systems, such as, for example, mixed 

parallel and compensatory systems as well as other institutional permutations. 

Practically, it helps to identify for time-constrained practitioners the core institutional 

components of electoral systems and clarify their consequences for party systems and 

cabinet duration. 

An innovative variable that underscores the predictive power of the simple electoral 

systems model is vintage Taagepera. Inspired by Colomer’s “micro-mega” rule – “the 

small prefer the large, and the large prefer the small,” (Colomer 2004: 3) – the seat 

product of simple electoral systems (M F S) is obtained by multiplying the assembly size 

(S) by the number of seats in the average district (or the mean district magnitude M), with 

M modulated by the seat allocation “formula exponent” (F). The predictive power of the 

seat product rests on the fact that it is a combined summary expression of the three 

components of simple electoral systems, assembly size, district magnitude and electoral 

formula. It represents the “comprehensive outcome of (Taagepera) trying to make sense 

of electoral systems for over 40 years” (p. 92). 

Simple electoral systems predict average outcomes. This may not be entirely satisfactory 

if one is looking for predictive precision, but it is consistent with the requirements of 

conceptual parsimony and analytical rigor that facilitate the development of predictive 

models. Moreover, the predictions derived from the simple electoral system model 

conform, on average, to observed global patterns. Taagepera’s deductive approach thus 

holds up well against empirical evidence. 

Seats and Votes is one the most widely cited books and has inspired many of the best 

works in comparative electoral systems research. But its non-statistical approach has not 

been widely emulated in the field. Predicting Party Sizes may very well suffer the same 

paradoxical fate. There is no small irony in this. Within its narrowly defined focus on 

simple electoral systems, it has achieved the scientific ideals of cumulative theory 

building and prediction that motivated the behavioral revolution in political science over 

fifty years ago. But this accomplishment has come at a time when the emphasis in 

political science has shifted toward more context-sensitive theorizing. But even here, 

Predicting Party Sizes contains important insights. The unfinished Duvergerian agenda 

noted by Taagepera involves, among other things, clarifying the microfoundations of 

simple electoral systems, which requires tackling the thorniest of contextual variables, 

political culture and its relationship to the psychological effects of electoral systems and 

the resulting strategic calculations of political actors. And if Taagepera’s disciplined 

approach motivates and informs theory-building in this endeavor, then Predicting Party 

Sizes could share another fate with Seats and Votes. In 1999, Seats and Votes won the 

George H. Hallett award (Disclosure: I chaired the award committee). It should not a be surprise if 

Predicting Party Sizes is a strong contender for the same award a decade from now

19 

Colomer, Josep. 2004. “The Strategy and History of Electoral Systems Choice,” pp. 3-78. In 

Josep Colomer (eds). Handbook of Electoral Systems Choice. New York: Palgrave. 

Taagepera, Rein and Matthew S. Shugart (1989). Seats and Votes: The Effects and Determinants of 

Electoral Systems. New Have: Yale University Press. 

Shaheen Mozaffar 

Bridgewater State College 

BIBLIOGRAPHY ON REPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS 

September 1007-March 2008 

Erik S. Herron 

University of Kansas 

E-Mail: eherron@ku.edu 

Books (English Language) 

E-Voting and Identity First FIDIS International Conference, Vote-ID 2007, Bochum, Germany, October 4- 

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Blais, André. 2008. To Keep or to Change First Past the Post? The Politics of Electoral Reform. Oxford: 

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20 

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21 

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Journal Articles 

Aarts, Kees and Henk van der Kolk. 2007. "The Parliamentary Election in the Netherlands, 22 November 

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Control in the U.S. House of Representatives." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33(February ):85-112. 

Aidt, Toke S. and Bianca Dallal. 2008. "Female Voting Power: The Contribution of Women’s Suffrage to 

the Growth of Social Spending in Western Europe (1869–1960)." Public Choice 134(3-4):391-417. 

Aili Mari Tripp and Alice Kang. 2008. "The Global Impact of Quotas: On the Fast Track to Increased 

Female Legislative Representation." Comparative Political Studies 41(3):338-61. 

