In Quest of a New Destination: A study of Refugees,

Resettlement and Rehabilitation in North Bengal

with Special Reference to Women (1947-79)

A Thesis Submitted To The North Bengal University

For The Award of Doctor of Philosophy
In
Department of History

Submitted by
Madhuparna Mitra Guha

Under the Supervision of

Dr. Dahlia Bhattacharya
Associate Professor
Department of History
North Bengal University

Department of History
North Bengal University
December, 2018
 i

Abstract

Amid construction and destruction of the outside world the tale of human civilization is
embedded in history. The light and darkness of history carefully preserve the memory
and oblivion that act silently to change the complexion of society, era and mid set.
Partition of India was a tragic incident in the annals of human civilization that had caste
such a long shadow. It remained as an apocalyptic event that reinforced violence and
movement invoking political rupture, social catastrophe and also advocated nostalgia.
The division of British India and subsequent creation of two antagonist countries was not
just the splitting up of nations and their histories but also their very existence. The thesis
emphasized on the fact that the partition of India purported only on religious lines
creating two independent nations, viz. India and Pakistan. Both India and Pakistan had
firm conviction that partition was the only way to get rid of existing turmoil.

The prime objective of the paper is to highlight specially on the refugees who migrated to
North Bengal. The displaced persons from East Pakistan had to traverse a long way
riddled with hurdles to pay the cost of independence. The ill treatments on a large scale
were very common ways of attacks upon the Hindu minority in East and West Pakistan.
In East Pakistan the chronic problem of Hindus remained unsolved, overlooked,
neglected and uncared. In a word less importance was attached to their glaring problem.
The social disturbances and political turmoil following partition forced people to escape
from their homeland and take shelter in various corners of India. In West Bengal the
migration process got a new momentum in 1971 and North Bengal was not an
exceptional one. The thesis in question has focused on the fact that the socio-political
canvass of North Bengal changed to a considerable extent with refugee exodus. The
continuous process of migration had started mainly from 1946 in the event of the
atrocious Noakhali disturbances and its continuation persisted even after 1971.There is no
denying of the fact and no shadow of doubt that being apprehensive of their future
settlement and survival, they ventured towards India with the fair expectation to lead a
dignified life in a peaceful and congenial atmosphere coupled with security and economic
stability.
 ii

West Bengal being a state adjacent to East Pakistan, its political territory shared its
borders by nine districts of West Bengal including five districts in North Bengal. The
migrated people flocked to different areas of North Bengal crossing the Brahmaputra and
Barak valleys. The other wing moved towards Tripura, Assam and Manipur. The East
Bengal refugees preferred to shift to West Bengal districts due to geographical proximity,
linguistic, religious and cultural resemblance. The five districts of North Bengal were
also crowded with the refugee influx. Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, West Dinajpur
and Malda accommodated a considerable number of refugees. Apart from permanent
settlement in West Bengal the Government thought positively for the all round
developments of refugees. The Government and some philanthropic organizations came
forward with their hands of cooperation. The thesis has also discussed about the
settlement of refugees in post 1971 period in Dandakaranya and Marichjhapi.

This paper has presented the refugee reminiscences to prioritize their erasures and
silences, defining the mythic structure of refugee histories and exploring its significance
in constructing a specific cultural identity. The Hindu refugees from East Pakistan and
later on from Bangladesh have been chosen as the central agents of such narratives. This
paper has tried to explore how the East Bengali refugees projected themselves either as ill
fated and passive victims of partition who designed to integrate themselves into the
socio-economic fabric of India. Sometimes they have eulogized themselves as heroic
protagonists who successfully battled irresistible adversities to snatch resettlement from a
reluctant state. This split image of the Bengali refugee as both victim and victor has been
articulated in this paper. This thesis exposed the fact that the refugee agency in post-
partition West Bengal as well as North Bengal was inevitably molded the social status
and cultural capital of the natives. The refugees‟ quest for rehabilitation along the mythic
trope of heroic and masculine struggle has been analyzed in the thesis.

Centering round the partition of India the women had long been neglected and ignored in
history though they were the worst victims. The study has portrayed a clear picture of the
oppressed womenfolk, the constant oppression on them, humiliation, sexual harassment,
physical torture and also their trauma following partition. Despite their numerous
problems they have had the courage to face the untoward situation with valor, intrepidity,
 iii

perseverance, tenacity and lofty ambition. In the event of partition a problem cropped up
for the massive influx of migrated individuals hailing from East Pakistan towards India
particularly, in the spatial locale of West Bengal. As a revolutionary event Partition of
India had spontaneously produced numerous masterpieces. The deplorable condition of
refugees has been vividly depicted by thinkers, academicians, poets, dramatists and
writers. Besides the valuable contributions of Bengali authors some authors of other
states have contributed much on partition literature. A historical portrayal of the human
tragedy following partition of India through the exploration of short stories, memoirs and
histories could creatively trespass across the border between fictional and historical
narratives. While some creations have depicted the massacre during the refugee
migration, others concentrated more on the aftermath of the partition in terms of the
troubles faced by the refugees in both sides of the borders. Even now, more than seventy
years after the partition, works on fiction as well as films are being made. The event of
partition along with its prelude and legacy has been the subject of different scholars has
remained intact till today. The „self-settled‟ refugee was in every respect opposite to the
much-maligned figure of the Bengali refugee that pervaded contemporary administrative
discourse—assertive, resourceful, fiercely independent, and too proud to be subjected to
the demeaning and dehumanizing conditions of government camps. It became a key
element of the self-perception of Bengali refugees in post partition decades.

As the gulf between the “private” and the “public,” was dismantled, the refugee women
were able to expose themselves the outer world of men from the sacrosanct economy of
confinement. It also broadened the ambit of women in the community and soon they
provided succor to each other in their struggle for existence. Generally, the gendered
readings of Partition represent the images of rape, violence, or the trauma, but this quiet
transformation of women‟s lives often remained unuttered in history. In spite of grim
uncertainty, profound sufferings, irreparable wounds, psychological and emotional
injuries; these women did learn to survive, adjust themselves with new environment in
the new destination. The new survival strategies, which these women followed for
sustenance, brought about significant socio-economic changes in their lives.
 iv

Content

Page no.

Acknowledgement v

Preface vi-vii

List of Tables viii-ix

Abbreviations x

Glossary xi-xii

Chapter I : Introduction 1-30

Chapter II : Historical background of Partition of India and issues of
migration. 31-64
Chapter III : Migration after Partition: refugee crisis and rehabilitation
in West Bengal with special reference to North Bengal. 65-138
Chapter IV : Migration and settlement issues from 1971-79. 139- 170
Chapter V : Psychological convulsion over migration: violence,
hardship and trauma of women in West Bengal as
well as in North Bengal. 171-211

Chapter VI : Women in Partition literature, films and memoirs. 212-274

Chapter VII : Conclusion 275-289

Bibliography : 290-302

Index : 303-308

Appendix A : Map of India before and after Partition

Appendix B : Map of Bangladesh

Appendix C : Pictures of two refugee families

 v

Acknowledgement

In the act of preparing my thesis, I have had the proud privilege to acknowledge my
indebtedness to my erudite late husband Dr. Ratnadip Mitra who was and still is the
source of constant inspiration. Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, the former Professor of History
in North Bengal University, an outstanding creative thinker, assisted me by all means.
His assistance is quite remarkable. Dr. Dahlia Bhattacharya, the Head of the Department
of History, North Bengal University, who had been entrusted with the heavy
responsibility to supervise my thesis, has provided me with valuable suggestions and
assistance. I acknowledge my whole hearted gratitude to her. Prof. Rupayan Mukherjee,
my colleague turned younger brother, has rendered a precious contribution in composing
my thesis, for which I am grateful to him. I availed the opportunity to come in contact
with prolific writer Dr. Ashru Kumar Sikdar at his residence. During the brief stay, I
enriched myself with his observations relating to post partition scenario of North Bengal.
My childhood friend Dr. Srabani Ghosh, has constantly encouraged me with valuable
suggestions, I am also indebted to my student Moidul Islam for various services which he
has rendered relating to my research. Bhaskar Sengupta‟s contribution in this respect is
also praise worthy and I am grateful to him. My colleagues and well wishers like
Professor Iva Ghosh, Dr. Joydip Sarkar, Dr. Anindya Bhattacharjee, Prof. Shelly Das, Dr.
Rupan Sarkar and Dr. Amlan Guha Thakurta extended their help and cooperation, for
which I am indebted to them. I also extent my gratefulness to different institutions,
archives, libraries like North Bengal University Central Library, National Library; West
Bengal State Archives; The Himalayan Studies of North Bengal University; Centre for
Social Studies, Kolkata; Women Studies of Jadavpur University; Refugee Rehabilitation
Offices of different North Bengal Districts; Ramkrishna Mission of Goal Park, Kolkata;
Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation Department, Rajarhat etc. I convey my hearty thanks
to those uprooted persons who shared their experiences during the course of my
interviews.

This thesis would not have been possible without the affectionate blessings of my
parents, my Father and Mother in laws and other intimate relations and well wishers.

Madhuparna Mitra Guha

 vi

Preface

“Our sweetest songs are those that tell of saddest thought”. The sweet memories of mine
were mixed with sad saga of Partition of India. The immature vision of my childhood
days had been intermingled with painful memories told and narrated by my grandmother
along with other elderly and uprooted women with whom I was closely, intimately and
affectionately related. The physical and natural proximity to the northern districts of East
Pakistan prompted the exodus of Hindus refugees to the districts of North Bengal. North
Bengal, the northern part of West Bengal occupied a unique position in the Indian sub-
continent. North Bengal was such a queer area of West Bengal which had no trace in the
geographical map of India by its name, but it is still well known in India. Most of my
relations had specially migrated from the districts of Mymensingh, Rajshahi, Rongpur,
Bagura, Pabna, Faridpur, Dhaka and other adjoining districts to Jalpaiguri, Darjeelong,
Dinajpur (now North and South), Malda and the then princely state of Cooch Behar.

My house was the mid-day meeting venue of the displaced women under the patronage of
my grandmother. The women hailing from different districts of East Bengal narrated their
stories and practical experiences following the Partition of India in 1947. Those atrocious
stories, stories of abduction, arson, plunder; inhuman tortures upon the minority
communities, rape, looting, unauthorized and forceful occupation of dwelling houses had
become regular events and rampant. I heard all the stories with a vacant and innocent
look but with intense interest and curiosity. Those ladies were not well educated but they
had enough knowledge and experiences regarding the political scenario prevailed during
the period. They held responsible the political leaders who were autocratic, unwise and
who took hasty decision for the vivisection, bifurcation and partition of India that caused
endless sufferings of the Hindus and the Muslims alike.

I left no stone unturned to procure sweetness from the sad songs of the million innocent
masses. Those unfortunate men and women became the puppets in the hands of some so
called politicians who threw them in the world of profound darkness of uncertainty. From
that time onwards I took a sacred vow to unearth and unveil their relentless endeavours
 vii

for existence, survival, security and empowerment. Now the question arises what were
the main causes behind the massive influx of Hindu exodus from East Pakistan to West
Bengal? The simple answer was that West Bengal was the only state which was
dependable and trustworthy friend of uprooted Hindus. West Bengal was the largest
recipient of the uprooted and displaced persons for the reasons of geographical
immediacy to East Pakistan. Following the same reason the Hindu refugees from East
Pakistan, specially the inhabitants of Mymensingh, Rajshahi, Rangpur and other districts
of East Pakistan preferred to migrate to the neighbouring district of North Bengal viz.
Coochbehar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Dinajpur (undivided) and Malda. As my research
paper deals with the refugees migrated from East Pakistan to North Bengal, my interest is
primarily focused on the different districts of North Bengal. The valuable interview
relating to the partition acted silently which in the long run inspired and encouraged to
think more and more of the miserable plight of the uprooted individuals, especially the
womenfolk were concerned.
 viii

List of Tables
Page No

3.1. Migration from East Bengal to West Bengal since 15 October,1946 to

15 January 1951(Outside Camps) 76
3.2. Month-wise Break-up of Refugee Influx to West Bengal 77
3.3. Details of Refugee Squatter colonies up to 31 December 1950 80
3.4. Refugees in West Bengal up to 1958 82
3.5. Share of Refugee population in total population of West Bengal,
1951-1971 83
3.6. Refugee Influx from East Pakistan, 1946-70 85
3.7. The district wise refugee exodus from East Pakistan to Cooch Behar
from 1946-51 90

3.8. The non recognized or unlisted colonies in Cooch Behar before 1971 93-94

3.9. District wise statistics of migration hailing from East Pakistan to

Jalpaiguri: year 1946-51 99-100
3.10. The district wise refugee exodus from East Pakistan to Darjeeling
from 1946-51 102-103

3.11. District wise migrated population at West Dinajpur from the year
1946-51 106

3.12. District wise migration from East Pakistan to Malda from 1946-51 109

3.13. The colonies established in post 1950s in Malda 111-113

3.14. Registration of Refugees week ending 6th November, 1948 114
3.15. Registration of Refugees week ending 4th June, 1949 114
3.16. Displaced persons (New) getting relief 115
3.17. Refugees in North Bengal up to 1958 (In and outside
Government camp and colonies) 115
3.18. Refugees in some districts of North Bengal in 1961 116
3.19. Refugees in some districts of North Bengal in 1961 116
 ix

3.20. Growth of population in North Bengal during 1951-1971 117

4.1. Month wise rate of influx 148

4.2. Growth of population in North Bengal during 1971-81. 150

4.3. Refugee inflow in Cooch Behar from Rongpur and Lalmanihat. 152
 x

Abbreviations

AIML All India Muslim League

AIWC All India Women Congress

AICC All India Congress Committee

AITUC All India Trade Union Congress

BDO Bloc Development Officer

BSS Bharat Sevashram Sangha

CITU Centre of Indian Trade Unions

CPI Communist Party of India

CPI (M) Communist Party of India (Marxist)

CPI (ML) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

DKSBS Dakkhin Kolkata Shahartali Bastuhara Samity.

EIRC East Indian Refugee Council

INA Indian National Army

INC Indian National Congress

INTUC Indian National Trade Union Congress

MC Migration Certificate

NBBKP Nikhil Banga Bastuhara Karma Parishad

UTUC United Trade Union Congress

UCRC United Central Refugee Council

RCRC Refugee Central Rehabilitation Council

RR&R Refugee Relief & Rehabilitation

UN United Nations
 xi

Glossary

ansar a semi police force of East Pakistan

ashram home for destitute

babajan grand father

babu superior and respected person of a family

bagh nokh nail of a tiger

bairagi a vagabond traveler

banga bandhu prestigious award conferred on Shaikh Mujib-ur Rahman

bari ancestral house

basha temporary residence

Bhadralok gentle man

bhatia original inhabitants of East Pakistan migrated to West Bengal

bhatia khyadao oust the East Pakistan refugees

bidi a type of indigenous cigarette made of tobacco leaves.

dalil deed

desh native land.

desh bhag division of home land

dhatri nurse

dhilani stone thrower

jabar dakhal forced occupation

 xii

kacharibari outer house

kantha a warm wrapper made of cotton cloth

khali or patit vacant or abandoned

khas lands under Govt. possession

khas mahal office deals with Govt. khas lands.

korta master of the house

mukti yuddho war of liberation

purda veil

rajbanshi primitive inhabitants of North Bengal

shakha conch shell

sharanarthi shelter seeker

shital pati cool mat

sindur vermilion marks

thonga a paper made container for carrying things

Tulsi plant a sacred plant of the Hindus and also medicinal plant

vastu land

vita home land

udvastu landless
 1

CHAPTER I
Introduction

History survives in accidents, catastrophes, massacres, bloodsheds, mutilations and

genocides. The incessant cries of the dispossessed, relentless agonies of the
disenfranchised and the misgivings of power saturate the climate of history. The
history of humanity is thus demonic and dehumanized; contrary to the Hegelian
conjecture of history as progress, it inevitably arrives as a history of loss, a history
that is dismembered, fragmented and far removed from the telocentric ideal of a
unified homogeneity. This partition of Indian subcontinent is a seminal episode which
has caused one of the greatest human convulsions in history. The British quit India
bifurcating the country into two nations. The division of British India and subsequent
creation of two antagonist nations was not just a surgical metaphor or dismemberment
of terrotories; it created a fissure both in heads and hearts of millions of unfortunate
displaced persons.The dark legacies of partition of 1947 has caste a veil of shadow on
the lives of the people of India, Pakistan and subsequently of Bangladesh. The borders
which were determined in 1947 and were redetermined in 1971 not only divided the
nation and its histories but also created a void among the families, friends, kiths and
kin. Partition has remained as an apocalyptic event which resulted violence,
movement and also assertained the resettlement of refugees. On one hand,
immediately after the World War II, the erstwhile British colonies were decolonized
while on the other, their political liberation took to a fractured shape. The minority
communities of Punjab and Bengal became the worst victims of partition. Millions of
people were uprooted, thousands were brutally tortured and slaughtered and coutless
families were isolated in the tumultuous event of the partition. The partition of the
Indian subcontinent uprooted from huge number of people from their ancestral
homeland.

The schizophrenic moment of partition was not just a moment of National rupture but
also brought about the strong traces of molecular fragmentations like partition from
the perspective of family, neighbourhood, village as well as city. The shadow of
partition was noticed among gender, communities, political parties and above all the
among different organisations.1 Common people in general and women in particular
 2

had made tremendous efforts for getting new identity The pathetic saga of migrated
women from East Pakistan who had to confront unpredictable and innumerable
challenges of new life style or pattern of life across the border of Bengal. They had to
traverse a long way riddled with hurdles. The thesis in question has tried to ventilate
the saga of victimized refugees, specially the women who settled in the districts of
North Bengal hailing from East Pakistan, were exploited and assaulted in every
possible way. The researcher would like to focus on the lesser known images of the
refugee women—identifying the latent violence on women in East Pakistan not only
as victims but also survivors in this cataclysmic event. The focus is on the similarities
and differences in the experiences of the refugee women from the East Pakistan to
West Bengal as well as in North Bengal in 1947 and 1971 and their subsequent
rehabilitation and resettlement.

According to Ranabir Samaddar, Partition is linked to a transition- a transition from

colonialism to post colonialism, from nationalist secularism to communalism and
separatism and also from united entity to vivisection2 .For Punjab exchange of
population was made and thereafter the Hindus began to migrate from Western
Punjab of Pakistan to India and the Muslims began to shift from East Punjab of India
to Pakistan. But it was not peaceful and voluntary one. The pity of the whole thing
was that in East Pakistan the chronic problem of Hindus remained unsolved,
overlooked, neglected and uncared. In a word, no importance was attached to their
glaring problem. Migration is a universal fact and a burning issue throughout the
world. From India‘s perspective the Refugee movement took place in both sides of the
borders after partition. However, the social disturbances and political turmoil
following partition forced people to escape from their homeland and to take shelter in
various corners of India. The innumerable involuntary and unprecedented migration
caused communal riots, massacres and atrocities of all kinds on both sides of the
borders. The country was filled with huge number of refugees who were rendered
orphans by the storm called Partition. This event caused the barbarity of most dreadful
kind.3Almost 12 million people were displaced and a million died. There was
widespread sexual savagery and about 75 thousand women were abducted and raped.4
In West Bengal and more specifically in North Bengal the migration process got a
new momentum in 1947. The socio-political canvass of North Bengal changed to a
 3

considerable extent with refugee exodus. North Bengal became a destination of

refugees of East Bengal. The fear of persecution and violence compelled a large
number of Hindus to flock to Indian Territory in quest for shelter and security. The
massive influx of refugees from East Pakistan to West Bengal was one of the major
outcomes of the rapid growth of population.

The continuous process of migration had started mainly from 1946 in the event of the
atrocious Noakhali disturbances and its continuation persisted even after 1971.There
was no denying the fact and no shadow of doubt that being apprehensive of their
future settlement and survival, they ventured towards India with the fair expectation
to lead a dignified life in a peaceful and congenial atmosphere coupled with security
and economic stability. They were forced to quit their motherland after the Partition
of 1947 and subsequently during the war of liberation in Bangladesh (Mukti-Yuddha)
in 1971. The long standing deprivation, exploitation and agony made the refugees
confident enough that helped them to be triumphant in the task they had undertaken
for the fulfillment of their dormant desire and aspiration. To cross the border was not
an easy job. The migrants had to face copious obstacles to adjust themselves abruptly
with the new situation alien to their culture and mode of living. The natural climate,
the existing social traditions, rituals of daily life, pattern of livelihood and their dialect
were by and large different from those of West Bengal. The refugees from East
Pakistan were known as Bangal. Despite remarkable differences, the refugees,
irrespective of men and women of East Pakistan, weathered themselves patiently,
intelligently and continuously with the prevailing social system of West Bengal and in
the long run brushing aside all adversities they got courage to face the hard reality.
Subsequently they marched forward acquiring self reliance and came out with flying
colours.