Akarca, Ali T. and Aysit Tansel. 2007. "Social and Economic Determinants of Turkish Voter Choice in the 

1995 Parliamentary Election." Electoral Studies 26(3):633-47. 

Ansolabehere, Stephen, John M. Hansen, Shigeo Hirano, and James M. Snyder Jr. 2007. "The Incumbency 

Advantage in U.S. Primary Elections." Electoral Studies 26(3):660-668. 

Antweiler, Werner. 2007. "Estimating Voter Migration in Canada Using Generalized Maximum Entropy." 

Electoral Studies 26(4):756-71. 

Arter, David. 2007. "The End of the Social Democratic Hegemony? The March 2007 Finnish General 

Election." West European Politics 30(5):1148-57. 

Atkeson, Lonna R. and Kyle L. Saunders. 2007. "The Effect of Election Administration on Voter 

Confidence: A Local Matter?" PS: Political Science & Politics 40(04):655-60. 

Back, Hanna. 2008. "Intra-Party Politics and Coalition Formation: Evidence From Swedish Local 

Government." Party Politics 14(1):71-89. 

Bali, Valentina A. 2007. "Terror and Elections: Lessons From Spain." Electoral Studies 26(3):669-87. 

Balkir, Canan. 2007. "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey: A Test for Democracy." Mediterranean Politics 

12(3):415-22. 

Bardi, Luciano. 2007. "Electoral Change and Its Impact on the Party System in Italy." West European

23 

Politics 30(4):711-32. 

Bardi, Luciano and Peter Mair. 2008. "The Parameters of Party Systems." Party Politics 14(2):147-66. 

Barretto, Matt A. 2007. "Latino Candidates and the Mobilization of Latino Voters." American Political 

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Barrow, Lynda K. 2007. "Party On? Politicians and Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27(3):165-73. 

Battaglini, Marco, Rebecca Morton, and Thomas Palfrey. 2007. "Efficiency, Equity, and Timing of Voting 

Mechanisms." American Political Science Review 101(3):409-24. 

Beckwith, Karen and Kimberly Cowell-Meyers. 2007. "Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds 

and Women's Political Representation." Perspectives on Politics 5(3):553-65. 

Behnke, Joachim. 2007. "The Strange Phenomenon of Surplus Seats in the German Electoral System." 

German Politics 16(4):496-517. 

Bellucci, Paolo. 2008. " The Parliamentary Election in Italy, April 2006." Electoral Studies 27(1):185-90. 

Bereni, Laure. 2007. "French Feminists Renegotiate Republican Universalism: The Gender Parity 

Campaign." French Politics 5(September):191-209. 

Bernhagen, Patrick and Michael Marsh. 2007. "The Partisan Effects of Low Turnout: Analyzing Vote 

Abstention as a Missing Data Problem." Electoral Studies 26(3):548-60. 

Berry, Christopher R. and William G. Howell. 2007. "Accountability and Local Elections: Rethinking 

Retrospective Voting." The Journal of Politics 69(3):844-58. 

Birch, Sarah. 2007. "Electoral Systems and Electoral Misconduct." Comparative Political Studies 

40(12):1533-56. 

Bjorklund, Tor. 2007. "Unemployment and the Radical Right in Scandinavia: Beneficial or Non-Beneficial 

for Electoral Support?" Comparative European Politics 5(September):245-63. 

Blais, Andre, Jean-Francois Laslier, Annie Laurent, Nicolas Sauger, and Karine Van der Straeten. 2007. 

"One-Round Vs Two-Round Elections: An Experimental Study." French Politics 5(September ):278-86. 

Blau, Adrian. 2008. "The Effective Number of Parties at Four Scales: Votes, Seats, Legislative Power and 

Cabinet Power." Party Politics 14(2):167-87. 

Boatright, Robert G. 2008. "Who Are the Spatial Voting Violators?" Electoral Studies 27(1):116-25. 

Bochsler, Daniel. 2008. "The Parliamentary Election in Serbia, 21 January 2007." Electoral Studies 

27(1):160-165. 

Bogaards, Matthijs. 2008. "Dominant Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Africa: A Comment on 

Mozaffar and Scarritt." Party Politics 14(1):113-30. 

Bogaards, Matthijs. 2007. "Measuring Democracy Through Election Outcomes: A Critique With African 

Data." Comparative Political Studies 40(10):1211-37. 

Borisyuk, Galina, Colin Rallings, Michael Thrasher, and Henk van der Kolk. 2007. "Voter Support for 

Minor Parties: Assessing the Social and Political Context of Voting at the 2004 European Elections in 

Greater London." Party Politics 13(6):669-93. 

Born, Richard. 2008. "Party Polarization and the Rise of Partisan Voting in U.S. House Elections." 

American Politics Research 36(1):62-84. 

Bowler, Shaun and Todd Donovan. 2007. "Reasoning About Institutional Change: Winners, Losers and 

Support for Electoral Reforms." British Journal of Political Science 37(3):455-76. 

Brandt, Loren and Matthew A. Turner. 2007. "The Usefulness of Imperfect Elections: The Case of Village 

Elections in Rural China." Economics & Politics 19(3):453-80. 

Buchler, Justin. 2007. "The Statistical Properties of Competitive Districts: What the Central Limit Theorem 

Can Teach Us About Election Reform." PS: Political Science & Politics 40(2):333-37. 

Buckley, Fiona, Neil Collins, and Theresa Reidy. 2007. "Ballot Paper Photographs and Low-Information 

Elections in Ireland." Politics 27(3):174-81. 

Burden, Barry C. 2007. "Ballot Regulations and Multiparty Politics in the States." PS: Political Science & 

Politics 40(4):669-73. 

Callander, Steven and Catherine H. Wilson. 2007. "Turnout, Polarization, and Duverger's Law." The 

Journal of Politics 69(4):1047-56. 

Calvo, Ernesto. 2007. "The Responsive Legislature: Public Opinion and Law Making in a Highly 

Disciplined Legislature." British Journal of Political Science 37(02):263-80. 

Canes-Wrone, Brandice and Kenneth W. Shotts. 2007. "When Do Elections Encourage Ideological 

Rigidity?" American Political Science Review 101(2):273-88. 

Carson, Jamie L., Michael H. Crespin, Charles J. Finocchiaro, and David W. Rohde. 2007. "Redistricting 

and Party Polarization in the U.S. House of Representatives." American Politics Research 35(6):878-904.

24 

Carson, Jamie L., Erik J. Engstrom, and Jason M. Roberts. 2007. "Candidate Quality, the Personal Vote, 

and the Incumbency Advantage in Congress." American Political Science Review 101(2):289-301. 

Chaisty, Paul. 2007. "The Influence of Sectoral and Regional Economic Interests on Russian Legislative 

Behavior: The Case of State Duma Voting on Production Sharing Agreements Legislation." Post Soviet 

Affairs 23(October):302-28. 

Charalambous, Giorgos. 2007. "The Strongest Communists in Europe: Accounting for AKEL's Electoral 

Success." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23(3):425-56. 

Chin, James. 2007. "The General Election in Singapore, May 2006." Electoral Studies 26(3):703-7. 

Clough, Emily. 2007. "Strategic Voting Under Conditions of Uncertainty: A Re-Evaluation of Duverger's 

Law." British Journal of Political Science 37( 2):313-32. 

Clough, Emily. 2007. "Talking Locally and Voting Globally: Duverger's Law and Homogeneous 

Discussion Networks." Political Research Quarterly 60(3):531-40. 

Clough, Emily. 2007. "Two Political Worlds?: The Influence of Provincial Party Loyalty Federal Voting in 

Canada." Electoral Studies 26(4):787-96. 

Cole, Alexandra. 2008. "Small but Significant: Why Small Parties Benefit From a Presidentialised German 

Party System." German Politics 17(1):10-26. 

Conaghan, Catherine M. 2007. "The 2006 Presidential and Congressional Elections in Ecuador." Electoral 

Studies 26(4):823-28. 

Criado, Henar. 2008. "The Effects of Party Mobilisation Strategies on the Vote: The PSOE and the PP in 

the 1996 Spanish Election." European Journal of Political Research 47(1):80-100. 

Crisp, Brian F. 2007. "Incentives in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: General Election Laws, Candidate 

Selection Procedures, and Cameral Rules." Comparative Political Studies 40(12):1460-1485. 

Crisp, Brian F., Kathryn M. Jensen, and Yael Shomer. 2007. "Magnitude and Vote Seeking." Electoral 

Studies 26(4):727-34. 

Crowther, William E. and Irmina Matonyte. 2007. "Parliamentary Elites As a Democratic Thermometer: 

Estonia, Lithuania and Moldova Compared." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40(3):281-99. 