The thesis has primarily highlighted on the refugees of East Pakistan and special
stress has been imposed upon the womenfolk who were treated to be inferior and
insignificant. The unwanted, unrecognized and unidentified women were always kept
in the darkness of oblivion. The women were treated to be nothing else but subaltern.
In this respect the path breaking article of Gayatri Chakraborty Spivak ‗Can the
subaltern speak?‘ is worth mentioning. Spivak argues that the experience of the
subaltern in expression is essentially mediated by the hermeneutics of representation.
 4

Representation, as Spivak substantiates it, is politicized in its discriminative nature of

inclusion and exclusion, in its relentless endeavor to segregate between the useful and
the redundant. As such, within the paradigm of representation, the subaltern
experience is mediated reality, carefully governed by the symbolic order of language.
What is more, the represented reality of the subaltern often becomes a discursively
formulated truth, which is not essentially contingent /coherent with the lived reality.5
Kristeva, in her formulation of the choric, alludes to the essentially phallogocentric
nature of the symbiotic order of language and speculates that the possibilities of a true
and unmediated expression of the feminine lies not in the established contours of the
symbolic order of language but rather in the spontaneity of the ‗semiotike chora‘.The
‗semiotike chora‘(Revolution in Poetic Language, Kristeva argues , is essentially an
order of expression that is precultural and prelinguistic.6 The feminine, in its
alienation from the symbolic order of language, characteristically places itself in the
sanctified ritual of representation called ‗semiotike‘, where recollections and
renderings of trauma, mutilation, violence and other experimental realities become the
medium of expression for the subjugated and violated selves. It is the non-systematic
and spontaneous renderings of such experiential realities through which the feminine
subaltern can affirm her agency.

Memory, as a discontinuous and incoherent schema that exists as an essential

prerogative to history, is that semiotike through which the repressed self seeks
expression. The hermeneutics of history has often been suspicious of the authenticity
of memory, so much so, that historiographers have considered it as an impediment to
the objective eye of history. However, the claim to objectivity has been increasingly
jeoperdized by poststructuralist historiographers, who have all insisted on the tryst
that history shares with power. Memory for them is not a redundant imaginative
conjuncture that is invalidated as the ‗telos‘ of canonical historiographic enquiry, it is
the experimental reality of memory which can resist grand narrative of history.Hence,
memory becomes a foundational logos around which the dispossessed subaltern (in
this case of woman subaltern) can consolidate her voice. Not the reliabilities of
hermeneutic and validated history, but the imperfect histories of memory become
essential to the subaltern as a possible means of self affirmation and consolidation of
subjectivity.
 5

Spivak‘s essay is foundational in the sense that it tries to overthrow the binary
opposition between subject and object, self and other, centre and margin, occident and
orient, language and silence and the canon and the unacknowledged. In Spivak‘s
opinion, the historically validated conjectures of representation are obtruse as a
representational medium for the subaltern and her essay works on the historical and
ideological factors that obstruct the possibility of being heard for those who inhabit
the periphery. Hence, the ‗semiotike‘ as the ungoverned mode of representation
becomes the only possible voice for the subaltern, which like memory, is authentic in
its disbelief, is credible in its lack of credibility.

This thesis has tried to outline the history of partition and refugee crisis in North
Bengal from a gender sensitive standpoint. We are well conversant with the fact that
the fair sex was the worst victims of partition. Those trauma and agony of women
indirectly offered positive energy to the women for their future settlement. But the
main stream historiography did not pay heed to those neglected segment of the
society. Despite weak institutional base women‘s history got a new impetus very
recently. Many feminist writers contributed a lot in this regards. This prompted the
researcher to represent some untold tale of refugee women of North Bengal whose
saga were lost into the labyrinth of anonymities.

The experience of partition in recent past presented and stressed expressively on the
status of women in Indian society and also of the nationalist tradition. The female
body was the main target of violence in many ways during the partition of India. It
was the reason behind the gendered violence that figured prominently in partition
narratives by women themselves. The women had become the passive sufferer of
partition history and remained unrecognized as sufferer or even of ‗martyrs‘. From
various accounts of partition it was apparent that women had become the object of
communal violence that became an example of ugly incidents of the nations. But
those unfair incidents had remained unacknowledged by nationalist history. The
miserable corporeal truths of women which were deep rooted in agony, displacement
and rupture, were excluded from the narrations of the nation.7
 6

Objectives of the study:

The prime objectives of the proposed study are as follows:

1. The proposed dissertation intends to throw light on migration in West Bengal

and more specifically on districts of North Bengal after Partition of India.
2. The study attempts to unveil the sufferings and bitter experiences of refugee
women from East Pakistan who migrated to West Bengal and so far as the
districts of North Bengal are concerned, has not yet been discussed widely.
3. The proposed work tries to describe the nature of exodus from East Pakistan in
1947 and again during 1971, at the time of Bangladesh War of Liberation.
4. The paper aims to reveal the ceaseless struggle of displaced women and their
ultimate triumph in diverse fields of society.
5. The proposed research tries to examine the fact that the role of uprooted
people hailing from East Pakistan had a tremendous impact upon the socially,
educationally and economically backward native people of North Bengal.
6. The proposed study intends to illustrate the all-round development of West
Bengal as well as North Bengal following the migration.

Key questions:

The following key questions will be examined and assessed in the proposed research
work

1. What factors prompted refugees of East Pakistan to take refuge in West

Bengal as well as in North Bengal?
2. What were the differences in the nature of migration between 1947 and 1971?
3. What sorts of obstacles had the Hindus of East Pakistan faced?
4. How did the displaced people, more specifically the women, take the
challenge to cope with the new environment and atmosphere in West Bengal
and specifically in North Bengal?
5. How far was the War of Liberation (Mukti-Yudha) of East Pakistan for the
creation of Bangladesh in 1971 was responsible for Hindu exodus to West
Bengal especially in the soil of North Bengal as new migrants?
 7

6. Did the influx of displaced persons of East Pakistan pave the way for
developmental process in the district of North Bengal?

Hypotheses:

The following hypotheses have been penned down which are to be tested during
the course of research work:

 The trend of migration from the then East Bengal to West Bengal started
during the late colonial period.
 Migration was not a new phenomenon in the perspective of North Bengal. It
was still in vogue during the period when Cooch Behar was a princely state.
 Following partition, the Hindu women were mercilessly tormented, publicly
humiliated, ruthlessly behaved with and their chastity was outraged. To uphold
their dignity they were forced to bid adieu to their ancestral abode. They
became the sources of inspiration for the generations to come.
 Uprooted Hindu refugees who played a pioneering role, tied over all adverse
circumstances by dint of their courage and self confidence.
 Following the footsteps of the previous migrants the new migrants left no
stone unturned to adjust themselves with the new scenario of West Bengal so
far as North Bengal was concerned.
 The exploitation, sufferings, pang and pathos made the displaced women
confident enough for their future empowerment and subsequently their
struggle acted as a model for the local women.

Partition Historiography:

The consequence of the Radcliffe Line and the Partition of India could not be
predicted by the political and administrative heads of India, Pakistan and so far as
United Kingdom was concerned. Each country has had the firm conviction that
Partition was the only way out of the virus of communalism, which had torn the
nation. Ramachandra Guha, the eminent historian of international acclaim, has rightly
commented that generally works on history end on the precise date of 15th August
 8

1947. The domain of ‗History‘ ends with India attaining Independence, and where
history ends political science, civics and economics begin. Guha argues that this is a
wrong assumption—history persists, and hence there should be more works on post-
Independence India.8 Guha makes reference of the writing of Krishna Kumar who
writes ―for Indian history itself comes to an end with Partition and Independence. As
a constituent of social studies, and later on as a subject in its own right, history runs
right out of content in 1947… All that has happened during the last 55 years may
filter through them easily civics syllabus, popular cinema and television; history as
formally constituted knowledge of the past does not cover it‖.9 Sekhar Bandapadhyay
on the other hand echoes the same version of Guha , ―We may perhaps further add
that while the Historians finished their inquiries on 15th August 1947, the political
scientist and sociologists did not quite begin until the 1950‘s—that is not until the
new institutions had taken proper shape in India and started functioning effectively‖.10
This thesis focuses on a history of Partition by looking beyond the event itself. It
looks at the very first task set for the newly independent Indian state—the
rehabilitation of the refugees coming over to West Bengal from East Pakistan. Sekhar
Bandapadhyay in his book „Decolonisation in South Asia‟ mentions ―The fifteenth
anniversary of Indian independence became an occasion for the publication of a huge
body of literature on post-colonial India. The discussion of 1947 in this literature is
largely monopolized by the Partition, its memories and its long-term effects on the
nation.11

Partition historiography has passed through various stages, each having a different
area of focus. In good number texts both of early and modern periods, the event of
partition has been constructed in a dichotomous framework like hero versus villain or
victor versus vanquished that devoid of any circumstantial compulsion as well as
prevalent trends. These texts are nothing but an exaggeration of personal behavior,
biasness and prejudices. If partition is viewed from narrow prism it will be evident
that its limitation is not confined within the periphery of history alone but at the same
time encourages a type of neo-nationalist historiography both in India and Pakistan.
The approaches of the historians towards partition in both sides of the border are still
pole asunder. The difference of approach and attitude has brilliantly been brought out
by Krishna Kumar through his comparative studies of history text books of India and
so far as Pakistan is concerned.12 In spite of belonging to a same period before
 9

partition, both the countries have picked up selected events and formulated them
according to their sweet political, ideological and cultural needs. So the story of the
freedom movement has been reconstructed and reinterpreted in a new fashion.

In India and Pakistan, the partition is often served as a model for the reinvention of
national history. In the midst of various national interpretations, partition has been
presented as the ‗momentous culmination of an anti colonial national struggle‘ that
agreed to accept partition for the sake of Indian unity as a whole.13 Partition history
can be categorized into some phases. The first phase in Partition historiography deals
with the ‗why and how‘ questions related to Partition. Asim Roy describes this
earliest phase in Partition historiography as the ‗High Politics‘ debate.14 In this phase
of history there are factual description of the sequence of events that preceded
Partition. Sometimes the Partition history is based upon the nationality of the author
and naturally a prejudiced account of Partition has been presented. The earliest works
on Partition include the work of the British, Indian and Pakistani politicians and
administrators.15 Compulsive emphasis of the early historians on high politics that
heralded the event of partition, now have shifted to explain that why partition
occurred and to impose responsibilities on the negotiation between the British and the
Indian political parties like the Congress and the Muslim League. More so, they also
held the political personalities viz. Mountbatten, Nehru, Jinnah and Patel responsible
for the political disaster of 1947.16 Bipan Chandra, Mridula Mukherjee, Aditya
Mukherjee and Sucheta Mahajan in their book Struggle for Independence raise the
question of ‗why‘ and ‗how‘ the Congress accepted partition, eventually come to the
conclusion that it was the failure of the Congress to reconcile with the Indian
Muslims. The book reveals that political stalwarts like Gandhi, Nehru, Patel had no
other alternative but to accept the inevitable partition of 1947 as the Congress failed to
involve the Muslim masses in national movement and could not stop the surging
waves of Muslim communalism which increased from 1937.17 Bipan Chandra comes
to the conclusion that the acceptance of partition in 1947 was nothing but the only
final act in the process of step wise concession to the League for its stubborn
supporting of a sovereign state .18

The British authors however focused on the Partition as an inevitable event, and took
pride in having solved this great Indian conundrum with surgical accuracy, where as
 10

the authors of India and Pakistan altogether differed and in their arguments there were
tendencies only to blame each other. Blame-game of the writers became the regular
practice of the then historians. It will not be out of place to mention in this context
that the report of Lord Mountbatten in respect of Partition primarily aimed at shifting
blame from the British to the Indians and the Pakistanis. According to him ‗I was
determined that so far as possible the decision whether to have Partition or not should
rest on the shoulders of the Indian people themselves; and that the accusation against
the British of having divided the country should thus be avoided.19 He also accused
the mishandling due to the ‗lack of adequate and competent civil administration‘, i.e.
both the Indian and Pakistani government had not taken up the services of the British
officers, hence the problems. The report was nothing but a self-congratulatory one in
appreciation of the task being performed to the best of his efforts, and that he had
always opposed Partition, but in the face of the adverse communal situation, it was the
only solution.

The diplomats of both India and Pakistan presented an adverse view, accusing each
other for their stubborn attitude on Partition. Dr. Rajendra Prasad in his book, „India
Divided‟ has held the Muslim League totally responsible for persisting in its demand
for Pakistan. He also believes that the foundation of Pakistan is based on the two-
nation theory. He opines ‗The grounds on which separation is claimed are thus either
unsubstantial or such as are not likely to be accepted as a just and fair basis for
separation.20 According to Prasad, Partition is a ‗solution of despair‘. He also foretells
the bitter legacy it would leave behind: ‗Its enforcement is bound to be followed by
ebullient, joyous exuberance on one side and sullen, smoldering resentment on the
other….we should be prepared for the aftermath and not hug the delusion that
thereafter all will be plain sailing.‘21

Scholar like Tara Chad holds the British, the Muslim League and the Congress
responsible for partition, though the British according to him shared the major chunk.
He states that in the tripartite essay the British, the most powerful party, constantly
exercised full force in one direction. As a consequence, other two parties failed
miserably to combine or to deactivate that force. Tara Chad is critical towards the
stand of the Congress in the episode of partition because he considers that Congress
had underestimated Jinnah and Muslim League or sometimes became over
 11

considerate keeping at bay their potentials as well as aspirations. Moulana Azad

however observes that ‗it would not perhaps be unfair to say that Vallabhbhai Patel
was the founder of Indian partition,22 Azad also admits that Sardar Patel accepted
partition because Muslim League made the working of the interim Government
almost impossible. Azad accuses Patel for being totally responsible for partition and
at the same time blames League and the British for the tumultuous incident of
partition.

On the other hand the Pakistani politicians have justified their view in favour of
creation of Pakistan which according to them was the only means to safeguard
Muslim interests. They also have made both Mountbatten and the Congress leaders
responsible for depriving Pakistan of its rightful territorial and economic resources so
that the country might be economically unsound and paralyzed. Thus, there is a sense
of triumph in these works which seek to present the picture that in spite of the policies
of Mountbatten and the Congress, Pakistan had survived. Chaudhuri Mohammad Ali
mentions that the Hindus and the Muslims, though lived together for decades, still
differences persisted among them. The differences were so acute that there was no
way out to cement the relationship. So the formation of two separate nations was
inevitable and settled fact.23 He states that actually the gulf was further widened under
British rule, i.e. the ‗divide and rule‘ politics. He alleges the discriminatory policies
of the Congress in pushing the League to isolation. Therefore, he is of the view that
for the sake of the Muslims and their interests, the League demanded a separate state
‗Pakistan‘. Muslim Politics 1906-1942 of Humayun Kabir, The Communal Triangle in
India of Asoka Mehata and Achhut Patwardhan gave importance on communal
politics of Muslims in India, it was nothing but the offshoot of the policy followed by
the British for weakening the nationalist struggle.

After these ‗first-hand‘ accounts and memoirs, the works of later day scholars and
academicians have further developed the understanding of ‗High Politics‘. Those
include the works of David Page, R.J Moore and Anita Inder Singh. A.I Singh
believes that the divide and rule was the main object of the imperialist rulers. The
British policy in India, mainly after the birth of the National Congress aimed at
creating a dividing line between Hindus and the Muslims. The British administrators
passively and fanned the flame of anti-Congress Muslim opinion against Hindu
 12

nationalism advocated by the National Congress.24 Singh opines that India was
partitioned at the behest of the Muslim League and also for the British interests. So,
even though the Congress was opposed to it till the very end, yet it had to give in
finally on account of the mounting pressure from the Muslim League demanding a
sovereign state for the Muslims, and the British agreed to it, keeping in mind the
prevailing circumstances. She adds that ―the long term strategic interest of the British
counseled them against partition, but that their short term tactics contributed to its
fruition‖.25

However, revisionist historiography has challenged the blameworthiness of the

Muslim League behind the event of partition of India. Ayesha Jalal‘s work ‗The Sole
Spokesmen: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, is a sharp
departure from the prevailing concept. Her argument is that the demand for Pakistan
was never meant to be what it actually resulted in, i.e. a full-fledged sovereign nation
for the Muslims. Rather it was to be seen merely as a ‗bargaining counter‘ or a
‗tactical move.26 Some have argued that Jinnah was ‗hoist with his own petard‘, ‗ he
fell captive to his promise of separate statehood for six provinces and was left by the
partition with the truncated state that was alone consistent with the concept of a nation
defined by the religious map of the sub-Continent.27 But Jalal points out that Jinnah
was rather compelled to accept the ‗moth eaten Pakistan‘ offered by the 3rd June plan,
the only alternative available to him.28 Her contention is that Jinnah was not in favour
of Partition of India, but he was rather pushed towards using this tactic to safeguard
Muslim interests. Jalal is of the view that it was the Congress and the British who
pushed the League to take on this separatist tendency. Thus, question of ‗high
politics‘ continues to be debated, assessed and reassessed. Recent works have again
brought out this debate into light.

H.M. Seerval, a hardcore supporter of Jinnah and Muslim League opines that Jinnah
started harping on unity among Muslims of India after 1937 and also their socio-
economic and cultural development so that they could stand on their own
feet.29Hector Bolitho, the first official biographer discusses how Jinnah hardened his
attitude towards the Congress in order to defend the rights of Muslim minority.
Bolitho believes that Jinnah advocated the theory of separate state for the Muslims as
a reaction to the policy of the Congress. Like Bolitho, Ayesha Jalal implicitly agrees
 13

that both Jinnah and Muslim League had responsibility for partition through their
reactionary policies towards the Congress. Jalal believes that the ‗circumstantial
weight‘ resulted Jinnah‘s advocacy for Pakistan and the acceptance of the congress
leaders the event like partition. She agrees that in the midst of uncertainties,
ambiguities and also indeterminacies of the late colonial politics the partition was the
ultimate goal, not only for the Muslims but also of the communalist trends.30The first
official biography of Jinnah by Hector Bolitho highlights the fact that how Jinnah has
made reactionary pronouncements and toughened his attitude towards Congress, in
defense of the rights of the Muslim minority. According to him Jinnah advocacy for a
separate state for Muslims was nothing but the reactionary expression of the Congress
policy.31

A new trend in Partition historiography has focused on the regions which were
actually affected i.e. Punjab, Sind and Bengal. Thus the concern has now shifted from
the all-India perspective to regional and provincial contexts. To cite one example of
how the regional perspective has enhanced our understanding of the Partition politics
Joya Chatterji‘s book Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-
1947 is worth mentioning. According to Chatterji, Partition was desired by the
Bengali Bhadralok community itself because the Macdonald Award (1932) and the
Government of India Act (1935) had greatly reduced the presence of the Hindus in the
local assembly, where the Muslims occupied a dominant position therein. This
isolation of the Bengali Bhadralok was not restricted to the state level alone, rather
during the period under consideration; the Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee was
snubbed at even at the national level of politics where suddenly Bengal was sidelined.
Chatterji traces on the vital role of the Bhadralok community of Bengal in
spearheading the campaign in a significant way for the division of 1947. The elite
Bengali community was not mute spectators to promote the Hindu communalism.32

The focus on regional studies has certainly enhanced the knowledge on this topic as it
has brought about a more nuanced analysis of the entire politics involved, and that
too, from the states actually affected by the decision to vivisect the continent. Sucheta
Mahajan, however, has a critique to offer against such regional studies. She finds such
works as ‗denigrating nationalism‘— ‗The form of the diatribe has altered every few
years. The Cambridge school has come a long way from its direct, frontal assault on
 14

nationalism in the 1960‘s, when the politics of the early nationalist arenas was
described derogatorily as a ―cockfight‖.33 More recent historiography lays importance
on the underlining the meaning of Partition for the people who were the victims of
circumstances. Thus, now the Partition history emphasizes upon the theme of refugees
and their relentless striving for their gentle survival and peaceful existence in the alien
territory and in the new abode. In the works represented by the early historians there
was an effort to establish party prejudices and to either legitimize or contest the
Partition of India based upon their respective biases.