Cusack, Thomas R., Torben Iversen, and David Soskice. 2007. "Economic Interests and the Origins of 

Electoral Systems." American Political Science Review 101(3):373-91. 

Dal Bo, Ernesto. 2007. "Bribing Voters." American Journal of Political Science 51(4):789-803. 

De Sio, Lorenzo. 2008. "Are Less-Involved Voters the Key to Win Elections?" Comparative Political 

Studies 41(2):217-41. 

Decker, Frank and Florian Hartleb. 2007. "Populism on Difficult Terrain: The Right- and Left-Wing 

Challenger Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany." German Politics 16(4):434-54. 

Den Hartog, Chris and Nathan W. Monroe. 2008. "The Value of Majority Status: The Effect of Jeffords's 

Switch on Asset Prices of Republican and Democratic Firms." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33(February 

):63-84. 

Detterbeck, Klaus. 2008. "Party Cartel and Cartel Parties in Germany." German Politics 17(1):27-40. 

Diamanti, Ilvo. 2007. "The Italian Centre-Right and Centre-Left: Between Parties and 'The Party'." West 

European Politics 30(4):733-62. 

Dietrich, Franz and Christian List. 2007. "Judgment Aggregation By Quota Rules: Majority Voting 

Generalized." Journal of Theoretical Politics 19(4):391-424. 

Diskin, Abraham, Andre Eschet-Schwarz, and Dan S. Felsenthal. 2007. "Homogeneity, Heterogeneity and 

Direct Democracy: The Case of Swiss Referenda." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40(02):317- 

42. 

Diskin, Abraham and Reuven Y. Hazan. 2007. "The Knesset Election in Israel, March 2006." Electoral 

Studies 26( 3):707-11. 

Donovan, Barbara. 2007. "Minority Representation in Germany." German Politics 16(4):455-80. 

Donovan, Todd. 2007. "A Goal for Reform: Make Elections Worth Stealing." PS: Political Science & 

Politics 40(04):681-86. 

Drake, Helen. 2007. "All Change Here? The French Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of 2007." 

Mediterranean Politics 12(3):423-29. 

Dris-Ait-Hamadouche, Louisa. 2008. "The 2007 Legislative Elections in Algeria: Political Reckonings." 


Duina, Francesco. 2007. "Domestic Actors and Europeanization: Why Fit Still Matters." Comparative 

European Politics 5(September):339-41. 

Elff, Martin. 2007. "Social Structure and Electoral Behavior in Comparative Perspective: The Decline of

25 

Social Cleavages in Western Europe Revisited." Perspectives on Politics 5(2):277-94. 

Eom, Kihong and Donald A. Gross. 2007. "Democratization Effects of Campaign Contribution Limits in 

Gubernatorial Elections." Party Politics 13(6):695-720. 

Ezrow, Lawrence. 2008. "Research Note: On the Inverse Relationship Between Votes and Proximity for 

Niche Parties." European Journal of Political Research 47(2):206-20. 

Fieldhouse, Edward, Mark Tranmer, and Andrew Russell. 2007. "Something about Young People or 

Something about Elections? Electoral Participation of Young People in Europe: Evidence From a 

Multilevel Analysis of the European Social Survey." European Journal of Political Research 46(6):797- 

822. 

Finocchiaro, Charles J. and David W. Rohde. 2008. "War for the Floor: Partisan Theory and Agenda 

Control in the U.S. House of Representatives." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33(February):35-61. 

Fisher, Stephen D. 2007. "(Change in) Turnout and (Change in) the Left Share of the Vote." Electoral 

Studies 26(3):598-611. 

Fisher, Stephen D., Laurence Lessard-Phillips, Sara B. Hobolt, and John Curtice. 2008. "Disengaging 

Voters: Do Plurality Systems Discourage the Less Knowledgeable From Voting?" Electoral Studies 

27(1):89-104. 

Fraenkel, Jon and Bernard Grofman. 2007. "The Merits of Neo-Downsian Modeling of the Alternative 

Vote: A Reply to Horowitz." Public Choice 133(1-2):1-11. 

Freire, Andre. 2008. "Party Polarization and Citizens' Left--Right Orientations." Party Politics 14(2):189- 

209. 

Frisina, Laurin, Michael C. Herron, James Honaker, and Jeffrey B. Lewis. 2008. "Ballot Formats, 

Touchscreens, and Undervotes: A Study of the 2006 Midterm Elections in Florida." Election Law 

Journal 7(1):25-47. 

Ganiel, Gladys. 2007. "'Preaching to the Choir?' An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern 

Ireland Peace Process." Irish Political Studies 22(September):303-20. 

Gawn, Ryan. 2007. "Truth Cohabitation: A Truth Commission for Northern Ireland?" Irish Political 

Studies 22(September):339-61. 

Gay, Claudine. 2007. "Legislating Without Constraints: The Effect of Minority Districting on Legislators' 

Responsiveness to Constituency Preferences." The Journal of Politics 69(2):442-56. 

Gemenis, Kostas. 2008. "The 2007 Parliamentary Election in Greece." Mediterranean Politics 13(1):95- 

101. 

Gerrity, Jessica C., Tracy Osborn, and Jeanette M. Mendez. 2007. "Women and Representation: A 

Different View of the District?" Politics & Gender 3(2):179-200. 

Gidengil, Elisabeth, Allison Harell, and Bonnie H. Erickson. 2007. "Network Diversity and Vote Choice: 

Women's Social Ties and Left Voting in Canada." Politics & Gender 3(2):151-77. 

Gilardi, Fabrizio. 2007. "The Same, But Different: Central Banks, Regulatory Agencies, and the Politics of 

Delegation to Independent Authorities." Comparative European Politics 5(September):303-27. 

Gimpel, James G., Kimberly A. Karnes, John McTague, and Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz. 2008. "Distance- 

Decay in the Political Geography of Friends-and-Neighbors Voting." Political Geography 27(2):231-52. 

Gimpel, James G., Karen M. Kaufmann, and Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz. 2007. "Battleground States 

Versus Blackout States: The Behavioral Implications of Modern Presidential Campaigns." The Journal of 

Politics 69(3):786-97. 

Gomez, Brad T., Thomas G. Hansford, and George A. Krause. 2007. "The Republicans Should Pray for 

Rain: Weather, Turnout, and Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections." The Journal of Politics 69(3):649- 

63. 

Goodman, Craig and Gregg R. Murray. 2007. "Do You See What I See? Perceptions of Party Differences 

and Voting Behavior." American Politics Research 35(6):905-31. 

Green, Jane. 2007. "When Voters and Parties Agree: Valence Issues and Party Competition." Political 

Studies 55(3):629-55. 

Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. 2007. "The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature 

of Party Competition in Western Europe." Political Studies 55(3):607-28. 

Greene, Kenneth F. 2008. "Dominant Party Strategy and Democratization." American Journal of Political 

Science 52(1):16-31. 

Gronke, Paul, Eva Galanes-Rosenbaum, and Peter A. Miller. 2007. "Early Voting and Turnout." PS: 

Political Science & Politics 40(4):639-45. 

Hakhverdian, Armen and Christel Koop. 2007. "Consensus Democracy and Support for Populist Parties in

26 

Western Europe." Acta Politica 42(December):401-20. 

Hall, Thad, J. Q. Monson, and Kelly D. Patterson . 2007. "Poll Workers and the Vitality of Democracy: An 

Early Assessment." PS: Political Science & Politics 40(4):647-54. 

Han, Jeong-Hun. 2007. "Analysing Roll Calls of the European Parliament: A Bayesian Application." 

European Union Politics 8(4):479-507. 

Harfst, Philipp. 2007. " The Politics of Electoral Systems." Acta Politica 42(December):466-68. 

Hartlyn, Jonathan, Jennifer McCoy, and Thomas M. Mustillo. 2008. "Electoral Governance Matters: 

Explaining the Quality of Elections in Contemporary Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 

41(1):73-98. 

Hasecke, Edward B. and Jason D. Mycoff. 2007. "Party Loyalty and Legislative Success: Are Loyal 

Majority Party Members More Successful in the U.S. House of Representatives?" Political Research 

Quarterly 60(4):607-17. 

Heckelman, Jac C. and Andrew J. Yates. 2008. "Senate Elections with Independent Candidates." Journal of 

Theoretical Politics 20(1):31-46. 