The next set of works has described Partition as an event, not in political terms. To
them it is a history of violence, a history of immense suffering and finally a history of
the triumph of indomitable spirit. The works of Gyanendra Pandey and Urvashi
Butalia are significant in this regards. Both Butalia and Pandey describe Partition in a
manner different from conventional historiography. Rather, their focus is on the
incalculable violence of that time and its impact on the human society. Butalia‘s
works are chiefly based on oral testimonies that presenting the human dimension of
the event. She indicates it more clearly that the Independence Day is nothing but the
reminiscence of the violence which victims of Partition experienced. Gyanendra
Pandey‘s work has narrated a similar theme, and thus it also differs from the earlier
representations of Partition. His work has emphasized on the fact that the Partition of
India and the violence that accompanied, was as much a reality as is its Independence
from British rule. However, in this phase of Partition historiography, historians
observe complete silence and remain absolutely mute on the ‗Partition in the East‘34.

The Aftermath of partition:

In the next phase in Partition historiography, academic scholarship has shifted away
from pre-histories of partition to aftermath of partition, not on the victimization alone,
but rather survival in the face of adversities i.e. from causalities to ‗lived
experience‘35The works during this phase, look beyond the politics of Partition and
instead focus on the politics after Partition. Those works stress exclusively on the
partition repercussions on the refugees and their tales of ceaseless struggle. At the
same time, it not only looks at the subject as merely passive victims, rather as active
participants in the whole process of rehabilitation. Collective as well as individual
 15

memories of the horrific acts of violence have been mediated in gendered line also.
Truly speaking, the marginalized refugee women are the worst victim of atrocities
relating to Partition. „Borders and Boundaries: Women in Indian Partition‟ by Ritu
Menon and Kamala Bhasin opens a new horizon in Partition studies. Gargi
Chakravarty‘s book ‗Coming Out of Partition‟ categorically emphasizes on the
‗refugee women‘ and their constant efforts for survival during that period of turmoil.
The book stresses on the hardships that experienced by the women in the aftermath of
the Bengal partition. Their struggle for shelter, food and jobs has become part of the
wider women‘s movement. Gargi Chakraborty describes the tremendous challenge
faced by the refugee women in rebuilding their lives in a new environment. The writer
traces on the lives of uprooted women who faced immense challenges for rebuilding
and reshaping their lives. She also emphasizes how and why the Hindus were
compelled to quit their ancestral abodes. She also indicates the transition in the lives
of refugee women.

Post-Partition rehabilitation is another often ignored aspect in Partition studies. By

making a comparative analysis of the rehabilitation measures adopted by the
government of India vis-à-vis the refugees from Punjab and Bengal. One notices an
imbalance and a consequence deprivation of one set of refugees for the privilege of
another. The difference in the treatment meted out to the refugees is also reflective of
state ideology regarding its area of responsibility. By deciding who was to be included
in the rehabilitation policy and who was not, and also by showing a sense of urgency
in one case and that of restraint in another, an understanding of nation-making can be
derived. Thus, the preceding paragraphs have traced the various aspects covered so far
in Partition historiography, and also mentioned the purpose of this dissertation.

Studies on the settlement of the East Bengal refugees:

The earliest works which have discussed the rehabilitation of refugees in West Bengal
are the works of Nilanjana Chatterjee36 and Jhuma Sanyal Chakraborty37. Both these
works have made the Bengali refugee their main subject. Chakraborty‘s work
specifically looks at rehabilitation policies in West Bengal. Rich in detailing the
struggle and survival of the Bengali migrant in West Bengal, this work however, does
not look at rehabilitation beyond 1954.38. This is because as per the Government of
 16

India guidelines which were followed by the Government of West Bengal

immediately, rehabilitation of refugees in West Bengal was not encouraged after
1954. They were dispersed to the neighbouring states.

The next set of pioneering studies in this field has been that of Joya Chatterji.
Chatterji has dealt with the theme of Partition of Bengal, by far, in the most complete
sense. Whereas her dissertation, later published as Bengal Divided: Hindu
Communalism and Partition, 1932- 1947, falls in the domain of the first phase in
Partition historiography in discussing what led to Partition, her subsequent works
discuss the aftermath of Partition. The main area of focus for Chatterji, however,
remains the politics in the post-Partition era in West Bengal. Her discussion on
refugees primarily has the purpose of showing how the growing discontent among the
refugees forced them away According to Chatterji, the Partition of Bengal was much
desired by the Hindu Bhadralok themselves who feared a complete Muslim
domination of the state and hence demanded Partition39. As a follow up to this
argument, Chatterji in her next article ‗The Fashioning of Frontier: The Radcliffe Line
and the Bengals‘ Border Landscape, 1947-52‘ discusses how the Radcliffe line was
highly ill-conceived, completely disregarded and was totally oblivious of the internal
boundaries based on geography, economics and most importantly that of everyday
routine. But the next part of the argument shows that the boundary commission was
not all that aloof of the greater political considerations as it was presented to be. Once
again, here the debates of the Bengali bhadralok who tried to include their
states/districts into the Indian side of the border are used by her to show that Partition
was desired by the bhadralok themselves keeping in mind the fears of Muslim
domination and the resulting loss of power40

That such calculated moves actually backfired with the bhadralok, was losing ground
in both the Bengals is the subject of Chatterji‘s later works, especially „The Spoils of
Partition‟ (2007). This memorable book by an acknowledged expert on the subject
assesses the social, economic and political consequences of partition. Using
convincing sources, Chatterjee shows that the unprecedented upheavals, massive shift
of population created the unexpected transformations of the political landscape in
Bengal a well as in India. The book also reveals how the spoils of partition, which the
Congress of Bengal had expected from the new boundaries, were squandered over the
 17

twenty years that followed. This is an intriguing and challenging work whose findings
subsequently changed our understanding and its consequences for the history of the
subcontinent. In the scholarly articles authored by her, she brings to light the policy of
denial adopted by the government vis-à-vis these refugees, and the efforts of the
refugees to rehabilitate themselves in spite of the hostile conditions.41 Through
comparative analysis, the differential treatment meted out to the refugee in the East
has elaborately been done.

Edward Said makes a distinction between exile, refugees, expatriates and émigrés.
According to him the origin of exile is actually an ancient practice of deportation
which stigmatized the exile as a form of rejection. He observes that refugees are the
byproduct of modern state and political innocents united in bewilderment. Expatriate
shares the same condition like that of exile but they are free to return their homeland
in spite of having chosen to leave the homeland. But the émigrés though experience of
exile, may have created a national identity away from their national origin.42 Despite
the above stated differentiation, it cannot be denied of that the displacement aftermath
of the partition was nothing but one kind of exile. They were all foreigners, though
their nature differed from each other. Naturallly, the uprooted persons had no other
alternative but to cope with the alien land. Their efforts for rehabilitation have also
been discussed in detail in this dissertation. The main argument of this dissertation is
that the rehabilitation of the refugees was the first task for the nascent nation-state.

However, the State laid the foundation for the differential treatment meted out to the
refugees migrating from West and East Pakistan. Where the State agreed that the
incoming migrants were the victims of the most gruesome violence, there the state
agreed its role as the protector with promptitude and efficiency. But where the
incoming migrants were considered as victims of ‗psychological fear‘ and not ‗real
violence‘, there the state adopted the policy to restrain the inflow of refugees. Thus,
migrants from Punjab were seen as the worst victims of Partition violence, and hence,
relief and rehabilitation was provided with a sense of urgency. But migrants from
Bengal were not identified as victims of such ‗real violence‘43 Likewise, the
responsibility of the State was reduced. In fact, as is commonly observed in official
correspondence of the time, the minorities in the East were constantly referred to as
‗Pakistani minorities‘ who were the responsibility of the Pakistani state, thereby
denying them any legitimate claim to the citizenship of the Indian state44.
 18

This thesis looks at the function of the State for the improvement of rehabilitation
process. This dissertation also questions two important presumptions derived from a
study of the rehabilitation of refugees. From the point of view of the State, the blame
for the failure of rehabilitation in the East was rested upon the static Bengali migrants
who could not utilize the opportunities like their counterpart in the West. This
hypothesis simply overlooked the faults of the State policy and this false assumption
actually became the hindrance in the way of prompt granting of fund rehabilitation. It
was nothing but a miscalculation of the magnitude of the problem which was regarded
as temporary and this caused the lack of adequate rehabilitation facilities. From the
point of view of the refugees it was stated that while the refugees from Punjab were
seen as victims, but the Bengali refugees were not given due attention and recognition
from the point of view of victimization.

Discussions on the forced immigration of the minority Hindu commmunity from East
Pakistan to West Bengal in search of own abode and their tireless endeavour to adjust
in new land started since 1950, although it got the attention of historians on those
issues only since 1990. Studies on the refugees of East Bengal previously were
initiated by the Union Government and West Bengal Government just for the
administrative requirement. Since immediately after the Partition, state capital so far
as its suburban areas were concerned, were flooded with refugee exodus from East
Bengal.45Concentration of the displace persons were becoming more and more acute
in those places which were comparatively easily approachable.46 During this period
Government of India had instructed Indian Statistical Institute (ISI) for collecting
information on those uprooted people from East Bengal. Kanti. B. Pakrasi‘s
remarkable work titled ―The Uprooted: A Sociological Study on the Refugees of West
Bengal in 1971” which was based on the survey conducted by ISI during the period
25 May to 9 September,1948. B.S. Guha edited a book named „Studies in Social
Tension among the Refugees from Eastern Pakistan‟ which was based on the survey
report of Anthropological Survey of India (ASI) published in 1959.47 N. Chakbaborty
in 1951 submitted ‗Report on the Sample Survey for Estimating the Socio-Economic
Characteristics of Displaced Persons Migrated from Eastern Pakistan to the State of
West Bengal‘ which throws light on various aspects of refugee life. Hiranmoy
Bandapadhyay, a notable personality and a civilian (ICS) of the then British period,
 19

procured vast experience as he was in the supreme administrator to deal with the
problems of the exodus from the then East Pakistan to Indian Territory. He has
elaborately discussed and analyzed the roles of Government of West Bengal and
Central Government. He also has expresses his apprehension that after the attainment
of Independence the problem of refugees especially who migrated from East Pakistan
remains unsolved. From that point of view the book ‗Udvastu‘ (Refugee) can be
treated as the basement of partition history48.

„The Marginal Men‟ is a conspicuous evidence of the refugee exodus in West Bengal
and its impact on the Bengal politics. The deplorable conditions of the refugees, their
pang and pity, their intrepidity, their incessant struggle to adjust with new
environment, their entrepreneurship have been depicted in an artistic way. The
process of establishment of new colonies and subsequently establishment of new
organization for the rights of refugees gave birth to a new modern idealism.
According to the author these movements laid the very foundation of the future leftist
movement of West Bengal. The book vividly represents the deplorable condition of
uprooted in various camps, their ‗satyagraha‟ movement, their strife for
rehabilitation, their demand for formulating new development policies, their
participation in the movement for food, movement for fare hike of tram etc49.

Apart from the theme of rehabilitation of refugees, other areas of focus in this phase
of Partition historiography involves two themes — border area studies and the
troubled question of citizenship and loyalties in post-Partition India. Willem van
Schendel and Ranabir Sammadar present pioneering works in this direction. They
argue that a study of borderlands is important because Partition left the maximum
impact on those areas and still bears a continuing legacy. Samaddar brings in to light
the continuing migration across the Indo-Bangladesh border. In his opinion this
migration, which has been termed as illegal is due to the creation of this arbitrarily
drawn border. In this region several enclaves used to exist, which were actually
islands of Indian Territory in Bangladesh and vice versa. The plight of the residents in
those areas beggars description. They are harassed by the local population and at the
same time are often arrested for their attempt to unlawful entry into Indian soil as
illegal migration. Partition is an enduring fact, living in the present as much as in the
 20

past. Partition led to the rise of a new social arrangements, new consciousness and
also of new subjectivity.50

The focus of Post-Partition studies moved away from the violence to trauma. The
trauma of Partition became the other area of study by the recent scholars. At the initial
stage the Partition studies had remained confined within the periphery of events
concerning 15th August 1947— seldom moved beyond that date. More importantly,
even though individual refugee made his/her appearance, yet they remained stagnant
in time. The refugees were viewed as living testimonies of this tragic event, often
asked to recollect those days of unrest, turmoil and anarchy. Refugees were seen as
passive agents in an event where apart from being the victims of this ‗greatest human
tragedy‘. Josodhara Bagchi, Subhoranjan Dasgupta & Subhasri Ghosh, edited book
The Trauma and the Triumph, Gender and partition in Eastern India discusses the
partition in eastern region and focuses on East and West Bengal. The book
incorporates the Muslim voices and their experiences on the other side of division i.e.
East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. At the same time the book deals with Muslim women
residing in West Bengal. How did the face the grim reality of vivisection has vividly
analyzed in the said book. This book is a glaring testimony of the memories,
experiences, recollections of some refugee women; their unending struggle and
ultimately of their victory against all possible odds.51

Ganesh Kudaisya‘s book Divided Landscapes, Fragmented Identities: East Bengal

Refugees and their Rehabilitation in India 1947-79‘, „The Changing Profile of a
Province of Chittabrata Palit and Ujjal Roy; Changing Borders, Shifting Loyalties:
Religion, Caste and the Partition of Bengal in 1947; Remembered villages:
Representation of Hindu Bengali memories in the aftermath of the partition by Dipesh
chakraborty are some important works in this field. Pradip Kumar Bose‘s Refugees in
West Bengal critically analyzes the two major influx of the immediate aftermath of
Partition so far as the liberation war of East Pakistan is concerned. The book
comprises a number of articles regarding the refugees of West Bengal. The author of
the book raises issues of cultural dimension of refugee hood. The book also covers the
question of refugee rehabilitation. Bose tries to incorporate the refugee concept with
socio-cultural milieu.
 21

Memoirs like Chhere asa gram of Dakhshina Ranjan Basu, Udvastu of Hiranmoy
Bandopadhyay, Dayamayeer kotha of Sunanda Sikdar, Desh bhag o desh tyag of
Sandipan Bandapadhyay contributed a lot in the field of partition studies. Josodhara
Bagchi, and Abhijit Sen‘s Shatabarshe Ashalata; Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay‘s Ja
dekhechhi, Udvastu, Atin Bandapadhyay‘s Deshbhager Dinguli; Prativa Basu‘s
Jibaner jalchhabi, Nirenbdranath Charaborty‘s Bhite chhada, Nirbindu, Nirad C.
Chaudhry‘s Aji hote shatabarsha age, Amar debottar Sampatti; Bina Das‘s Srinkhal
Jhankar ; Hena Das‘s Smritimoy Dinguli;. Ashoka Gupta‘s Noakhali Durjoger Smriti;
Shyamaprasad Mukherjee‘s Leaves From A Diary; Ashok Mitra‘s Tin kuri dosh (part
II& III) Tapan Roychowdhury‘s Ramanthan Athaba Bhimroti Praptir
Paracharitcharcha, Banganama, etc. are the valuable contributions of the writers of
West Bengal.

One sided interviews and one sided recording of incidents also have not disclose the
violence on this side of the border. Focus on Partition violence brings to light only
one aspect of the State—either as one who was held responsible for this violence or as
the one who tried to quell the violence once it started spreading infinitely. The true
nature of the nascent state in the immediate aftermath of Independence and Partition
needs a closer analysis which has not come through in the above mentioned studies.
Also, in the first task set before it, the State was trying to define its territories,
responsibilities, and also its ‗rightful‘ subjects. Finally, the coming of age of the
refugee also has not come across from these studies. The refugees have tried their
level best to make the alien land their homeland with or without the support of the
State and the original inhabitants is an aspect which can come through only after a
study of the lacuna in the Government-sponsored rehabilitation policies.

This work seeks to bring into light the fact that rehabilitation in the East is primarily
the work of the refugees themselves, whereas, in the West the contribution of the
State is equally significant if not more. This argument stems from a direct comparison
of the policies of the government and the self-initiative of the refugees coming from
West Pakistan and East Pakistan. It is also based on the fact that though conflict
between the refugees and the State was not altogether absent in the West, it was
outshined by the magnitude of this conflict in the East simply outshone any similar
conflict in the West. It is this differential treatment that the dissertation focuses on.
 22

Lots have been spoken about the partition by different eminent scholars,
academicians, historians, politicians and statesmen from different angles and
perspectives.

Research gap:

The massive influx of refugees into West Bengal attracted the attention of a number
of researchers. The causes and effects of partition, its impact on common mass, the
pathos and trauma of displaced persons have been widely discussed by the
researchers. There is no doubt that division of India was a central point of focus in
post colonial history. A large number of immigrants came to North Bengal from East
Pakistan and on the contrary from West Pakistan to India for refuge. Their stories,
experiences, day to day hardships were really beyond description. Their miserable
plight was described vividly by different academicians. Virtually there is no dearth of
material on partition history. As a matter of fact the refugee problem has been the
centre of discussion for decades together. Udvastu of Hiranmoy Bandapadhy, ‗The
Marginal Men of Prafulla Chakraborty, Coming out of Partition of Gargi
Chakraborty, The Trauma and Triumph edited by Josodhara Bagchi provides some
details of refugee crisis of West Bengal. Very recently Monika Mondol in her work
has discussed refugee rehabilitation in West Bengal with special emphasis on Malda.
Taking into account the refugee of North Bengal, it is found there is a lack of serious
discussion and academic introspection. The memory of violence, bloodshed, troubling
realities that accompanied partition in North Bengal have remained blanketed in
silence.

A bulk of women population of East Pakistan has to struggle a lot along with their
male counterparts. But their efforts for survival and attempts to cope with the new
situation have not given due importance. The history of displaced persons and their
quest for new shelter in the districts of North Bengal has remained almost untouched.
The main focus of the thesis is on the refugee exodus in North Bengal. The purpose of
the dissertation is to unearth the miseries of the displaced women who migrated over
here in the perspective of Partition of 1947 and Bangladesh war in 1971
consecutively. North Bengal being an integral part of West Bengal has constituted a
separate social structure perhaps due to its peculiar geographical position and multiple
 23

characteristics of population. So the nature of hardship that the men and women had
to confront was to some extent different from Bengal as a whole. The thesis in
question would try to ventilate and throw light to bring out the untold, unsung,
unwritten tales of sufferings of those unfortunate victims of partition, specially the
women who by dint of their leech like tenacity and dogged perseverance had
confronted all sorts of eventualities. The Partition of 1947 was an event when the
Hindus, Muslims as well as Sikhs were involved in the violence and women became a
symbolic target of all communal violence. They were the worst sufferers of Partition.
The sexual brutalities that women of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communities suffered
in this turbulent time by the rioting mobs were really heart rendering. Beside this
humiliation, violence and sufferings that had been inflicted upon those women,
another aspect of their lived histories remain unacknowledged i.e. their silent sacrifice
to save their families. Of course those memories have been expressed by Ritu Menon
and Urvashi Butalia in Borders and Boundaries: Women in India‟s Partition, and The
Other Side of Silence: Voice from the Partition of India. A number of feminist writers
have produced their own narratives in their writings.

To throw light on the hidden history of womenfolk of North Bengal, both migrant and
non-migrants, is one of the principal objects of the project in question. The true and
authentic pictures of those migrated unfortunate women have not been brought into
light, not narrated and have remained unearthed. The untold tales of humiliated
women community have been thrown into profound darkness of oblivion. The
miserable predicament, incessant struggle and unpleasant experiences of the refugee
women who migrated over here after the War of liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 also
have not got adequate attention of the researchers. The proposed study of dissertation
has intended to bring those facts into light. This thesis on refugee exodus in the
districts of West Bengal as well as of North Bengal will perhaps fill up the vacuum of
previous incomplete and inadequate researches for the expedition and cultivation of
further micro level studies.

The second chapter has enlightened on the fact that the partition of India purported on
religious lines creating two independent nations, viz. India and Pakistan. This
bifurcation caused a great upheaval in Punjab and Bengal. The consequences of the
Radcliff line and the partition of India could not be predicted by the political and
administrative heads of India, Pakistan and so far as United Kingdom was concerned.
 24

Both India and Pakistan had firm conviction that partition was the only way to get rid
of existing turmoil. As a result of the partition, the displaced residents of Punjab were
accommodated with the active help and cooperation of the Central Government. They
were accommodated in different parts along with employments or extending business
facilities. Exchange of population was their major achievement, while the refugees
from East Pakistan were often been physically assaulted and mentally tortured.
Apprehending further atrocities, the refugees, specially the women became cautious to
protect themselves from sexual abuses and promptly decided to move towards West
Bengal districts. They preferred to migrate to West Bengal districts due to the
geographical proximity and the identical mother tongue. The untold sufferings of
those unfortunate Hindu minorities beggared description. This inflow of refugees was
still in vogue even after the creation of independent Bangladesh in 1971 under the
inspiring leadership of Sheikh Mujibar Rahaman.