Heinrich, Gudrun and Steffen Schoon. 2007. "The 2006 Landtag Election in Mecklenburg-Western 

Pomerania." German Politics 16(4):526-33. 

Hellwig, Timothy. 2007. "Economic Openness, Policy Uncertainty, and the Dynamics of Government 

Support." Electoral Studies 26(4):772-86. 

Hicken, Allen and Joel W. Simmons. 2008. "The Personal Vote and the Efficacy of Education Spending." 

American Journal of Political Science 52(1):109-24. 

Hillygus, D. S. 2007. "The Dynamics of Voter Decision Making Among Minor-Party Supporters: The 2000 

Presidential Election in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 37(2):225-44. 

Hinich, Melvin, Valerii Khmelko, Marianna Klochko, and Peter C. Ordeshook. 2008. "A Coalition Lost, 

Then Found: A Spatial Analysis of Ukraine's 2006 and 2007 Parliamentary Elections." Post Soviet 

Affairs 24(1):63-96. 

Hirano, Shigeo. 2008. "Third Parties, Elections, and Roll-Call Votes: The Populist Party and the Late 

Nineteenth-Century U.S. Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33(February):131-60. 

Hix, Simon and Michael Marsh. 2007. "Punishment or Protest? Understanding European Parliament 

Elections." The Journal of Politics 69(2):495-510. 

Hood, M. V. and Seth C. McKee. 2008. "Gerrymandering on Georgia's Mind: The Effects of Redistricting 

on Vote Choice in the 2006 Midterm Election*." Social Science Quarterly 89(1):60-77. 

Horowitz, Donald L. 2007. "Where Have All the Parties Gone? Fraenkel and Grofman on the Alternative 

Vote - Yet Again." Public Choice 133(1-2):13-23. 

Huckfeldt, Robert, Edward G. Carmines, Jeffery J. Mondak, and Eric Zeemering. 2007. "Information, 

Activation, and Electoral Competition in the 2002 Congressional Elections." The Journal of Politics 

69(3):798-812. 

Indridason, Indridi H. 2008. "When to Run and When to Hide: Electoral Coordination and Exit." 

Economics & Politics 20(1):80-105. 

Ivaldi, Gilles. 2007. "Presidential Strategies, Models of Leadership and the Development of Parties in a 

Candidate-Centred Polity: The 2007 UMP and PS Presidential Nomination Campaigns." French Politics 

5(September ):253-77. 

Ivarsflaten, Elisabeth. 2008. "What Unites Right-Wing Populists in Western Europe?: Re-Examining 

Grievance Mobilization Models in Seven Successful Cases." Comparative Political Studies 41(1):3-23. 

Jhee, Byong-Kuen. 2008. "Economic Origins of Electoral Support for Authoritarian Successors: A Cross- 

National Analysis of Economic Voting in New Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 41(3):362- 

88. 

Johnston, Richard, J. S. Matthews, and Amanda Bittner. 2007. "Turnout and the Party System in Canada, 

1988-2004." Electoral Studies 26(4):735-45. 

Justesen, Mogens K. 2007. "The Social Choice of EU Treaties: Discrepancies Between Voter Preferences 

and Referendum Outcomes in Denmark." European Union Politics 8(4):537-53. 

Kara, Ahmet. 2007. "The Parliamentary Elections in Azerbaijan, November 2005 and May 2006." 


Karp, Jeffrey A. and Susan A. Banducci. 2008. "When Politics Is Not Just a Man's Game: Women's 

Representation and Political Engagement." Electoral Studies 27(1):105-15. 

Karp, Jeffrey A. and Marshall W. Garland. 2007. "Ideological Ambiguity and Split Ticket Voting." 

Political Research Quarterly 60(4):722-32.

27 

Kasuya, Yuko and Johannes Moenius. 2008. "The Nationalization of Party Systems: Conceptual Issues and 

Alternative District-Focused Measures." Electoral Studies 27(1):126-35. 

Kausch, Kristina. 2008. "Elections 2007: The Most Transparent Status Quo in Moroccan History." 


Kehrberg, Jason E. 2007. "Public Opinion on Immigration in Western Europe: Economics, Tolerance, and 

Exposure." Comparative European Politics 5(September ):264-81. 