The third chapter has focused on the rehabilitation of refugees hailing from East
Pakistan in West Bengal as well as in North Bengal. West Bengal being a state
adjacent to East Pakistan, its political territory shared its borders by nine districts of
West Bengal including five districts in North Bengal. The migrated people flocked to
different areas of North Bengal crossing the Brahmaputra and Barak valleys. The
other wing moved towards Tripura, Assam and Manipur. Most of the refugees from
Jessore moved to settle in Nadia. West Bengal districts lured the refugees as the
districts were well to do and prosperous The East Bengal refugees preferred to shift to
West Bengal districts like 24 Parganas, Hooghly, Nadia, Burdwan, Birbhum,
Bankura, Howrah, Midnapore and Murshidabad for permanent settlement. The
surplus refugees were sent to other states viz. Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Assam etc.
The five districts of North Bengal were also crowded with the refugee influx. Cooch
Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, West Dinajpur and Malda accommodated a
considerable number of refugees. Apart from permanent settlement in West Bengal
the Government thought positively for the all round developments of refugees both
for men and women. They were provided with loans for various purposes. Traders
were allotted trade loans, cultivators were granted free lands and free seeds, cattle
were also supplied. For the protection of health and nourishment, the Government and
the philanthropic organizations came forward with their hands of help and
 25

cooperation. Schools of different categories, including technical schools were set up

for the purpose of education.

The forth chapter of the thesis has emphasized on the inflow of evacuees from
Bangladesh to West Bengal after 1971. In 1971, following a successful war of
liberation with Pakistan, East Pakistan became the independent state of Bangladesh.
Both political and economic factors were the underlying causes behind the migration
in post 1971 period. The successive inflow of fresh refugees owing to the war of
liberation of Bangladesh, West Bengal had to face fresh troubles in all respect.
Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh, inhuman attitude and
activities of the political leaders, absence of democratic rights prompted the
Bangladeshi Hindus to shift to India. During war of liberation lacks of people from
Muslim and other communities also took temporary shelter in India, more specifically
in the border districts of West Bengal for months together. The religious
fundamentalism, religious instigation by political leaders and above all a feeling of
insecurity of the Hindus were the major crucial issues behind leaving their ancestral
abode. The influx of evacuees from Bangladesh continued to rock West Bengal even
few years back. The scarcity of land for settlement in West Bengal forced the West
Bengal Government to take prompt decision to enable the Bangladeshi Hindu
refugees for their settlement in Dandakaranya of Madhya Pradesh and other states
also. Afterwards a huge number of displaced persons were provided in Marichjhapi of
Sundarbon. These aspects have been illustrated in this chapter thoroughly.

Within the hermeneutic of patriarchy the women are often considered as the
embodiment of the honour of her own community. During the period of ethnic,
religious or other violence and even in the state of communal frenzy, the fairersex
become the major target of attack. Attack on a woman‘s body always signifies an
assault on the family and the community. Rape has always been a powerful weapon in
humiliating and disenfranchising the foe. The fifth chapter has ventilated the
psychological convulsion over migration and violence, hardship and trauma that the
women in West Bengal as well as in North Bengal had confronted with. Centering
round the partition of India the women had long been neglected and ignored in history
though they were the worst victims. The chapter has portrayed a clear picture of the
oppressed womenfolk, the constant oppression on them, humiliation, sexual
 26

harassment, physical torture and also their trauma following partition. Despite their
numerous problems they have had the courage to face the untoward situation with
valour, intrepidity, perseverance, tenacity and lofty ambition. The women refugees in
India so far as Bengal was concerned, were distained to undergo through various
obstructions and social hurdles from the very early period of partition. With the
frequent changes of social scenario, the outlook, the vision, the aptitude, the
consciousness, the attitude and the destination of women also changed gradually. A
sizable number of refugee women tried to explore and exhibit their prowess and
excellence after coming over in India. The most striking feature of the period was the
Bengali women developing an inclination towards political consciousness and thus a
new dimension opened. The political and social thinking of women, their sentiments
and observations, their mind-set and propensity towards society and politics took a
concrete shape.

‗The pen is mightier than sword‘. In the event of partition a problem cropped up for
the massive influx of migrated individuals hailing from East Pakistan towards India
particularly, in the spatial locale of West Bengal. As a revolutionary event Partition of
India had spontaneously produced numerous masterpieces. The deplorable condition
of refugees has been vividly depicted by thinkers, academicians, poets, dramatists and
writers. Besides the valuable contributions of Bengali authors some authors of other
states have contributed much on partition literature. While some creations have
depicted the massacre during the refugee migration, others concentrated more on the
aftermath of the partition in terms of the troubles faced by the refugees in both sides
of the borders. Even now, more than seventy years after the partition, works on fiction
as well as films are being made. The event of partition along with its prelude and
legacy has been the subject of different scholars has remained intact till today. The
fictions, short stories, poems, memoirs, dramas, films on partition have been projected
in the sixth chapter.

Methodology:

For the preparation of the present dissertation materials from various sources has been
procured. The research work classified in to two parts- primary sources and secondary
sources. The primary sources consist of archival sources, census reports, district
 27

gazetteers, state and district level archival materials, reports from refugee
rehabilitation, administrative reports and above all interview of those women who
were the victims of partition and women who migrated in 1947 and after. For the
collection of secondary sources various relevant books both contemporary and recent;
journals and periodicals; articles, some personal records, memoirs have been
consulted. For the concrete paper both primary and secondary source have been
utilized. Oral sources have acted as an important source for preparing the research
paper. Data has been procured from valuable experiences of the refugee women as
valuable information. Along with field study, data has been gathered from reports of
various girls‘ school, souvenirs to reach at a logical and substantiated conclusion.
Oral history or the personal narrative in the form of an open-ended extended interview
with persons directly and personally witness to or victims of traumatic events has
been tried effectively as a research technique in several recent works on Partition. The
present research paper has also utilized it. The outstanding virtue of this technique is
that it presents a personal, perhaps emotive, insight into the life story of the
interviewee. He/she is not treated merely as a source or object of information but as a
subject who is intrinsic to the story he/she tells. Each such story is a living history to
be read on its own merits. The interviewees were allowed to narrate their story at their
own fashion.

Refarences:

1. Ranabir Samaddar, ―Introduction: The infamous Event‖ in Stefano Bianchini,

Sanjay Chaturvedi, Rada Ivekovic and Ranabir Samaddar, Partitions: Reshaping
States and Minds, USA: Frank Cass, 2005, p.7.

2. Ranabir Samaddar (ed.) Reflection on Partition in the East, Calcutta Research

Group: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd, 1997, p,2.

3. Anil Rajak, ‗Partition and Women: A socio Cultural Assessment, in Rumpa Das
and Sreyasi Sen Gupta (eds.) Rethinking The Partition of India: Historical & Literary
Perspective, Kolkata: Avenel Press, 2014, p.111.

4. Urvasi Bhutalia, The Other Side of Silence Voice From The Partition of India,
Penguin Books, 1998, p.3.
 28

5. Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak, ―Can Subaltern Speak?‘in Cary Nelson and Lawrence
Grossberg(eds.) Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture,London: Macmillan,1988.

6. Julia Kristeva, Revolution in Poetic Language, Margaret Waller (trans.) New York:
Columbia University Press, 1984, p. 25.

7. Dr. Anjali Tripathy, ‗History is a Woman‘s Body: A Study of Some Partition

Narratives‘, in Odisha Review, Januay, 2014.

8. Ramchandra Guha, India After Gandhi: The History of the World‟s Largest
Democracy, London: Mac Millan, 2007.

9. ibid, p.18.

10. Sekhar Bandapadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of Freedom in

Post-Independence West Bengal, 1947-52, London: Routledge, 2009, p.1.

11. ibid, p.2.

12. Krishna Kumar, Prejudice and Pride: School Histories of the Freedom Struggle in
India and Pakistan, New Delhi: Penguin, 2002.

13. Haimanty Roy, Partitioned Lives Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and
Pakistan, 1947-1965, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012, p.5.

14. Asim Roy, ‗The High Politics of India‘s Partition: The Revisionist Perspective‘, in
M.Hasan (ed.), India‟s Partition, process, Strategy And Mobilization, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2001.

15. Unpublished PhD thesis, Post Partition Refugee Rehabilitation in India with
Special Reference Bengal 1947-71, submitted by Pallavi Chakravorty, University of
Delhi, 2011.

16. Haimanty Roy, Partitioned Lives- Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and
Pakistan, 1947-1965, p.6.

17. Bipan Chandra and others, Indian Struggle for Independence, New Delhi:
Penguin, 1989, p. 500.
 29

18. ibid, p.501.

19. Lionel Carter (ed.), ‗Mountbatten‘s Report on the Last Viceroyalty, 22nd. March-
15th August, New Delhi: Manhar, 2003, p.83.
20. Rajendra Prasad, India Divided, Bombay: Hind Kitab Publishers, 1946, p.319.
21. ibid, p.371.
22. M.A.Azad, India Wins Freedom, Madras: Orient Longman, 1988, p.198.
23. C.M.Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan, Newyork: Columbia University Press,
1967, p.1.
24. Anita Inder Singh, Origin of the Partition of India,1936-1947,Delhi,Oxford
University Press,1987,p.9.
25. Anita Inder Singh, Origin of the Partition of India,1936-1947,Delhi,Oxford
University Press,1987quoted from jacket of the book.
26. Ayesha Jalal.The Sole Spkesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for
Pakistan, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994, p.57.
27 The view cited by Moore, Jinnah and the Pakistan demand‘. India‟s Partition, ed.
Hasan, 162, but refuted in his chapter.

i
28. Ian Talbot and Gurhapal Singh: The Partition of India, New Delhi: Cambridge
University Press, 2009, p.12.

29. H.M. Seervai, Partition of India: Legend and Reality, Bombay: Emmenem
Publications, 1989, p.54

30. Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spkesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for
Pakistan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, (preface)

31. Hector Bolitho, Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan, London: Murray Publisher Ltd,
1956.
32. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932- 1947,
Cambridge, 1994.
33. Sucheta Mahajan, Independence and Partition: The Erosion of Colonial Power In
India. New Delhi: Saga Publications, 2000, p.18.
34. Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence Nationalism and History in
India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
35. Haimanty Roy, Partitioned Lives: Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and
Pakistan, 1947-1965, p.8.
 30

36. Nilanjana Chatterjee, ‗Midnight‘s Unwanted Children‘, PhD dissertation, Brown

University, 1992.
37. Jhuma Chakraborty, ‗The Refugee Problem in West Bengal-1947-52, with special
emphasis of Calcutta, PhD dissertation, published as Jhuma Sanyal,Making of a New
Space: Refugees in West Bengal, Calcutta: Ratna Prakashan, 2003.
38. Nilanjana Chatterjee, ―Midnight‘s Unwanted Children‖, PhD dissertation,
39. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932- 1947.
40. Joya Chatterji, ‗The Fashioning of Frontier. The Radcliffe Line and the Bengals‟
Border Landscape, 1947-52‘, Modern Asian Studies, 33,1, 1999.
41. Joya Chatterji, ―Rights or Clarity? The Debate over Relief and Rehabilitation in
West Bengal, 1947-50‖, in Suvir Kaul, Partitions of Memory: The Afterlife of
Partition of India, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001.
42. Edward Said, Reflections on Exile and Other Essays, Cambridge, Massachusstts:
Harvard University, 2002, p.161.
43. ibid.
44. The Statesman, January30,1964.
45. Rup Kumar Barman, Partition of India and Its Impact on the Scheduled Castes of
Bengal, New Delhi: Abhijeet Publications, 2012, p.11.
46. Kanti.B.Pakrasi, The Uprooted: A Sociological Study of the Refugees of West
Bengal, India, Calcutta: Editions Indian, 1971,p,42.
47. B.S.Guha (ed), Studies in Social Tension among the Refugees from Eastern
Pakistan‟ Anthropological Survey of India, Government of India, 1959.
48. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1970,
49. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, Calcutta: Naya Udyog, 1999, p.35.

50. Gyanendra, Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History

in India, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.50.
51. Josodhara Bagchi, Subhoranjan Dasgupta & Subhasri Ghosh, edited book ‗The
Trauma and the Triumph, Gender and partition in Eastern India, vol-2, Kolkata:
Stree, 2009.
 31

CHAPTER II

Historical background of Partition of India and issues of migration

Construction and destruction; addition and subtraction; ups and downs; rise and fall;
hopes and despair-all these are the regular and unavoidable events of the universe.
These events though relevant in nature and in the similar way these are adequately
appropriate and also properly applicable in the history of human civilization of
different countries of the globe. A good number of reasons are playing key roles in
this respect; it may be political reason, social reason, ethnic reason, religious
fanaticism, motivated interests of some political personalities and economic reasons
also. In respect of India the division of India was such an unprecedented phenomenon
that was the outcome of copious reasons. Partition of India in 1947 was a cataclysmic
event of history that constituted and reconstituted different communities. Despite
vehement successive healthy protests and strong oppositions from various avenues of
India, the goodwill mission of nationalist and patriotic leaders of India received a
serious blow through the vivisection of India. Some political opportunists, orthodox
communities and separatists capitalizing religion brought about significant changes.
Since 1947 Indian subcontinent had witnessed the triple partition of India viz. India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh in quick succession. The nationalist Indians after being
consolidated and united voiced their demands against the separation of Indian
subcontinent. The honest efforts of the nationalist leaders were ended in smoke. They
were compelled to surrender meekly to the separatist forces. Brushing aside all odds
the British imperialists showed green signal in materializing the act of division of
India in 1947. It could rightly be argued that Partition of India was a turning point,
after 1947 the atlas of India was fractured and re-drawn.

After the decline of Rome, Europe was plunged into darkness; on the contrary the
economy of Indian subcontinent was fast developing. Culturally India was also
flourishing which lured the foreign invaders from Middle East, Iran, Afghanistan also
from Europe. In spite of incessant invasions India did not budge an inch from its
multidimensional development. Gradually with the advancement of modern science
and technology some superior powers like Dutch, Portuguese, French and British
further invaded India in the form of colonialism. Particularly the British imperialists
 32

became successful by executing the policy of ‗Divide and Rule‘ in a skillful manner.
After long standing subjugation of the Indians under the British colonialism, a new
wave of nationalism became vibrant. The Indians started to organize movement to
emancipate themselves from the bondage of British rule. Their ceaseless and
successive agitations and protests paved the way of achieving independence from the
British rule. The British quit India dividing the country with the serious wounds and
planted the poisonous trees of rivalry and communalism.

Reasons behind the division of India:

The partition was the ‗political earthquake‘ that rocked Bengal and the Punjab. It is
more than seventy years since India was divided, but the reasons behind that
vivisection are still keenly and hotly debated. Partition is ―a concentrated metaphor of
violence, fear, domination, difference, separation, unsatisfactory resolution of the
problems, in one word past‖.1First of all, the division of India occurred on the basis of
religion, more clearly the Partition was a logical and inevitable outcome of the
irreconcilable antagonism between the Hindus and the Muslims. According to some
historians the major reasons of Partition of India was the unwillingness of the Hindus
to accommodate with the Muslims. The conflicting religious outlook of the Hindus
and Muslims was one of the prime hindrances on the way of their peaceful
coexistence.2 During the British regime in India the Muslims comprised of
approximately 25 percent of the total population of the country. However, the racial
discrimination between the Hindus and the Muslims were getting more pronounced.
The Muslims, though differing in ethnic character and language were scattered across
the country, especially in the erstwhile Bengal and Punjab regions where they had
formed a majority of the population. The Muslims also varied in their societal and
economic status ranging from solvent businessmen to urban and rural poor class.
However the religious differences between the Hindus and the Muslims despite their
co-existence had been marked. Such religious differences also translated into sharp
social differences. The Muslims were apprehensive of the fact that they would suffer a
lot if the constitution and governance of India were being controlled by India after the
attainment of Independence. They also became afraid that the Hindu majority would
severely interfere on them. It can‘t be denied that the Hindu communalism came into
 33

effect probably from 1930 onwards.3 The political set-up in late 40s was proceeding
towards a deadlock very hastily. Very soon an atmosphere of mistrust began to grow
among the people of both the communities.4

The pertinent question was who was responsible for partition? Whether the Congress
or the Muslim League ‗obstinacy or the concluding behind the scene act performed by
Louis Mountbatten that led to this undoing?‖5These questions remained unanswered
for over seventy years of independence. According to B. R. Nanda there was a
tendency to search for the main cause partition in any particular episode in the months
and years preceded the event of partition. He argued that partition was a culmination
of a movement of the Muslim separatism which became strong from the very
foundation of M.A.O. College in 1877. Syed Ahmed Khan, the founder of the college
vehemently opposed the Indian National Congress from its very infancy.6. Syed
Ahmed laid down the idea of separation of India. Syed Ahmed in his early life was a
non communal and open minded person. In a lecture delivered in 1884 he made it
clear that he wanted to serve the nation with cordiality, earnestness and sincerity. The
‗nation‘ according to him was both the Hindus and the Muslims. To him the meaning
of nation was nothing but the Hindus and the Muslims as a whole.7 But for the
reasons unknown a magical and mysterious change came over his attitude and
philosophy of life. This radical change was undoubtedly an evil omen for future India.
This attitude of isolation of Syed Ahmed paved the way of British administration to
fulfill its mission of divide and rule that expedited the act of partition.

Sir Sikandar Khan, the Premier of Pakistan expressed the view that there were
several schemes on the part of Pakistan. Chaudhury Rahmat Ali‘s scheme was P for
Punjab, A for Afghanistan including Pathanistan i.e. the North West Frontier
Province, K for Kashmir, S for Sindh and ‗tan‘ for Baluchistan. In 1908 Mohammad
Ali in a public speech stated that the interest of the Muslim was far different from the
interest of Hindus and the Muslims would be in trouble if they accompany Hindus in
their political agitation. He firmly admitted that Muslims were not supposed to
become martyrs for the sake of Indian unity and they were not to be left at the mercy
of Hindu majority.8 With the introduction of separate electorates in 1909 the question
of safeguards for Muslim community got momentum. The National Congress headed
by Parsi leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji, Firozshah Mehta, and Gokhale hastily noticed
 34

in themselves the end of the wedge, and realized that it would bring asunder for
Hindus and Muslims.9

When Rahmat Ali proposed a separate state for Muslims, at the same time Iqbal also
placed an identical proposal in 1930. According to his proposal he wanted to establish
a separate state for the Muslims including Punjab, North West Frontier Province,
Sindh and Kashmir within or outside the British Empire.10 Iqbal presided over an
annual conference of Muslim League in Allahabad in December, 1930 where in
presidential address he uttered the demand for separate and independent Muslim state.
He stated ―The religious ideal of Islam, therefore, is originally related to the social
order which it has created. The rejection of the one will eventually involve the
rejection of the others. Therefore the construction of a polity on national lines, if it
means a displacement of the Islamic principle of solidarity, is simply unthinkable to a
Muslim‖.11 In the same speech Iqbal asserted that the Muslims were of seven cores in
number and they were more homogenous in comparison to other communities of
India. According to him the true definition of a ―nation‘, was applicable only for the
Muslims. So their demand for separate state was lawful, reasonable and legitimate.12

Dr. S.A.Latif formulated another scheme which had elaborated in his book ‗The
Muslim problem in India‘. It was a scheme for the unification of India on natural lines
and the outlook was entirely from Indian‘s perspective. It also sought to have a
federation of culturally identical states for India for the formation of a nation at least
in the type of Canada where two different races could work together for a common
country, while living in separate areas of their own.13 In short he was in favour of
establishing a minimal federation through the inclusion of homogeneous cultural
zones.14 In 1913 Moulana Muhammad Ali proposed a totally different scheme to
hand over the Northern India to the Muslims and the remaining portions be handed
over to the Hindus. Similarly Mohammad Gul Khan, a Pathan, proposed to establish a
motherland for the Muslims extending up to Agra. In 1890 Abdal Halim Sharar
assumed that if the Hindus and the Muslims failed to accommodate themselves to live
in peace and respect, then separate states for both the communities and exchange of
population was the only solution.15
 35