Kestila, Elina and Peter Soderlund. 2007. "Subnational Political Opportunity Structures and the Success of 

the Radical Right: Evidence From the March 2004 Regional Elections in France." European Journal of 

Political Research 46(6):773-96. 

Kim, HeeMin, Jun Y. Choi, and Jinman Cho. 2008. "Changing Cleavage Structure in New Democracies: 

An Empirical Analysis of Political Cleavages in Korea." Electoral Studies 27(1):136-50. 

Klemmensen, Robert, Sara B. Hobolt, and Martin E. Hansen. 2007. "Estimating Policy Positions Using 

Political Texts: An Evaluation of the Wordscores Approach." Electoral Studies 26(4):746-55. 

Klesner, Joseph L. 2007. "The July 2006 Presidential and Congressional Elections in Mexico." Electoral 

Studies 26(4):803-8. 

Kostadinova, Tatiana and Timothy J. Power. 2007. "Does Democratization Depress Participation? Voter 

Turnout in the Latin American and Eastern European Transitional Democracies." Political Research 

Quarterly 60(3):363-77. 

Kousser, Thad, Jeffrey B. Lewis, and Seth E. Masket. 2007. "Ideological Adaptation? The Survival Instinct 

of Threatened Legislators." The Journal of Politics 69(3):828-43. 

Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2008. "Political Mobilisation, Political Participation and the Power of the Vote." West 


Kroh, Martin. 2007. "A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross-National Analysis Integrating 

Spatial and Behavioral Factors." Acta Politica 42( December):476-78. 

Lacroix, Justine. 2007. "A Liberal Defence of Compulsory Voting." Politics 27(3):190-195. 

Ladrech, Robert. 2007. "National Political Parties and European Governance: The Consequences of 

Missing in Action." West European Politics 30(5):945-60. 

Laffin, Martin. 2007. "Coalition-Formation and Centre Periphery Relations in a National Political Party: 

The Liberal Democrats in a Devolved Britain." Party Politics 13 (6):651-68. 

Lago, Ignacio. 2008. "Rational Expectations or Heuristics?: Strategic Voting in Proportional 

Representation Systems." Party Politics 14(1):31-49. 

Lane, Jan-Erik and Reinert Maeland. 2007. "Towards an Analysis of Voting Power in Parliament: An 

Exploration into Coalition-Making in Nordic Parliaments." Acta Politica 42(December):355-79. 

Larcinese, Valentino. 2007. "Voting Over Redistribution and the Size of the Welfare State: The Role of 

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Lazarus, Jeffrey. 2008. "Incumbent Vulnerability and Challenger Entry in Statewide Elections." American 

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Lean, Sharon F. 2007. "The Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Nicaragua, November 2006." 


LeDuc, Lawrence. 2007. "The Federal Election in Canada, January 2006." Electoral Studies 26(3):716-20. 

Leighley, Jan E. and Jonathan Nagler. 2007. "Unions, Voter Turnout, and Class Bias in the U.S. Electorate, 

1964-2004." The Journal of Politics 69(2):430-441. 

Lewis-Beck, Michael S., Richard Nadeau, and Angelo Elias. 2008. "Economics, Party, and the Vote: 

Causality Issues and Panel Data." American Journal of Political Science 52(1):84-95. 

Lien, Pei-te, Dianne M. Pinderhughes, Carol Hardy-Fanta, and Christine M. Sierra. 2007. "The Voting 

Rights Act and the Election of Nonwhite Officials." PS: Political Science & Politics 40(03):489-94. 

Lundberg, Thomas C. 2007. "Electoral System Reviews in New Zealand, Britain and Canada: A Critical 

Comparison." Government and Opposition 42(4):471-90. 

Lundy, Patricia and Mark McGovern. 2007. "Attitudes Towards a Truth Commission for Northern Ireland 

in Relation to Party Political Affiliation." Irish Political Studies 22(September):321-38. 

Lutz, Georg. 2007. "Low Turnout in Direct Democracy." Electoral Studies 26(3):624-32. 

Lutz, Georg and Michael Marsh. 2007. "Introduction: Consequences of Low Turnout." Electoral Studies 

26(3):539-47. 

Magee, Christopher S. P. 2007. "Influence, Elections, and the Value of a Vote in the U.S. House of 

Representatives." Economics & Politics 19(3):289-315. 