Jinnah‘s political mission has elaborately discussed by Joshwant Singh. He threw a

very pertinent question that how far Jinnah was responsible for partition. According to
him Jinnah who was intimately involved with the Indians for over the first forty seven
years of his life; Jinnah was acknowledged as the ambassador of the Hindu- Muslim
unity; it was none but Jinnah who was acclaimed as the ‗sole spokesman‘ by Ayesha
Jalal, how a drastic transformation came over his long political career? It is still in
mystery. Why he was considered to be solely responsible for the creation of a separate
Muslim state known as Pakistan? In this respect the lectures of Loyed and Susan
Rudalf may be cited. The lecture stressed on the fact that Jinnah was generous, patron
of multi culture attitude and true advocate of secularism. Jinnah was committed
towards India‘s unity and was described by Viceroy Lord Linlithgo as the ‗Congress
more than Congress‘. Then a debatable question arose in the minds of general public
why the partition took place which was totally unthinkable even in the early years of
1940s.16 There was no shadow of doubt that bifurcation was a national disaster and the
British colonialists were frequently blamed for their inability to retain peaceful
atmosphere and at the same time to maintain the fervour of national integrity in the
Indian subcontinent. A good number of reasons were highlighted in support of
partition and it was also stated that the event of partition could have been averted. On
the other hand Pakistan believed that partition was imminent and settled fact. It could
in no case be averted. Pakistan had strong conviction that Muslim nationalism was
active and predominant prior to partition and they made a correlation between Muslim
nationalism and creation of a Muslim nation.17

For the first time, Partition as a political device along with communal implication,
was applied in case of Bengal in 1905.The colonial Bengal was divided into two
separate provinces, i.e. Eastern Bengal and Assam and West Bengal. Apparently it
was an administrative arrangement for the convenience of the colonial Government.
Bengal was indeed a big province which comprised 78 million populations and was
considered to be administratively unwieldy. Due to this unmanageable size the
division of Bengal Presidency was considered to be an act of necessity. So Lord
Curzon mooted the idea of partition of Bengal in 1903. Despite widespread and
vehement agitation from all walks of life the final form of the proposal was
announced on 19 July, 1905. It was decided that a new province of the East Bengal
and Assam would be carved out in which the Muslim consisted of 18 million out of
 36

31 million total population, so it would become a province with Muslim majority. The
remaining portion would be known as Province of Bengal where the total population
would be 54 million. Out of the existing population 9 million would be of Muslim
population. If the Hindi and Oriya speaking people were to be amalgamated then
Bengali speaking people would be outnumbered in this province.18

This was obvious that the main purpose of the partition was to spoil the rising tide of
nationalism among the Bengali Bhadralok. The real motto of partitioning Bengal was
not only to weaken the hold of Bengali gentlemen but also to prop up Muslim
community against Hindus. The bulk of the Muslims were landless labourers and they
had grievances against Hindu landlords and money lenders. This resentment of the
Muslims was capitalized by the British to implement their policy of ‗Divide and
Rule‘. It is needless to mention that this proposal of partition of Bengal was not
accepted by upper caste Hindu educated gentlemen. They staged state wide massive
demonstration against Curzon‘s evil design of division of Bengal. This anti-partition
movement paved the way for the outbreak of Swadeshi movement. A good number of
intellectuals participated in anti-partition movement. Ultimately the decision of
partition was annulled in 1911. Actually things were not going in a right direction on
the part of Muslim League. The euphoria of Muslim League centering round the
introduction of separate electorate soon radically diminished and with the annulment
of partition of Bengal the pro British passion of Muslims reduced to a considerable
extent.19

The peasantry in East Bengal mainly comprised the Muslims where as the landlords
were predominantly Hindus. According to the historian Badruddin Umar partition of
Bengal ―became possible because of the presence of certain non-antagonistic
contradictions by the British rulers‖.20 Renowned historian Sugata Bose had
expressed a well researched view on this argument. He mentioned that the Muslim
majority districts comprised of peasantry. This peasantry had a ‗symbolic
relationship‘ with the Hindu landlords, moneylenders and with the traders who
supplied the basic needs of credit in a highly monetized agrarian economy. The
prolonged depression of 1930 had destroyed all those rural credit, lending etc, and
shifted the balance of class power in favour of the peasants.21 The conflict of agrarian
class that broke out in eastern Bengal from 1930 onwards was used by the self serving
 37

politicians for their own ends, ―Operating in higher level political arenas communal
constituencies, the gift of government‘s successive constitutional reforms, these
politicians unflinchingly used religion to mask an essentially economic conflict‖.22

Previously both the religious communities were relatively less organized and less
connected with the institutional politics. Later on owing to a strong class character
those communal conflicts showed two kinds of convergences viz. the class and
communal identities tended to converge and the communalism of elite tended to
converge. This created a polarization of the entire population in two communal blocs.
Each bloc was led by the respective elites succeeded in mobilizing the mass.23. Joya
Chatterjee had made an argument about the Hindu population. Chatterjee commented
that ―communalism in Bengal was essentially a Muslim phenomenon‖ and that ―a
parallel Hindu communalism did not emerge, or that if it did, it was too limited and
peripheral to have contributed in any significant way to the conflicts that led to
Pakistan.‖24

The polarization of Hindus and Muslims occurred during just a couple of decades of
twentieth century. By the middle of the century the both sides realized that it was
hardly possible for adherence of two religions to coexist peacefully. The Hindus and
the Muslims turned on each other during the chaos unleashed by the Second World
War. In 1942 the Japanese seized Singapore and Rangoon and trekked rapidly through
Burma towards India. The Congress Party of India lodged a campaign for the Quit
India movement. Prominent leaders including Gandhi and Nehru were arrested. While
they were thrown into prison, Jinnah, who was loyal to the British, accumulated
opinions behind him as the best protector and saviour of Muslims against the Hindu
dominance. Meanwhile the war was terminated and the Congress party leaders were
released from their imprisonment. Although Nehru and Jinnah knew each other for
three decades, the disagreement between them became intensely personal. Nehru
thought that League represented ―an obvious example of the utter lack of the civilized
mind‖,25 and Gandhi calling him a ‗maniac‘ and ‗an evil genius‘. Violence broke out
in open streets between the Hindus and Muslims following which the people moved
away from, or were forced out of mixed neighbourhood and took refuge in
increasingly polarized ghettos. Tensions were often heightened by local and regional
political leaders. H.S. Suhrawardy, the ruthless Muslim League nominated chief
Minister of Bengal, made confrontational speeches in Calcutta provoking riots against
 38

the Hindu populace writing in the newspaper that ―bloodshed and disorder are not
necessarily evil in themselves if resorted to for a noble cause‖.26

Meanwhile a congenial political atmosphere was created between the Congress and
Muslim League. So they could act through joint front. The Act of 1909 created a void
of disappointments among the moderate leaders. At the same time the demises of
Congress stalwarts like G.K.Gokhale, Firozshah Mehta etc. created a vacuum. Only
the ray of hope was Tilak. In the meantime the Bombay Congress of 1915 under the
president ship of S.P.Sinha passed a resolution demanding the measures of
constitutional reforms in order to give people effective control over the governance.
The Bombay Congress authorized All India Congress Committee and Muslim League
to develop a scheme on constitutional reforms. The draft prepared by the joint
committee of Congress and Muslim League was approved in 1916 in the Lucknow
Congress. As Lucknow Pact was inked in 1916 and the Congress leaders believed that
it was final settlement of political differences between Hindu and Muslim. Tilak and
Annie Besant had a key role in bringing Congress and Muslim League in an
agreement with an aim to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity. It is worth noting that the Pact
was motivated with a view to wipe out the fear of minority from the yoke of majority
dominance.27

Under the backdrop the issue of Khilafat came to the fore front. In 1919 Gandhi
became the elected president of Khilafat conference. Gandhi started his non
cooperation programme on August 1, 1920. The moderates and the extremists made a
ready response to the call of Gandhiji who perceived the idea for attaining the long
cherished dream of Swaraj within the empire. The Hindu-Muslim unity apparently
acquired by Gandhi in 1920-21 proved to be unrealistic in nature without changing
the mind set and attitude of the two communities.28 When the impact of non
cooperation movement was in a declining stage, the age long conflict between the two
communities re-emerged. Now the Muslims turned their attention to their previous
goal of attaining individual or communal facilities through the act of cooperation with
the Government. In this respect Muhammad Ali Jinnah in his presidential address in
the annual session of the Congress held in Canada in December 1923, expressed the
opinion that the comparative advantages of cooperating with the Hindus and the
British Government for achieving Pan-Islamic objectives.29 There was no possibility
 39

of retrieving the spirit of cooperation between two antagonist communities despite

earnest appeal of Jinnah.

Pakistan‘s political history began with the birth of the All India Muslim League in
1906 to protect Muslim interest, in the midst of neglect and to oppose National
Congress. In 1930 Sir Muhammad Iqbal called for an autonomous new state in north-
western India for Indian Muslims. Later on Muhammad Ali Jinnah of Muslim League
advocated the Two Nation Theory of Sir Sayed Ahmed and as a consequence the
League adopted the Lahore resolution of 1940. The Resolution actually demanded the
formation of an independent state in the East and West of British India. The tireless
efforts of Jinnah eventually made him triumphant. Jinnah in his inaugural speech of
the Muslim League council in Bombay on 27th July 1946, made it clear that the
demand of Pakistan was the only way out open to the Muslim League. The Muslim
League Council after discussing the matter for three days summarily rejected the
proposal of Cabinet Mission and passed a resolution. For achieving ‗Pakistan‘ the
council decided to resort direct action.30

From 1923 onwards communal riot broke out which vitiated the political scenario of
India. Apart from a sense of distrust and suspicion, various factors were equally
responsible in keeping the two communities as two separate entities in spite of staying
together in India for more than seven centuries.31There were series of communal riots
in different parts of India from 1923. There were instances of communal riots in
Peswar in 1910, Ayodhya and Faizabad in 1912, Agra in 1913 and Behar in 1917.
The Simon Commission report estimated about 112 major communal riots between
1922 and 1927.32 The brutal frenzy of killing each other among the Hindus and
Muslims continued in various corners of the state reached to its climax through
Partition.

In the annual session of Muslim League at Lahore in March 1940 Jinnah addressed
that Islam and Hinduism were different and distinct social orders. They could never
evolve a common nationality and democracy which was unsuited to India.33 The
Muslims ―must have their homeland; their territory and their State‖.34 As a matter of
fact the seeds of separatism were sawed and British reaped the harvest through
‗Divide and Rule‘. The Hindu dominated Indian National Congress led by Jawaharlal
Nehru was in favour of United India. This was, of course, a very probable political
 40

claim on the part of Nehru. Following the impending emancipation of the country it
was crystal clear that the Government to be formed would have an overwhelming
majority of the Hindus. As the Muslims were scattered all over the country, the
British Government was in a tough situation in deciding that how sovereignty could
be granted to the Muslims, keeping in mind the demands of Muslim League and
Jinnah. Punjab proved to be a difficult proposition where Muslims were a prominent
majority and Hindus a minority.

The British Government tried its best to make an amicable and mutually acceptable
proposal between I.N.C and the Muslim League after a long deliberation. The British
had arrived at the blue print of the allocation of power between the Hindus and the
Muslims. It was a complicated political arrangement under which Minority Muslims
in different states of India would be granted sovereignty and autonomic functions.
Jinnah readily accepted and agreed with the proposal where as the Sikhs of Punjab
refused to agree with the proposal because the Sikhs expressed their reluctance to be
under the Muslim sovereignty. Initially the I.N.C agreed with the proposal but after
much rethinking Nehru thought the agreement as politically unsound. Such an attitude
of Nehru left on Muslim League and Jinnah a sense of distrust. India by this time
sitting on a bed of gunpowder of communal violence, witnessed the conflict reached
to an alarming extent. The disturbance reached to a flashpoint on August 16, 1946.
The Muslims identified and marked the aforesaid day as ‗Direct Action Day‘. The
activities of the ‗Direct Action Day‘ announced as apolitical demonstration
degenerated quickly into a communal riot. At the initial stage those disturbances were
in form of sporadic looting and murder. After that arson began and spread gradually,
the role of the Pakistan Ambulance Corps in Calcutta during this period of turmoil
was really highly communal in character. A report published by the Government of
Bengal described that the riot assumed the character of a civil war‘.35

Ayesha Jalal in her famous book ‗The Sole Spokesman‘ highlighted the fact that the
horror dipped in inhumanity performed on the black letter day i.e. Direct Action Day.
Jalal presented Jinnah as blameless leader who hardly had an idea of communal
frenzy and mishap. Her own version was ―16th August was the day the League had
nominated for ‗direct action‘. Forty eight hours before, Jinnah had urged Muslim to
remain calm; ‗direct action‘ day should be a day of peaceful reflection, not a day ‗for
 41

the purpose of resorting to direct action in any form or shape‘36 Jalal remained mute
regarding the role of Suhrawardy in this regards. There was no doubt that Suhrawardy
was directly involved with the entire period of massacre Actually Jinnah had called
the ‗Direct Action Day‘ as a mark of protest against the British because of their denial
to recognize Pakistan. According to Nitish Segupta when riot broke out in Calcutta
the British were rather in a safe position.37

Joya Chatterjee in one of her noted works Bengal divided: Hindu Communalism and
Partition, 1932- 1947 presented a deeper insight on the dreadful climax that Bengal
had reached during the period of turmoil. In the book the role of Hindu communal
forces as well as the preparedness of the Hindu community for strong vengeance was
emphatically emphasized. She argued that Hindus of Calcutta considered Direct
Action not as a well planned strategy or not as a distant negotiations at all India level
to do with interim governments and constituent assemblies, but as a threat close to
them which they were ready to confront till death. ―This was the context in which the
Great Calcutta Killing took place. The rioting, in which at least 5000 died, was not a
spontaneous and inexplicable outburst of aggression by faceless mobs. Both sides in
the confrontation came well-prepared for it. Direct Action Day in Calcutta was not a
flash in the pan but a product of developments which had long been coming to a head.
In part it was the outcome of the growing arrogance of the leadership and rank and
file of the Muslim League, heady with their success in the recent elections and
confident of their ability to get for Bengal some form or other of Pakistan; and in part
it flowed from the determination of the Hindus to resist what they regarded as
‗Muslim tyranny‘‘.38

The Quit India movement sponsored by Gandhiji in the year 1942, the rebellions of
the Indian National Army, the rebellion of the Navy, the spiraling unrest in India and
above all the cost of the war were the vital reasons behind the prompt execution of the
partition of India. When the World War l1 came to an end, the premier of Britain Mr.
Attlee of Labour party decided to get out of India as soon as possible. Taking the
advantage of the decision made by the Labour party Premier Mr. Attlee, Jinnah and
the Muslim League did not hesitate to voice their demand for separate Independent
state for the Muslims. Following the changed circumstances the Congress High
command took active initiative to hold negotiations with Jinnah of Muslim League
 42

and the British Government in London as well as in Delhi.39 Unfortunately Hindu

spoke persons from Bengal were not allowed to take part in the Negotiation table. In
the month of May, 1946 the Cabinet Mission proposed to give more power to Muslim
provinces. In apprehension Bhadralok community arrived to a unanimous decision to
divide Bengal for securing a Hindu majority state. The bifurcated territory for the
Hindus would be treated as West Bengal state within Indian Territory. It was the
grim irony of history that once Bengal was the province which boldly foiled Lord
Curzon‘s plan to divide Bengal, but in 1947 the complexion of the situation changed
altogether, In 1947 Bengal moved forward to translate into action another plan of
vivisection. But the main reasons of the two partitions were totally different, where
the first was due to political reasons but in 1947 the partition was due to communal
divergences.40 Virtually after the atrocious and shocking riots in Calcutta in the month
of August 1946 and in retaliation a colossal and hideous riot broke out at Noakhali.
Thence forth campaign for the partition of Bengal got a momentum.41

Supporting the demand for separate entity for the Bengali Hindus various
organizations and people from different corners of the state extended their hands of
cooperation for the fulfillment of the desired dreams of the Hindu Bengalis. The noted
political personality Sarat Chandra Bose, a renowned political personality of the time,
launched a strong protest against the partition of Bengal and he made an earnest
appeal to different political party leaders to stop the process of partition of Bengal.
But they turned deaf ears to his appeal and proposal and it failed miserably. At a press
conference, reported on 1 October 1947 that Bose described the idea of transfer of
population as ‗suicidal‘, ill advised and wholly unprincipled‘. He also pronounced
that it was no remedy for the ‗blunder of partition‘.42 The Congress accepted it with
some unwillingness. Finding no other alternatives on March 8, 1947 the Congress
Working Committee declared that if India was to be divided the Muslim majority
provinces of Bengal and the Punjab would have to be partitioned. Both Mountbatten
and Attlee on behalf of Royal British Administration clearly asserted that there was
no way out except the vivisection of India.43.But this division of India opened a
social, historical and geographic wound that has yet to fully heal.

It was said that Mountbatten initially was not agreeable to shoulder this responsibility.
But ultimately he had to take over the charge with a prior condition that within the
specific period the heavy task of transfer of power would have to be performed.
 43

Mountbatten acted accordingly. He set foot on India on 14th March, 1947 and decided
to declare the partition on 15th August of the same year. The interim period of few
months were not at all a pleasant one. He realized that India was practically covered
with darkness and if he could not initiate immediate steps then civil war could have
been broken out. In this connection Mountbatten was not practically instructed that
after execution of the partition the transfer of power could not be performed. In the
month of May Mountbatten announced that he was against all sorts of divisions. He
also stressed that he did not want to apply force. He also said that Indians were
entitled to take exact decision of their own.44. According to his statement it was
nothing but an act of insane. As a result the economy of the country would be
hampered. He also asserted that he was ready to divide India on the plea of communal
fury.45 Mountbatten executed perfectly the important task braving all adverse
criticism. At last, the much awaited independence of both the countries was achieves
but it created a permanent wound bifurcating the country into two nations.

So the birth of Pakistan became inevitable and Pakistan appeared as a separate

country in the world atlas. Radcliffe line became the official border between Pakistan
and India on August 17, 1947. Pakistan borders India in the east, Afghanistan and Iran
in the West and China is on the north. In the long run the creation of Pakistan came
into reality and awarded separate country on 14th August, 1947. At last the fateful
moment appeared in 1947. On 3rd June of the same year Attlee declared that the
British would quit India in ten week‘s time. On 15th August 1947, transfer of power
would be executed from the British Indian Empire to two successor states viz. India
and Pakistan. Lord Mountbatten decided the day to bring down the curtain finally. But
it was not so easy task to transfer the power to both India and Pakistan on the same
day. So it was decided that Pakistan would be given freedom on 14 August where as
India was given freedom on the midnight of 14 August. The provinces where majority
of India‘s Muslims lived were in Bengal and the Punjab, so those two provinces
would also be partitioned. Adjoining districts of Bengal and the Punjab with Muslim
majorities would be handed over to Pakistan. The provinces with their non Muslim
majorities would retain in India.46 The ugly memories of dreadful event of partition
were imprinted in the minds of the millions. The partition has sowed the seeds of
enmity, bitterness, mistrust and suspicion between the two neighbouring countries.
 44

Though seventy years have already been elapsed, the complexion of the situation
remained static and unaltered.47

The Muslims for the first time made their presence visible in India as invaders. Due to
passage of time they started to live together with the Hindus which were a sort of
adjustment. The pity of whole thing was that those Muslims adopted hostile attitude
and animosity against the Hindus and was eager to set up a separate state for
themselves. India accommodated with the Muslims of Middle East and they were
intermingled with Indians. Eventually they became part and parcels of India. It was a
matter of bewilderment that in spite of India‘s philanthropic attitude towards the
Muslims they remained as invaders and nothing else. If true unity persisted during the
period it was not possible for Jinnah to utter that ‗Muslims are separate nation‘. Mr.
Jinnah has had the political ability to stop the partition of India. There was a long
history behind it and Jinnah was the supreme head of speculation. The non-
communal movement as sponsored by Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru, Abul kalam
Azad, Badshah Khan and Subhas Chandra Bose under the leadership and guidance of
Gandhiji. If Jinnah along with his political leaders shook their hands with Gandhi and
others, the curse of partition of Indian subcontinent could have been averted.48 But
alas! It could not. Jinnah could not overcome the prevailing circumstances. More so,
he made it more complicated. Gandhi was compelled to surrender meekly to the
situation.

Boundary Commission:
Through the initiation of British Administration and under the leadership of Sir Cyril
Radcliffe a committee was instituted to chalk out the process and criteria in the
herculean task relating to the division of Indian Territory. Sir Cyril Radcliffe, a
London barrister was given only five weeks to draw the new border. There was no
instance and no outline relating to division planning. He alone was responsible for the
entire scheme resulting armed conflict which still persists today. He had never been to
India before and never returned after completion of the task of demarcating
boundaries. He confessed his guilt through his utterance ―I suspect they‘d shoot me
out of hands, both sides‖. He candidly admitted his inability to one of his
interviewer.49.It was also known to Mountbatten that the Radcliff Award would not
 45

satisfy any of the parties. The whole Himalayan task took even less than five weeks to
complete. Bengal got Radcliff award on 9th August where as Punjab got it on 11th.
Radcliff returned back to his country on 14th August, 1947 and it was published after
six days i.e. on 17 August. The Viceroy even did not go through the whole document.
Actually the Boundary Commission was ready by 12 August but Mountbatten decided
to make it public after the Independence of India.50

The leading English journal of Calcutta ‗The Hindustan Standard‘, explicitly noted in
an editorial column that the setting up of the Boundary Commission had been
‗meaningless formality‘ and ‗ it would be misleading to describe it as the impartial
decision of the tribunal; for the entire schemes Sir Radcliffe alone is
responsible‘(Hindustan Standard,1947, The Award‘, 20,August,51. Radcliffe became,
almost overnight, the poster boy of the hypocrisy of the British Authorities. Different
News journals expressed their views in different ways. The Amrita Bazar Patrika
commented it ‗A departing kick of British imperialism‘. The Hindustan Standard
opined it ‗Self contradictory‘ and The Dawn considered it to be ‗Territorial murder‘ 52
N.C. Chatterjee an outstanding member of the Hindu Mahasabha lodged a strong
protest describing it ‗an outrage on the principle of self determination and all canons
of political morality‘ and maintaining that it had ignored the cultural and economic
needs of the people of Bengal.53 A speech by N.C. Chatterjee, at University Institute
Hall). It will not be out of place to mention in this context that the Royal Government
of England empowered such a person like Sir Cyril Radcliffe, a retired civilian who
had practically no knowledge or little knowledge about the boundary of Indian
subcontinent.

The boundary Commissions of Bengal and the Punjab consisted of panels of four
judges under the chairmanship of Radcliffe. All those judges were politically
appointed and nominated by the Congress and the Muslim League. The ‗Official‘
Bengal Congress chose judges upon whom they could rely to serve on the Bengal
Boundary Commission.54 Cyril Radcliff quickly chalked the boundary line of 2,736
kilometres. This drawing of boundary line ‗redrew the personal geographies of lakhs
of East Bengalis‘.55 In accordance with the Boundary Commission‘s terms of
reference it was clearly stated that the western districts of Bengal would be merged
with Indian Union. Khulna, a non-Muslim majority district was proposed to be
transferred to western Bengal. The local Muslim League of Malda district where
 46

majority thanas were densely Muslim populated had dared to hoist the Pakistan‘s flag.
On 15th August, after a couple of days the Malda district was handed over to Indian
Territory. In a similar fashion Hindu community of Khulna unfurled Indian flag in
retaliation. Two days later, after the announcement of independence, the Boundary
Commission announced its pending decision on August 17, 1947. Apprehending and
sensing impending civil war the British Administration handed over the constitutional
control to India. To accommodate 35.14 percent of population in almost 36.36 percent
of land of West Bengal was earmarked. On the contrary East Bengal was alloted 63.6
percent of land to accommodate 64.85 percent population. Both the states possessed
equal number of majority and minority population. The approximate ratio ascertained
or measured was 70:30.56

The Boundary Commission had segregated five districts of Bengal VIZ. Jessore,
Dinajpur, Nadia, Malda and.jalpaiguri. The district of Murshidabad played a key role
in this connection for the survival of the Hooghly river system and it was assigned to
West Bengal. On the other hand Khulna which was initially allotted to West Bengal
was finally granted to East Bengal.57The Commission selected non-contiguous
portions of Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri to be annexed with West Bengal. The
Commission awarded the non-Muslim territory of Chittagong Hill areas to East
Bengal where as Calcutta remained as an integral part of West Bengal as expected.
The two princely states of India, Coochbehar and Tripura were also under India‘s
authority. Surrounding sixteen districts of East Bengal were brought under the
Independent, Sovereign administration of India. East Bengal was rendered to be the
longest international boundary of India. After the attainment of independence India
had got 130 enclaves. On the other hand East Pakistan and Pakistan got 95 enclaves
within Indian Territory.58 The inhabitants of those enclaves were regarded as ‗State
less people‘. It can be mentioned in this respect that the long standing struggle and
strife of the enclave dwellers for their peaceful settlement, identity, security and above
all the citizenship became fruitful after a long meaningful discussions and conferences
among the Government of India under the guidance of Prime Minister of India
Norendra Modi, Mrs. Sheikh Hasina, the premier of Bangladesh and the active
cooperation of Miss Mamata Banerjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal. The most
notable and historic event was that the enclave dwellers of Indian Territory after
acquiring Indian citizenship exercised their franchise on 5th May, 2016.
 47

Migration problem in Pakistan and West Bengal:

After three hundred years of foreign subjugation the British in India finally
determined to quit India through declaration of Independence on 15th August, 1947.
After the bifurcation of Indian sub-continent into two Independent nation states:
Hindu majority India and Muslim majority Pakistan emerged. Thence forth the
movement of refugees became frequent in both sides of the border. The partition of
Indian sub-continent in 1947 has been the single most important factor in determining
the destiny both India and Pakistan. The influx of refugees from erstwhile East
Pakistan was a major crisis in Indian history. The trickle commenced in the year 1946
and became deluged after the partition of the country. The average arrival of refugees
in West Bengal after 1950 was 4000 every day.59The number presumed to be a
catastrophic proportion in April, as the figure showed that refugees trekked to West
Bengal on 1st April 4000; 3rd April 2350, 4th April 3600, 5TH April 4480, 7th April -
4500 and so on.60

Marked by the twin features of massacre and migration, Partition did not mean the
same thing for Punjab and Bengal. The vivisection of Punjab was a onetime event
that was marked by a two way exodus. Whereas Partition of Bengal was a continuing
process, the migration happened there pre-dominantly in one direction i.e. from East
to West Bengal. In other words there was more or less equal exchange of population
on the western border in 1947 which was not applicable in case of West Bengal.
Secondly, compared to the nature of border and boundary in the West where political,
strategic and military consideration converted the entire Punjab region into two rigid
divisions. The dividing line in the East remained permeable and flexible and it also
facilitated the refugee movement. The third and the most important difference
regarding the nature of partition of both Punjab and Bengal was the attitude of the
centre towards the problem on both the borders at the time of its happening.

After the formation of Pakistan the most crucial problem emerged in the socio
political canvass of Pakistan as well as India was the migratory problem. Immediately
after partition of India the history of one of the greatest migrations started, millions of
Muslims marched to West and East Pakistan while millions of Hindus and Sikhs
headed towards opposite direction. Across the Indian subcontinent, different
communities coexisted for almost a millennium but it was a matter of great
 48

bewilderment that they attacked each other through terrifying outbreak of sectarian
violence, with Hindus and Sikhs on one side and Muslims on the other, an unexpected
and unprecedented gruesome act of genocide broke out in Punjab and Bengal
provinces which were neighboring to India‘s borders with West and East Pakistan
respectively. The carnage was intensified with massacres, arson, forced conversions,
mass abductions and savage sexual violence. Ayesha Jalal, a renowned historian has
called the Partition ―The central historical event in twentieth century South Asia‖. She
also writes ― A defining moment that is neither beginning nor end, Partition continues
to influence how the people and states of post-colonial South Asia envisage their past,
present and future‖.61

There was no large scale uprooting of people from their homelands and no exchange
of population in the Eastern borders. Those who came did so out of political
convictions and also in anticipation of what they felt would be a second class
treatment in Pakistan. Thus, the specter of violence which dominated administrative
and scholarly imagination in the West would become a factor in the East only in 1950
and once again much later in 1964. It was this difference in experience of violence
which led to a difference in state policy towards the refugees from East Pakistan.
Likewise, in the scholarly works as well, it was this difference which had led to the
pre-dominance of a Punjab-centred analysis of Partition and its aftermath.

After the partition of India the Muslim majority from East Punjab of India marched
towards West Punjab of Pakistan. It is worth to be mentioned that on the eve of the
partition of India, Punjab was divided into two parts, East Punjab, where the
population mainly consisted of Hindus and Sikhs, and the West Punjab was mainly
Muslim populated. During the Partition, the civil and military official of the Punjab
were given the opportunity or option to choose between the two states. Naturally most
of the Hindu and Sikh officers shifted their alliance with East Punjab; on the contrary
the Muslim officials expressed their views to stay in West Punjab. As a result Hindu
and Sikh officers were empowered in charge of the administration of East Punjab and
Muslim officers were appointed in charge of West Punjab. Kamala Patel, a noted
Social activist and the follower of Gandhi observed that those who were deployed in
charge of maintaining law and order in West Pakistan were in favour of creating
Pakistan. They indirectly or intentionally encouraged the rowdy element in their state.
 49

Whereas Hindus and Sikhs who had vehemently opposed the formation of Pakistan.
Following which a massive massacre broke out, brutal display of organized violence,
atrocities, loot of property became rampant and the Police officer turned a blind eye.62

The terms ‗refugee‘ and ‗displaced‘ are often treated as identical, create much
perplexity. In post Second World War period, the term ‗displaced persons‘ was used
to categorize those people who had been deported from their abode due to war, more
specifically those nationals who were removed from their homes as forced labour.
But the term refugee is defined as a person who flees from his native country, will not
return back to his native place, at least not to that circumstances which compels him
to run away.63 There was a mass exodus just after the partition in the eastern region of
India and the Government of India termed the shelter seeker as ‗displaced‘ as a
displaced person is one who had entered India and who he left or rather compelled to
leave his ancestral home in East Pakistan on or after October 15,1947 due to disorder
or fear of turmoil or may be for setting up of the two dominions of India and
Pakistan‖.64 The Hindus, who escaped from East Pakistan due to communal frenzy
before 15 October, 1947, were excluded from the aforesaid definition. Though the
passport system was not introduced so far- it was considered as exclusively a special
case since the refugees had citizenship right of both the states. For that reason the
Indian Government might have considered the term ‗displaced‘ more appropriate than
‗refugee‘. The access of the migrants to avail rehabilitation assistance depended
totally on their recognition as ‗refugee‘. When fear of persecution and impending
violence were considered as the justified reasons for mass exodus, the official
definition was also imprecise regarding the preconditions of fear which the state
would recognise for providing necessary shelter in India.65 It was reported in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika that ―The public are well aware that there is great panic among
the Hindus of North and East Bengal and there is general exodus to West Bengal
because they fear that what has happened in Punjab may also happen in East and
North Bengal. It is difficult to blame persons who are leaving their hearths and homes
because they are afraid that neither their lives and properties nor what is more
precious the honour of their women are safe under the Government of East Bengal‖.66

The High Commissioner of United Nations for Refugees opined that ―A Refugee is a
person who, owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race,
 50

religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is

outside the country of his nationality.". As India was not a signatory in United
Nations Convention for Refugees in 1951, the refugees in India did not come under
this category. In India the refugees were treated under the Indian Passport Act of 1967
And the Foreigners Act of 1946 because of the absence of any domestic law. For
many south Asian countries, India was a host nation. People from Tibet, Bangladesh,
Pakistan, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Bhutan, and Sri Lanka used come to India as
refugees in quest of a safety and security.67

The government of India paid heed to some specific cases in Pakistan and had a deaf
ear to the allegations of ‗everyday‘ regarding insecurity. Government declared
quickly that it was totally unaware of the fact that the Hindus of East Bengal had
problem and also ignorant of any ‗incident‘ that was justified for population
displacement.68 Afterwards those displaced people were identified as ‗migrants‘,
which was further divided into ‗old migrant‘ and ‗new migrants‘.69 The term
‘Incident‘ was used to mean an incontrovertible and life threatening violence. State as
a matter of fact wanted to make a distinction between ‗voluntary‘ and ‗forced‘
migrants.70 The poverty, struggle and insecurity imprinted on the life of those people
to such an extent that the term ‗refugee‘ became a disparaging word to judge the
social status of the people. The Government also started using the word ‗displaced
people‘ instead of using the derogatory word ‗refugee‘ from 1950s. But the use of the
word ‗refugee‘ continued and the term became more derogatory as they created
pressure on the urban life and destroyed the peaceful ambience.71 Many uprooted
persons marched towards West Bengal from 1958-1964 were excluded from the
definition of migrants. A good number of people came over to India from East
Pakistan with migration certificates, were treated as refugees. Sometimes they were
given shelter in camps as they were in urgent need of relief and rehabilitation.72

The refugee crisis in Punjab was considered to be a national emergency, to be tackled

almost in utmost promptitude because the communal violence turned into genocide in
the West. The Government considered it to be its moral and sacred responsibility to
arrange prompt rehabilitation measures for the migrants. This sense of urgency was
totally lacking on the Eastern border as the magnitude of the violence was not the
 51

same as in the West. The Hindu minorities in the East Bengal were not considered to
be in grave danger, on the other hand the movement of refugees to westwards was
regarded mostly as the product of imaginary fears and unjustified rumours. It was the
firm conviction of Nehru that exodus in the East could be stopped if the Government
in Dacca could be persuaded to deploy ―psychological measures‖ to restore
confidence among the Hindu minorities.73 This difference in attitude and perception
of central Government regarding the nature of crisis facing the two borders translated
itself strikingly into the expenditure on refugees in the West and the East.74 A
difference in the way of dealing with its refugees would have permanent and awful for
the state of West Bengal.

In India the Central Government had extended its maximum cooperation for the relief,
settlement and over all rehabilitation of nearly six million refugees hailing from
Pakistan, who had deserted their properties and near and dear ones. The crucial
predicament to rehabilitate the refugees from West Pakistan had been fully and almost
successfully managed by 1951. But the difficult task of rehabilitation and resettlement
of the refugees from East Bengal was a far more complicated one. The fleeing of the
Hindu refugees from East Pakistan unremittingly persisted for decades together and
continued even after 1971. On the contrary a sizable number of Hindus in East
Pakistan was rather forced to remain there in the initial years after partition. The
structured and systematised violence against the Hindus that broke out in East
Pakistan resulted relentless flow of evacuees. In case of East Punjab, the migrants
hailing from West Punjab of Pakistan occupied a vast lands, properties and assets left
by the Muslim emigrants from East Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. From the
point of linguistic resemblance it was convenient for West Punjab and Sindhi refugees
to settle in western Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana,and Delhi.

In West Bengal the picture was quiet reverse. The resettlement of the refugees from
East Bengal could take place only in Bengal and to some extent in some parts Assam
and Tripura. As a result, a very large number of people who were engaged in
agricultural occupations before their displacement from homeland were compelled to
seek shelter in semi urban and urban context as the underclass. West Bengal however
became the destination of uprooted persons from East Pakistan due to geographical
proximity, cultural similarity and above all linguistic resemblance. In the first phase
of the exodus during 1946 -1952, the number of refugees came over West Bengal was
 52

2.52 million. The number of evacuees reached to its highest point in West Bengal in
1957 was 3,16,000.75 Initially, the Government of India attempted to discourage the
migration of refugees from East Bengal to India. It became evident from the
instruction given by Mohanlal Saksena, the then Rehabilitation Minister of the
Government of India to the representatives of Tripura, Assam, Bihar, Orissa and West
Bengal. In a meeting, held in the Writers‘ Buildings on March 2, 1950, it was clearly
stated that the Government‘s work would be limited within the relief measures rather
than rehabilitational tasks. Virtually Saksena was interested in establishing the relief
camps in the border areas in order to ease the way of the refugees for quick returning
to their home. But in the East the problem of refugee failed to make any significant
headway even in the threshold of 1950s. As an immediate effect of the Nehru-Liaquat
Pact (1950), a large number of Muslims who had left West Bengal before March 31,
1951, returned back to West Bengal. They reclaimed their deserted lands and property
which were already captured by the Bengali Hindu refugees from East Pakistan. It is
worth to be mentioned in this respect that the Muslim evacuees returned to West
Bengal from East Pakistan, but on the contrary, there was scarcely any reverse
population flow of the Hindus from West Bengal to East Pakistan. The refugees who
left for West Punjab were much more in number than those who came to East Punjab.
Of the 49 lakhs of refugees who migrated from West Pakistan, only 24 lakhs settled
themselves in East Punjab while 40 lakhs left for Pakistan. But in West Bengal 30.9
lakhs came in the eastern zone by 1956 and 2,58,117 Muslim evacuee who had
migrated to East Pakistan came back by 1952.76

The partition of India caused a massive migration from East Pakistan to West Bengal.
The new state of West Bengal comprised 21 million population and approximately
25% or 5.3 million were from Muslim population.―A mere stroke of the
cartographer‘s pen reduced the Muslims in West Bengal from being part of a ruling
majority into being a much reduced and vulnerable minority‖. On the other hand
among the 39 million in East Bengal the Hindus consisted of 11 million. Overnight
those Hindus converted into subjects of the independent state of Pakistan. Both the
Hindus in East Pakistan and the Muslims in West Bengal could contemplate a future
as minorities with any equanimity. They had to face a harsh and unpleasant choice
whether remaining on unprotected or differentiated against by their new
 53

administrators or to move towards a new destination as refugee leaving everything. In

East Bengal Hindus were not a homogeneous community and their population was
unevenly distributed. The bulk of the Hindu population used to live in the southern
part of East Bengal which ‗historically had been the strongholds of Hindu chief stains,
broad tracts of territory which included Khulna and Jessore, North Borishal, South
Faridpurand Dacca‖.79

A sizable number of Hindus lived in the northern part of East Bengal i.e. the districts
of Rongpur, and Dinajpur. A good number of Hindus belonged to Rajbanshi
community who were mainly agriculturist by profession. In the northern towns the
presence babu community was noticed everywhere.80 Where as, the other parts of
East Bengal were inhabited by nomadic tribal people like Santals in Dinajpur and
Rongpur, Chakmas in Chittogong hill tracts, Tippera and Mymensingh. Duringthe
period of 1941 census the aforesaid tribal people were enlisted as Hindus. For the
huge migration of Hindu population from eastern Pakistan threw a question of
dilemma among the Hindus. There were also some relevant reasons behind their
leaving the country and the fear of persecution was one of the vital issues in support
of their questions of staying or leaving. It is worthy to note here that the Hindus who
were compelled to move towards Indian Territory even after the creation of
Bangladesh, could not forget the fear of persecution.

From the initial stage of migration of refugees from East Pakistan, the national
leadership was hesitant regarding its responsibilities toward the Bengali Hindu
refugees. Nehru‘s letter to Bidhan Chandra Roy, the then Chief Minister of West
Bengal reflected that kind of ambivalence. To quote him: ―It is wrong to encourage
any large scale migration from East Bengal to the west. Indeed, if such a migration
takes place, West Bengal and to some extent the Indian union would be overwhelmed
… If they come over to West Bengal, we must look after them. But it is no service to
them to encourage them to join the vast mass of refugees who can at best be poorly
cared for‖.81 It made one thing obvious that the Indian Government‘s policy toward
rehabilitation of the Bengali Hindu refugees was not only inadequate, but also
discriminatory in nature.82 Prafulla K. Chakrabarty, the author of The Marginal Men,
and a major chronicler of the partition refugees in the East, identified two basic
reasons behind the biased attitude of the Indian Government. Firstly, as the regions
 54

where refugees from the West Pakistan migrated were more contiguous to Delhi, the
capital of India; any difficulty on their part could destabilize the Government,
whereas the geographical remoteness from Delhi however placed the refugees in the
East in a vulnerable condition, Secondly, as most of the Punjabis belonged to Indian
army and other armed forces there were every possibility of a military mutiny, if their
near and dear ones were neglected.83

The Planning Commission‘s report on the Rehabilitation of the refugees revealed that
within the First Five Year Plan the hard task of rehabilitating the displaced persons of
West Pakistan was completed. If we make a comparative analysis of distribution of
funds and other facilities extended towards both East Pakistan and West Pakistan
refugees we find a sharp disparity and step motherly attitude of the Central
Government of India. The West Pakistan refugees derived extra facilities and
monetary advantages where as East Bengal refugees were deprived of enjoying
facilities as enjoyed by West Pakistan refugees. In the Second Five Year Plan a
handsome amount was allotted for the purpose of further rehabilitation of the
refugees. There were ample scopes for getting funds easily for the completion of
approved housing schemes, and for mitigating the problem of unemployment of the
displaced persons through setting of new industries. A report available from the
Planning Commission at the end of the First Five year plan stated that the incessant
flow of evacuees from East Pakistan to West Bengal created a chronic problem.
Though the Second Five Year Plan provided Rs.668 million for the rehabilitation of
the displaced persons in the eastern states, but in the third year of the Second Five
Year Plan the Government of India decided to review the financial provision. In this
respect the Government also assured to provide more funds if required.84 It was hardly
possible to tackle and solve the entire refugee situation in West Bengal with limited
and inadequate funds allotted for the purpose.