Mahler, Vincent A. 2008. "Electoral Turnout and Income Redistribution by the State: A Cross-National

28 

Analysis of the Developed Democracies." European Journal of Political Research 47(2):161-83. 

Mair, Peter. 2008. "The Challenge to Party Government." West European Politics 31(1):211-34. 

McDonald, Michael P. 2007. "Regulating Redistricting." PS: Political Science & Politics 40(4):675-79. 

McElroy, Gail. 2007. "Legislative Politics As Normal?: Voting Behaviour and Beyond in the European 

Parliament." European Union Politics 8(3):433-48. 

McElwain, Kenneth M. 2008. "Manipulating Electoral Rules to Manufacture Single-Party Dominance." 

American Journal of Political Science 52(1):32-47. 

McEvoy, Joanne. 2007. "The Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2007." Irish Political Studies 

22(September):367-81. 

McGhee, Eric. 2008. "Cohort Effects and the Incumbency Advantage." Legislative Studies Quarterly 

33(February):113-29. 

Mckay, Joanna. 2007. "The Berlin Land Election 2006." German Politics 16(4):518-25. 

Merckx, Marieke and Patrick Vander Weyden. 2007. "Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in the 

Democratic Republic of Congo, 2006." Electoral Studies 26(4):809-13. 

Mershon, Carol and Olga Shvetsova. 2008. "Parliamentary Cycles and Party Switching in Legislatures." 

Comparative Political Studies 41(1):99-127. 

Meszaros, Jozsef, Norbert Solymosi, and Ferenc Speiser. 2007. "Spatial Distribution of Political Parties in 

Hungary 1990-2006." Political Geography 26(7):804-23. 

Milkis, Sidney M. and Jesse H. Rhodes. 2007. "George W. Bush, the Republican Party, and the New 

American Party System." Perspectives on Politics 5(3):461-88. 

Moller, Jorgen. 2007. "The Gap Between Electoral and Liberal Democracy Revisited. Some Conceptual 

and Empirical Clarifications." Acta Politica 42(December):380-400. 

Moraski, Bryon. 2007. "Electoral System Reform in Democracy's Grey Zone: Lessons From Putin's 

Russia." Government and Opposition 42(4):536-63. 

Morel, Laurence. 2007. "The Rise of Politically Obligatory Referendums: The 2005 French Referendum in 

Comparative Perspective." West European Politics 30(5):1041-67. 

Moser, Robert G. 2008. "Electoral Systems and the Representation of Ethnic Minorities: Evidence From 

Russia." Comparative Politics 40(3). 

Muller, Wolfgang C. 2008. "The Surprising Election in Austria, October 2006." Electoral Studies 

27(1):175-79. 

Neumayer, Laure. 2008. " Euroscepticism As a Political Label: The Use of European Union Issues in 

Political Competition in the New Member States." European Journal of Political Research 47(2):135-60. 

Nicolau, Jairo. 2008. "The Presidential and Congressional Elections in Brazil, October 2006." Electoral 

Studies 27(1):170-175. 

Nikolenyi, Csaba. 2008. "Recognition Rules, Party Labels and the Number of Parties in India: A Research 

Note." Party Politics 14(2):211-22. 

Nurmi, Hannu and Lasse Nurmi. 2007. "The Parliamentary Election in Finland, March 2007." Electoral 

Studies 26( 4):797-803. 

O'Mahony, Jane. 2007. "'Europeanisation As Implementation': The Impact of the European Union on 

Environmental Policy-Making in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 22(September):265-85. 

O'Malley, Eoin. 2007. "The Irish Parliamentary Elections of 2007: New Gloss on an Old Engine." West 


O Muineachain, Sein and Michael Gallagher. 2008. "The Parliamentary Election in Ireland, May 2007." 


Oliver, J. E. and Shang E. Ha. 2007. "Vote Choice in Suburban Elections." American Political Science 

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Pappalardo, Adriano. 2007. "Electoral Systems, Party Systems: Lijphart and Beyond." Party Politics 

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Pellikaan, Huib, Sarah L. d. Lange, and Tom v. d. Meer. 2007. "Fortuyns Legacy: Party System Change in 

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Pereira, Carlos, Timothy J. Power, and Lucio R. Renno. 2008. "Agenda Power, Executive Decree 

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