By and large, the gravity of the refugee problem got immediate recognition in the
Western India. Immediately after the Partition of India the central Government took
the entire responsibility for rehabilitating the refugees hailing from West Pakistan.
Initially refugees from West Pakistan were granted the scheme for the construction of
their dwelling houses in an around Delhi. In order to rehabilitate permanently the
displaced persons new townships were planned in Faridabad, Gandhi Dham, Rajpura,
 55

Nilokheri, Tripuri, Sardarnagar, Ullasnagar, Govindapuri, Hostinapur and

Chandigarh. Work centres and industries were also set up in those areas with the
government aid. Basic amenities, like schools and health care facilities were also
provided for them. In C.R.Park a huge number of plots were allocated among the
refugee applicants in a minimum price.

East did not witness any such development. The attitude of the Central Government
in respect of refugees from East Bengal was quiet reverse in respect of West Pakistan
refugees. It was observed that in 1952 the East Bengal refugees with the monetary
assistance of the Government built 1.51 lack houses were built by themselves. The
Central Government provided grants to the West Pakistan evacuees where as East
Bengal refugees were allotted loan. It was quite evident from the statement of the
former minister of Relief and Rehabilitation, Government of India that the Central
Government was not at all interested for the settlement of East Bengal refugees. ―Mr.
Mohonlal Saxsena, the then Minister of state for relief and rehabilitation in the
Central Government publicly declared in course of his visit to Calcutta of Feb. 16,
that Rehabilitation of East Bengal Hindu migrants was not an obligation of the Indian
union, as they were Pakistan nationals‖.85 The reception centres for the refugees in the
West were of better in comparison to their counterparts in the East. The cash dole was
provided in a standardized form in the West but it was totally reverse in case of East.
In West each home was a complete unit provided not only residence but also imparted
education, professional or practical training and also employment for at least a short
period. But the East lacked such facilities available in the West.

To compare the rate of grant a sharp disparity was there between East and West. The
grants allotted for West was also in a way more openhanded in comparison to that in
the East. It was fixed at the rate below Rs.30 per month, seldom at a higher rate in
accordance to the chosen professional training or courses. The rate of grant in the East
was almost the identical but numerous categories were excluded from this advantage.
Women refugees who were engaged in a course of training or in teaching or nursing
in recognized institutions or hospitals were not entitled to enjoy the facility of stipend.
They were even debarred from attending the vocational training centres mainly set up
for the refugees. In addition to the stipends, the Government allotede shelter also
provided establishment and equipment cost and a revolving cost of raw materials in
 56

the West. On the other hand, except in Titagarh and Gariahat work centres, the grants
for women under these heads in West Bengal were very insufficient.86 In short, both
the Governments (Government of India as well as the State Government of West
Bengal) were slow in responding to the refugee crisis in West Bengal. Under the
circumstances, relief and rehabilitation process was mainly restricted to those, who
registered themselves in the official records and took shelter in relief and transit
camps.87 In other words, the problem as a displaced was sometimes more acute for
those who crossed over to West Bengal in the early years of the partition.88

In 1964 a large inflow followed by a massive exodus again in 1971. An estimated

fifty eight lakhs refugees marched towards India by 1971, excluding those of 1971
exodus who stayed on. The census report of 1971 revealed that the population of the
displaced persons in the state was nearly sixty lakhs as reported by the Planning
Commission in 1974 by the Government of West Bengal. According to the Refugee
Rehabilitation Commission‘s Report the number was assessed at eighty lakhs in 1981.
The district and sub-division Relief and Rehabilitation offices were set up earlier to
cope with the sudden influx of exodus from erstwhile East Pakistan. In the earlier
stage, the government considered the partition to be the main reason for refugee
influx of 1947. ―Communal riots‖ were recorded as the official reason for the
migration of 1950.89 However it was revealed from the statement of refugee
themselves that each episode in the massive and protracted flight from East Pakistan
was related to a different cause. From the accounts of refugees‘ it was evident that the
main reason of their displacement was desh bhag i.e. the division of the homeland. To
them the lack of security of Bengali Hindus in East Pakistan was the principal reason
behind the massive exodus. Actually the Muslims became very arrogant after the
Partition. There was huge number of instances relating to the atrocities of the Muslims
of East Pakistan upon the minority Hindu communities. Those incidents had been
vividly narrated by refugees who were the victims of the said circumstances. The
Hindus of East Bengal left their ancestral homes for contingencies of a number
pressure due to riots, fear of riots and apprehension of persecution. The cultural
insecurity, economic hardship and political mileage were vibrant for the massive
exodus from East Pakistan. The existence of family as well as business connections in
India from pre-partition period prompted the minorities to quit their homeland.
 57

Hironmoy Bandyopadhyay described an encounter with an East Bengali refugee while

touring a relief camp in Jalpaiguri in 1948. He asked the man why he left East Bengal
when there were no outward signs of unrest. The man burst out: ―It is true we have
experienced no beatings or murder, but all people do not have the same degree of
endurance.‖ He then recounted his reason for leaving East Bengal. One evening, he
had heard a loud call outside his house, Ho korta (master of the house)! Are you
home?‖ Thinking it was a neighbour or distinguished member of the village he
stepped out and was surprised to see a Muslim tenant. The man smiled, ―Korta, the
English have left, the country is free, and we have our Pakistan. So I came to make
friends with you.‖ Angered by his tenant‘s loud tone of voice and familiar manner, the
man remembered how, not too long ago, these very same people would have stood ten
yards away to pay their respects. But it was ―the time of Pakistan,‖ so he pretended
pleasure. The tenant proceeded to walk right in to the man‘s home ―as if the house
was his own property--and not to the sitting room outside, but right inside to the
sleeping quarters.‖ Sitting down on the man‘s bed without his permission he said in
an unmistakable tone of threat, ―Korta, this is Pakistan. Don‘t forget (and he no longer
used the respectful apni but the familiar tumi) we are no longer your inferiors
(chhoto). Remember, from now on we have to be friends as equals.‖ The refugee
exclaimed accusingly to Bandyopadhyay that after all these incidents it was beyond
their imagination to stay in Pakistan. 90

For the elite community escape from East Bengal seemed the only way to avoid
humiliation and so far as to avoid adjustment with those who used to judge them as
socially substandard. The gentry of meagre earnings and even the people of lower
strata like Namasudras also had to encounter the Muslim audacity and atrocities. In
some cases the Muslims used to place proposals in support of inter community
marriages violating the Hindu rituals and customs like touching their bodies, their
food and water, or entering their homes or in their places of worships. Sometimes the
minority Hindus were compelled to take proscribed food e.g. beef, All these above
mentioned practices turned out to be regular complaints against the Muslims in East.
The destructing and polluting the temples and deities along with constant threat of
conversion were nothing but an attempt to destroy the identity and integrity of the
Hindus. These bitter experiences of Hindu community compelled to lead them
thinking that they had become the second-class citizen in Pakistan. The Hindus also
 58

emphasized their sense of religious subordination by referring to themselves as

zimmis--to denote subject hood, and to communal riots as jehad. According to a
pamphlet issued on behalf of the refugees from Noakhali in India, ―Repeated
declarations that Pakistan is an Islamic State make both the Hindus and the Muslims
think alike that Pakistan is ultimately meant exclusively for the Muslims‖91. The
implication of this was evident that the migration of the East Bengali Hindus was a
settled fact.

Apart from religious point of view, the Hindus of East Pakistan became suspicious
that their other elements like identity, history, cultural heritage and achievements
would be jeoperdised with the Islamic influence. The Hindus began to consider
Pakistan as a betrayer of secular nationalism and aspirations. Pakistan was labelled as
a theocratic state trying to destroy the culture and nationalism of the Hindus and to
glorify Muslim victories. The chastity Hindu women both married and spinstar
symbolized the honour and dignity of their community. The Hindu minorities
complained about the violence against women which featured widely the wild-
treatment on women in Pakistan. This ill treatment was also a matter of grave concern
in West Bengal. The sexual possession of Hindu women by Muslim men was seen to
stand for Muslim domination, i.e. ―miscegenation,‖ the loss and humiliation of the
(male) Hindu self.92

Migration to India was therefore an important phenomenon that precipitated the

aspirations of the East Bengal Hindus for the national reconstruction in postcolonial
era. Historian Jadunath Sarkar in his speech at the University Institute Hall in Calcutta
in 1948 told the audience that like the Jews, the paradigmatic refugees who would
convert Palestine to ―a spark of light in the midst of the mess of Muslim
misgovernment and stagnation,‖ the East Bengali refugees would revitalize West
Bengal's decadent culture and economy. Drawing positive analogous between the
East Bengali diaspora and the migration of English Puritans to Holland and France,
and then to Massachusetts; and of the French Huguenots to Holland and England, he
declared that their going was a loss to their native countries and a boon for their
countries of asylum.93 ―However crushed and benumbed they may look when they are
unloaded from their third class wagons at Sealdah Station yard, the refugees are the
most valuable elements of the population of East Bengal,‖ he said, and urged West
 59

Bengalis ―...to engraft this rich racial branch upon its old decaying trunk and rise to a
new era of prosperity and power‖.94

East Bengali refugees who sought shelter in India presented themselves as victims of
Muslim communalism. They also claimed humanitarian assistance and the prompt
recognition of refugee status. The rehabilitation of the refugees was a long drawn
process. Due to dubious policy of the Government, a large number of frustrated
refugees under their own initiative and enthuasiasm started vigourusly for their
resettlement by squatting unoccupied and unused lands. Those available lands used
for the settlement of the refugees ultimately led towards the construction of colonies.
A large portion this occupied land belonged to the state, but for the major part the
refugees settled in privately owned property including that belonging to local
Muslims West Bengal. Particularly in the areas around the city of Calcutta, many
refugee settlements were established on land ―formerly inhabited by Muslim labourers
and artisans‖ who were ―replaced by displaced Hindus from East Pakistan‖.95 Many
Muslims were dispossessed of their homes in the city leading to their ―ghettoization‖
in a few neighbourhoods.96 There was no doubt that the East Bengali refugee
settlement across West Bengal affected the minority Muslim community most
adversely.

In between 1949 and 1951, especially in the event of disturbance in Khulna about 1.5
million took shelter. Most of the displaced persons were disenfranchised because the
Government of India had declared 25 July 1949 as the cut- off date. The refugees who
used to arrive after this date were not to be offered Indian citizenship, as long as an
act of Parliament making a special provision for acquisition of citizenship by such
displaced persons. Healthy opposition from Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherjee convinced
the Home Minister Sardar Ballavbhai Patel and he summarily agreed to offer them
citizenship. But it is a matter of great regret that the then Prime Minister of India
Jawaharlal Nehru rejected the voting right outright on the plea that the electoral role at
the late stage would delay the election. The refugees were not entitled to exercise their
franchise, they had to apply for it and many of them could not manage it on time. The
venture of Dr. Mukherjee and the ‗Jan Sangh‘ remain unabated.97 Afterwards, the
refugees and their organizations were striving hard for their rights. The demands of
different refugee organizations had similar attitude with the left front parties relating
 60

to the right of citizenship. At last, the long struggle of acquiring citizenship of the
refugees came into reality. In 1952 through general election the refugees exercised
their franchise.

Notes:
1. Ranabir Samaddar (ed.), Reflections on Partition in East, Calcutta Research Group:
Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd, 1997, p.4.
2. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, p.268.
3. Ranabir Samaddar (ed.), Reflections on Partition in East, p.44.
4. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, New Delhi:
Bluejay Books, 2005, p.5.
5. Sandip Bandapadhyay, Bengal Partition: Battered Background and Broken Mind,
Kolkata: Radical Impression,2013,p.15.
6. B.R.Nanda, Witness to Partition: A Memoir, New Delhi, Rupa. Co,
st nd
2003,(1 ),2006(2 ),p.2.
7. Wali Khan, Facts are Facts: the Untold Story of India‟s Partition, University of
Minnesota: Vikas Pub. House, 1987, pp.3-4.
8. R.C.Majumdar, Struggle for Freedom, Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1988,
p.152.
9. B.R.Nanda, Witness to Partition: a Memoir, New Delhi, p.7.
10. Bhabani Prasad Chattapadhyay, Deshbhag: Paschat O Nepathye Kahini, Calcutta:
Ananda Pub. Pvt Ltd, 1993, p.39.
11. Rajendra Prasad, India Divided, Hariyana: Penguin Random House India, 2010,
p.254.
12. Bhabani Prasad Chattapadhyay, Deshbhag: Paschat O Nepathye Kahini, p.39.
13. Rajendra Prasad, India Divides, p.232.
14. Bhabani Prasad Chattapadhyay, Deshbhag: Paschat O Nepathye Kahini, p.40.
15. Ibid, p.41.
16. Jaswant Singh, Jinnah: Bharat Deshbhag Swadhinata, Kolkata: Ananda Pub.Pvt. Ltd,
2009, pp.2-3.
17. Ibid, p.123.
18. Ram Chandra Pradhan, Raj to Swaraj, New Delhi: Macmillan India Ltd, 2008, p.95.
19. Ibid, p.123.
 61

20. Badruddin Umar, Bangabhanga o Sampradayik Rajnity, Calcutta: Chirayata,

1987(preface).
21. Partha Chatterjee, The Second Partition of Bengal, in Ranabir Samaddar (ed),
Reflection on Partition in East, Calcutta Research Group: Vikas Publishing House
Pvt. Ltd. P.40.
22. Sugata Bose, Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947,
Cambridge: Cambdidge University Press, 1986, p.277.
23. Partha Chatterjee, The Second Partition of Bengal, in Ranabir Samaddar, (ed),
Reflection on Partition in East, p.41.
24. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947,
p.152.
25. Nishid Hazari, Mid Night‟s Furies: The Deadly Legacy of Indian Partition, Viking
Penguin Books, 2015, p.10.
26. Ibid, p. 13.
27. Bipan Chandra, India‟s Struggle for Independence 1857-1947, New Delhi: Penguin
Books, 1989, p.166.
28. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West Bengal,
New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.79.
29. R.C. Majumdar, Struggle for Freedom, p.424.
30. Lal Khan, Partition Can Be Undone?, New Delhi: Wellred Publication, Aakar Books,
2007, p.67.
31. R.C. Majumdar, Struggle for Freedom, p. 426.
32. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West Bengal,
p.84.
33. Kali Prasad Mukhapadhyay, Partition, Bengal and After: The Great Tragedy of India,
New Delhi: Reference Press, 2007, p.xiii.
34. V.P.Menon, Transfer of Power of India, Princeton University Press, 1957, p.83.
35. Madhav Godbole, The Holocaust of Indian Partition- an Inquest, Harbound: Rupa
Publications India Pvt. Ltd, 2011, p.34.
36. Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for
Pakistan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p.216.
37. Nitish K.Sengupta, Bengal Divided: The Unmaking of a Nation (1905-1971), Delhi:
Penguin, 2007, p.122.
 62

38. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947, pp.
232-233.
39. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967, Cambridge
University Press, 2007, p.13.
40. Partha Chatterjee, The Second Partition of Bengal, in Ranabir Samaddar (ed),
Reflection on Partition in East, p.52.
41. Joya Chatterjee, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967, p.14.
42. Amrita Bazar Patrika, 1 October, 1947.
43. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967, p.14.
44. Sandip Bandapadhyay, Bengal Partition: Battered Background and Broken Mind,
p.17.
45. L. Collins & D. Lapierre, Mountbatten and Partition of India (Interview with
Mountbatten in 1972-73), 1982, p.145.
46. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967, p.15.
47. Jaswant Singh, Jinnah: Bharat Deshbhag Swadhinata, p.450.
48. Bhabani Prasad Chattapadhyay, Deshbhag: Paschat O Nepathye Kahini, p.185.
49. Nishid Hazari, Mid Night‟s Furies: The Deadly Legacy of Indian Partition, p.122.
50. Bipan Chandra, India‟s Struggle for Independence 1857-1947, p.499.
51. Hindustan Standard, 20 August, 1947.
52. Haimanti Roy, Partotioned Lives Migrants, Refugees, citizens in India and Pakistan,
1947-65, Oxford University Press, 2012 (1st), 2013(2nd), p.49.
53. Speech by N.C.Chatterjee at the University Institute Hall published in Hindustan
Times, 24 August, 1947.
54. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition, p.25.
55. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition, p.5.
56. Haimanti Roy, Partotioned Lives Migrants, Refugees, citizens in India and Pakistan,
1947-65, p.48.
57. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition, p.59.
58. Haimanti Roy, Partotioned Lives Migrants, Refugees, citizens in India and Pakistan,
1947-65, p.48.
59. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, p.3.
60. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 1-7, 1950.
61. Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for
Pakistan, p.218.
 63

62. Kamala Patel, Torn from the Roots: a Partition Memoir, Women Unlimited, 1977,
1985, p.xv-xvi.
63. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: a Study of Partition Refugees in West Bengal,
p.27.
64. Annual Report of the Department of Rehabilitation, 1965-66, New Delhi: Department
of Rehabilitation, Government of India Press, 1967, p.107.
65. Nilanjana Chatterjee, Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee Narratives of
Communal Violence, Available at www.swadhinata.org.uk/document/Chatterjee East
Bengal1% 20 Refugee.pdf.
66. Ananda Bazar Patrika, October 14, 1947.
67. Gladston Xavier Faculty, ―A South Asian Journal on Forced Migration‖, in Refugee
Watch, issue no-31, June.2008.
68. Ananda Bazar Patrika, February21, 1948.
69. Anusua Basu Roychaudhury, ―Life After Partition: A study on the reconstruction of
lives in West Bengal‘ in http://www.sasnet.lu.sc/EASAS Papers /Anusua Basu Roy
pdf.
70. Nilanjana Chatterjee, Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee Narratives of
Communal Violence.
71. Nandini Bhattachaya, East Bengal: A Lost Land of Immortal Memories, Kolkata:
Gangchil, 2017, p.35.
72. Abhijit Dasgupta, ‗The Politics of Agitation and Confession: Displaced Bengalis in
West Bengal‘, in Sanjoy K. Roy (ed.), Refugees and Human Rights : Social and
Political Dynamics of Refugee Problem in Eastern and Northeastern India, Jaipur:
Rawat,2001,pp.98-100.
73. Josodhara Bagchi and Shubharanjan Dasgupta (eds.), Trauma and the Triumph:
Gender and Partition in Eastern India, Kolkata: Stree, 2006 and reprint 2007, p-2.
74. Joya Chatterji, ‗Right or Clarity? The Debate Over Relief and Rehabilitation in West
Bengal, 1947-50‘ in Suvir Kaul (ed.), The Partitions of Memory: the Afterlife of the
Division of India, New Delhi: Permanent Black,pp.74-110.
75. Report of Relief Rehabilitation of Displaced persons in West Bengal, Calcutta, 11
December, 1957, pp.59-60.
76. Samir Kumar Das, ―Refugee Crisis: Response of the Government of West Bengal‖, in
Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refuees in West Bengal, Calcutta Research Group, 2000,
p.107.
77. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967, p.107.
78. Ibid, pp.107-108.
 64

79. Ibid, p.108.

80. Haripada Chattapadhyay, Internal Migration in India: A Case Study of Bengal.
Calcutta: K.P.Bagchi, 1987, p.178.
81. Saroj Chakraborty, With B.C. Roy and Other Chief Minister, Calcutta: Rajat
Chakraborty, 1982, p.106.
82. Rehabilitation of Migrants from East Bengal, Estimate Committee, New Delhi: Lok
Sabha Secretariot,1989. Cited in Anusua Basu Roychoudhury. Life After Partition: A
Study on the Reconstruction of Lives in West Bengal, p.5.
83. Prafulla K. Chakraborty, The Marginal Men pp.280-290.
84. http:/www.planning commission.nic.in/plans/planrel/five yr/2nd/2 planch 30.htm.
85. Subhajit Ghosh, ‗Forgotten Promise :Nehru and the Bengali Refugee‘ in
International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research,vol-3,issue 3, July-
September,2015,pp.74-76
86. Anusua Basu Roychoudhury. ―Life After Partition: A study on the reconstruction of
lives in West Bengal‖, p.6.
87. Prafulla K. Chakraborty, The Marginal Men, p.234.
88. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1970, p.31.
89. http://swadhinata.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/chatterjee East Bengal-
Refugee.pdf.
90. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, pp, 13-14.
91. Amrita Bazar Patrika, December 22, 1948.
92. Josodhara Bagchi and Shubharanjan Dasgupta (ed.), Trauma and the Triumph:
Gender and Partition in Eastern India, pp.4-5.
93. http://swadhinata.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/chatterjee East Bengal-
Refugee.pdf.
94. Amrita Bazar Patrika, August 18, 1948.
95. Nirmal Kumar Bose, Calcutta: A Social Survey, Bombay: Lakshmi Publishing
House,p.33.
96. Arun Deb, ―The UCRC: Its Role in Establishing the Rights of Refugee Squatters in
Calcutta‖ in Pradip Kumar Bose, ed, Refugees in West Bengal, Calcutta: Calcutta
Research Group,pp.65-79.
97. Sekhar Bandapadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of Freedom in Post
Independence West Bengal, 1947-52, Orient Blackswan, 2008, p.168.
 65

CHAPTER III

Migration after Partition: refugee crisis and rehabilitation in West

Bengal with special reference to North Bengal

Partition of India purported on religious lines creating two independent nations i.e.
India and Pakistan. This bifurcation was a great upheaval causing forced migration in
Punjab and Bengal. The Partition of India generated extensive movements between
India and so far as East and West Bengal was concerned. Both the Hindus and the
Muslims crossed new borders. Following the division, the Hindus for their safety and
security crossed the border seeking asylum in West Bengal. This process of migration
to West Bengal continued unremittingly over the next couple of decades, while the
migration in Punjab was almost completed by 1949. Now the vital question arises
whether the border crossers were refugees, migrants or bona fides citizens of India
and whether the refugees would be accommodated with temporary relief or permanent
rehabilitation. These were the most vital issues on the part of the Indian policy
makers. The building of new nation was a ‗refugee generating process‘ and Partition
of India on the basis of religious division was a brilliant example of this
process.―Efforts to create homogeneous nation states change some subjects into
minorities who find themselves on the ‗wrong‘ side of new borders or in the ‗wrong‘
State, with the ‗wrong‘ ethnicity, language or religion. Minorities are made to feel
they should belong somewhere else, that they should be ‗nationals‘ of some other new
state made up of ‗people like them‘.1 The term ‗Refugee‘ is often treated as
interchangeable by the term displaced. The ‗Refugee‘ is a person who had fled his
home or native country forever, where as displaced persons means the person who
had been removed or deported from their abodes following war or as forced labour.
Actually the minorities were compelled to consider themselves to somewhere else.
The nation made the minorities to seek asylum to other countries or to remain in the
same country having the status of second class citizen.2 As a matter of fact ‗the
refugees are the end result of complex articulation of colonial and national power,…‘3

The Partition of India triggered off large scale cross border migration both in West
Bengal and Punjab. West Bengal is a state adjacent to East Pakistan, the borders of
the state are bounded by nine districts of West Bengal VIZ. Darjeeling, Jalaiguri,
 66

Coochbehar, Malda, West Dinajpur now divided into North and South Dinajpur),
Murshidabad, Nadia, 24 Parganas ( now North and South) and Calcutta. Due to this
geographical propinquity bulk of partition refugees migrated to those districts of West
Bengal. They mostly settled in border districts of Indian Territory. The exodus of
people from East Pakistan flocked to different regions of India. One wing crossed the
Bramhaputra and Barak Valleys due to its proximity to East Bengal. Another group
moved towards Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur. As a matter of fact the uprooted
people wanted to settle in contiguous districts where the geographical features were
more or less identical with them. The refugees from Jessore mostly went to be settled
in Nadia while those who came from Dinajpur went Jalpaiguri and West Dinajpur.
Tribes and communities like the Santals, the Rajbansies, the Hajongs and the Garoes
however moved to Meghalaya from the northern areas of East Bengal, particularly
from the districts of Mymansingh and Rongpur.4

During the episode the surging tide of exodus lashed the shore of East Pakistan and
West Bengal. From 1947 onwards and till 1950 s Calcutta was the recipient of bulk of
the migrants from East Pakistan. From the middle of 1950s refugee exodus in West
Bengal gradually thinned out. Again the Bangladesh crisis in 1971 accelerated the
trend of migration from East Pakistan. This demarcation of periods of migration is not
a total one; migration caused in 1949-50 due to communal riots in Khulna and
Barishal. In 1956, the adoption of an Islamic constitution by Pakistan spurred more
migration. Again in 1964 due to communal violence following the Hazratbal incident
a million left East Bengal.5 The most pertinent reasons for fleeing to West Bengal was
its physical and natural proximity coupled with the ties of language as well as
religion. Almost 72% of the refugees escaped from their ancestral homes sensing
impending violence and danger. In quest of a safe heaven they marched towards West
Bengal. Following Partition almost 15 million people crossed the new border that is
known as the greatest mass exodus so far recorded as yet. The Hindu population in
Bangladesh was gradually declining from the period of Partition. At the time of
Partition the Hindus constituted around 31% of East Pakistan where as in 1951 the
Hindu population decreased to 24%.Further mass exodus occurred during the military
campaign of 1971.6

Migration is a global phenomenon and was one of the most burning issues throughout
the universe. Migration of people may be from actual place to alien land, from village
 67

to town, from one state to other or from one country to another due to social,
economic, political or cultural reason. Migration is a common trend continuing
throughout the ages. The partition of India triggered of large scale migration from
East Pakistan as well as from West Pakistan. It was nothing but a forced migration.
The causative factors for the forced migration have been categorized by the
academicians broadly into three categories, VIZ conflict induced displacement,
development induced displacement and disaster induced displacement. The main
reason of displacement of a number of migrations is conflict. According to the United
Nations Convention on Refugees in 1951 described a refugee as a person residing
outside his or her country of nationality, who is unable or unwilling to return because
of a ―well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality,
membership in a political social group or political opinion‖.7 Forces of forced
migration of the minority communities from East Bengal to West Bengal were
actually generated with the rapid growth of communal violence since the ‗Great
Calcutta Killing‘ of 1946.

A never ending flow of clandestine migrants in Indian Territory in general and West
Bengal in particular started following the vivisection of India in 1947. It brought
about immense miseries and sufferings to millions of people who were compelled to
quit their sweet abode with heavy hearts and tearful eyes. Owing to the vivisection of
the subcontinent of India huge number of people crossed the western borders between
India and Pakistan in both directions. A large number of Hindus crossed India‘s
eastern borders into the new state of West Bengal and also into Assam and Tripura.
After two decades of the partition, approximately a million and half Muslims quit
West Bengal, Behar, Assam and Tripura and proceeded towards East Bengal.
According to the statistics stated by Radcliffe in the process of Bengal division, the
new state West Bengal consisted of 21 million people of whom 25 percent or 5.3
million were Muslims. On the other hand the population of East Bengal was 39
million, there were 11 million Hindus.8 Those Hindus became the subjects of the
eastern wing of newly created independent Pakistan. By 1951, the Hindus constituted
only 24% of East Pakistan‘s population due to large-scale migration to India where as
in 1947 they formed around 31%. Again in 1971 at about 10 million refugees from
East Pakistan fled to India. A section of Bengali Hindu people from East Bengal had
migrated to Calcutta even before the partition in pursuit of jobs and higher education.
 68

They used to live in rented houses or boarding houses which they used to call basha
(temporary residence) which was distinct from their bari (ancestral house) of their
desh or native land.

Noakhali and Calcutta riot:

In the month of August 1946 Calcutta witnessed atrocious communal disturbances

and riots where a sizable number of participation of both Hindus and Muslims was
visible. The Calcutta riot spread like wild flames in different parts of India like
Bombay, Noakhali in East Bengal, Bihar, Garmukteswar in U.P and Punjab.9 The
Calcutta riot of 1946, also known as the ‗Great Calcutta Killing‘ continued for four
days. This massive Hindu-Muslim riot took place in Calcutta, the capital of Bengal.
As a consequence of this communal riot at least 5000 to 10000 people were brutally
killed and at least 15000 people were seriously injured. The duration of this riot was
from 16 to 19 August, 1946. Those riots were probably the most notorious single
massacre during the period. Horrified violence and communal disturbances broke out
in different parts of India. However this ‗Great Calcutta Killing‘ was the most
appalling event and deadly episode in the history of Calcutta. The victims mercilessly
assaulted, killed and they were also grotesquely mutilated.Thousands of Hindus were
massacred and volunteers of Muslim League carried plenty of petrol to set ablaze the
houses of the Hindus. 10

The process of migration virtually started even before the division of Bengal, violence
erupted in the shape of riots, rape and abduction of women in the areas like Noakhali
and Tripura. The consecutive unabated brutal attacks on Hindu minorities especially
on women created fear, anxiety and panic of insecurity on the minds of womenfolk.
Gandhiji for the restoration of peace and tranquility in the restive areas immediately
after the riot rushed to Noakhali and went round the villages. His massage to the
people was – ―We have to enter the minds of the people‖. Communal riots were often
provoked by the spread of rumour that ‗Muslims were being butchered in Calcutta‘.11
Different reports available in some leading the then news papers narrated the stories
of forced marriages between Hindu girls and Muslim boys. Abduction of Hindu girls
and conversion to Islam became rampant and regular features. Muriel Lester observed
―…worst of all was the plight of the women. Several of them had to watch their
 69

husbands being murdered then be forcibly converted and married to those responsible
for their deaths.12Those women had a deadlock. It was not despair, nothing so active
as that. The Calcutta and Noakhali riots completed the convergence between elite and
popular communalism which were to some extent different from all Hindu-Muslim
conflicts of previous days. Truly speaking the memories and bitter experiences of
Partition was nothing but another historical amnesia which became evident.
Practically Partition came in the wake of freedom and there was hardly any study on
the experiences as well as in the perceptions of freedom in the early days. So
according to Sekhar Bandapadhyay Partition had a rival connotations of freedom.
This freedom meant for Hindus as a freedom from a ‗perpetual domination‘ of the
Muslims. On the contrary, freedom meant for many Muslims in the East as the
freedom from Hindu oppression.13

Migration after independence:

The most heart rendering event in respect of the Hindus of Eastern Pakistan was their
inflow to India after the division in 1947. Following the partition 15 million people
crossed borders; this has been called as the greatest mass migration ever recorded. It
was a story of the process of uprooting the bondage of love, affection, attachment
with their mother land and their kith and kin. What was done in Punjab, it was not
followed in case of East Pakistan. The process of exchange of population was
completed within a stipulated period in Punjab. On the contrary the situation was
altogether different in case of Hindu refugees of Eastern Pakistan. The condition of
Hindus was like captive birds in cages. The Hindu people of Eastern Pakistan were
forced to leave their motherland being tormented, humiliated and intimidated. Their
properties were confiscated and plundered; rape and murder became rampant and the
dignity of women was at stake. Adversely, Punjab did not witness wild violence like
East Pakistan and at the same time they were not forced to leave their ancestral home.
Political circumstances owing to Partition, the Hindus of East Pakistan came to India
but the Muslims of India remained in an unmoved condition. The inflow of Hindu
exodus became a regular event since 1974. This never ending flow of Hindu exodus
to India continued unabated excepting few years of Mujibar Rahaman‘s
administration.14
 70

On March 1948, the total number of migrants was 10 lacks. In the month of June of
the same year the number mounted to 11 lacks. Among them 3 lacks and 50 thousand
came from the middle class families of the urban areas and 5 lacks 50 thousand
migrants came from middle class of rural background. Among them, more than 1
lack people were cultivators in profession and less than 1 lack people were engaged in
agriculture based activities.15 The second phase of migration started in 1950 followed
by unprecedented cases of murder, violence, arson, rape and attack on unarmed,
innocent and destitute people of East Pakistan. The situation became more
complicated due to the inflow of frequent migration. In the occurrence of riots of East
Pakistan in 1950, a mammoth number of refugees began to move towards West
Bengal and naturally the growth of refugee population accelerated rapidly. The census
report of 1951 revealed that the number of migrants reached to 3.5 millions in West
Bengal.16 The first wave of refugees from East Bengal consisted of the elite people
who had education also possessed some amount of assets. But the majority of the
Hindus in East Bengal comprised peasants, agricultural labourers and sharecroppers.
Most of them belonged to the lower castes, had only their tiny landholding in their
possession. They did not have resource, education and skill or family connections in
West Bengal that could help them to settle over there.17. By the end of May 1948 the
refugee influx from East Bengal to West Bengal increased by over 2000 per week and
from that period onwards the Government was rather compelled to open camps in
airfields in different districts side by side with military huts in Calcutta.18 Census of
1951 revealed that most of the refugees coming from East Pakistan ended up in three
districts like 24 Parganas, Calcutta and Nadia. Of the total 2,099,000 refugees hailed
from East Bengal in 1951, total 1,387,000 refugees settled in those three aforesaid
districts. The remaining part came and settled in West Dinajpur, Cooch Behar,
Jalpaiguri and Burdwan districts. Afterwards, the census of 1961 represented the same
picture.19

The pity of whole thing was that the Nehru-Liaquot Delhi Pact of 1950 could not stop
the flow of migration from East Pakistan to West Bengal. The pact assured the
refugees of both the borders of India and Pakistan would be entitled to return their
respective homes. The displaced also got assurance that their abandoned assets and
properties would be returned back to them. With the declaration the Nehru-Liaquat
pact the exodus was tried to be stopped for the time being. But it left no permanent
 71

impact. Rather the Pact created an adverse effect in respect of the Muslims. Those
Muslims who left West Bengal and Assam previously, returned back to their
respective abodes. The most surprising fact was that the Indian Muslims returned
back along with the Muslim members of East Pakistan though they were the citizens
of Eastern Pakistan. But unfortunately the displaced Hindus of East Pakistan
expressed their unwillingness to return back to their ancestral houses in East Pakistan.
They were more concerned with their future safety and security. It is worth
mentioning that, the Nehru-Liaquat Pact, signed in April 1950, failed to provide the
way for the return of the refugees to their homeland. Later on, when the passport
system was introduced for traveling from Pakistan to India from 15 October 1952, it
opened new scope for migration. The refugee exodus again started after 1960-61 and
reached to its climax during 1964-65. Finally, another massive exodus was noticed
when the rulers of West Pakistan followed the means of genocide to make the
Bengalis in East Pakistan mute. Although after the Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact the
violence on Hindus decreased to a considerable extent but the flow of exodus
continued even after. In the year 1950 alone 1.75 million refugees migrated to India.
The emigration process continued unabatedly up to 1956.20

The discourse of the uprooted minority Hindus of East Bengali reflected acute sense
of insecurity with regard to wealth, life and honour .21 The reason for the emigration
of elite class immediately after the partition, was largely due to a fear of losing wealth
and prestige rather than life as they were numerically and politically subordinate
group in a Muslim-majority nation. Though Nehru Government did not find any
communal or caste conflict behind the massive exodus from East Pakistan to India,
still it is fact that there was no doubt that a fear psychosis was clear among Hindus
of East Pakistan. Shankar Ghosh, an eminent journalist of the Anandabazar Patrika
was of the view that moral extermination of Hindus was responsible for the
emigration of Hindu minority from East Pakistan.22 A very small section of these
people was able to sell their property in East Bengal or to exchange their property to
acquire capital to reinvest the same in private industries. Within a short period, they
became integrated with the local population. There was also a large educated middle
class, who, though, did not have enough money with them but had enough potential
for their survival. Some of them found jobs, or could restart their medical or legal
practice again. Almost all the Hindu government servants serving in East Bengal gave
 72

an option for settling in India.23 The uprooted millions were in an appalling mental
state. They were ousted from their ancestral home under conditions of inexpressible
terror and misery. Most of them did not get much time to plan their evacuation. They
had actually no option but to accept their grim destiny. They had witnessed their near
and dear ones were hacked before their very eyes; their houses were ransacked and set
ablaze by their own neighbours. ―They had no choice but to seek safety in flight,
filled with wrath at what they had seen, and full of anguish for numberless missing
kinsmen who were still stranded in Pakistan and for their womenfolk who had been
abducted‖.24

In the year 1951, in the month of June it was noticed that the trend of exodus was
hastened and continued incessantly. In the meantime the passport system was
introduced between India and Pakistan in 1952 under the initiative of Pakistan and
consequently India agreed to introduce the same. In the year 1960-61 a massive
number of Hindu refugees of East Pakistan entered into West Bengal, it was
undoubtedly the third phase of fresh migration. From 1961-65 more or less 10 lacks
Hindu refugees crossed the borders on their way to West Bengal. In 1962, 1964 and
1965 an organized brutal violence broke out in the districts of Rajshahi and Dhaka
respectively. Innumerable Hindu minorities were slaughtered. Noted Canadian
journalist Mr. Montriel reported vividly the act of genocide. As a result of that
horrible violence and assassination, according to Mr. Montriel 10 thousand Hindu
minority people were brutally killed in and around the city of Dacca. Both U.S.A and
Pakistan tried to conceal that act of genocide. The mysterious silence of those two
nations was really questionable. Many houses of Hindus were gutted, mud dwelling
houses were torched, in the walls of dilapidated houses of Hindus were decorated with
Urdu writing. The Bengali meaning of that Urdu writing was ―this house belongs to
Muslims‖.25

It is noteworthy in this connection that seriously injured persons following the

violence were shifted to different hospitals in open trucks. The medical staffs were not
adequate enough to treat the wounded persons. Foreign physicians and surgeons
extended their hands of cooperation for the treatment of those injured persons but
their appeals were summarily rejected and ignored. 2.70 lacks Hindu refugees hailed
from East Pakistan in empty hands. Such influx of refugees was unheard and
unprecedented in recent history. In the meantime under the inspiring leadership of
 73

Seikh Mujib-ur Rahman the people of East Pakistan launched a brave fight against the
autocrat Pakistan government for their emancipation and creation of a new
independent state which was popularly known as Bangladesh. Overcoming all sorts of
hurdles the long cherished desire and sweet dream of independent state was
eventually materialized through a war known as ‗Mukti Yuddha‘ (War of
liberation)26. After much hardship, obstacles and healthy opposition undaunted Mujib-
ur-Rahman created his dreamland ‗Bangladesh‘ in 1971 and Mujb-Ur-Rahman
became the supreme head of newly created state Bangladesh. From that time onwards
a new trend cropped up regarding the migration of the minority Hindus. Not only
Bengalee Hindus but also the Buddhists and the Christians were compelled to leave
their homeland. So, the process of migration was a continuous and never ending
process.

As a matter of fact the persecution on minorities in East Pakistan intensified the fear
of future harassment on them. The communal disturbances prepared the ground of
mass exodus to West Bengal. In initial stage it was observed that most of the migrants
from East Pakistan to West Bengal belonged to elite Hindu society and at the same
time from the educated upper and middle class families. They could only bring with
them their skill and education. The Partition of India and the refugee problem
especially in Bengal had turned out to be a continuing process from 1947-1950.‖27
Therefore, displacement and migration from East to West Bengal is still ―an
inescapable part of our reality.‖28 Even Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of
India, confessed in a press conference at Nagpur on January 1, 1950 that, ―West
Bengal has suffered more from Partition and its after-effects than any province or any
part of the country. The Punjab also suffered, but it suffered more in the sense of mass
killing of the people, while economically West Bengal has suffered more…‖29
Nehru's letter to the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Bidhan Chandra Roy reflects this
quandary: ―It is wrong to encourage any large-scale migration from East Bengal to the
West. Indeed, if such a migration takes place, West Bengal and to some extent the
Indian Union would be overwhelmed... If they come over to West Bengal, we must
look after them. But it is no service to them to encourage them to join the vast mass of
refugees who can at best be poorly cared for‖.30 Fifty years after Partition, the review
of the Central Government on the refugee rehabilitation agreed that the policy towards
 74

refugees of East Pakistan was not only inadequate but discriminatory in comparison to
its policy towards the refugees of West Punjab.31

The uprooted and displaced Hindus migrated in quick succession from East Pakistan
to West Bengal. The first group of refugees arrived after the Noakhali riot and riot in
Tippera in 1946. The flow of exodus continued uninterrupted till the end of 1949.
Those evacuees who sought shelter during this phase, mostly belonged to the upper
and upper middle strata like the landowning, merchant and professional classes. The
next major influx began following the massacre in several districts of East Bengal,
particularly in the village called Kalshira in the Bagerhat subdivision of Khulna
district on December 20, 1949 and then Rajshahi, Faridpur and Barisal in February
1950. Those refugees who crossed the border were very poor, mostly agricultural
labourers. Those displaced peasants and agricultural labourers possessed almost
nothing except the capacity of rendering manual labour. The constant intimidation and
threat made them puzzled which life forced them to leave their country.32 Most of the
labourers belonged to so-called lower castes, like Namasudra, Mahisya and Sadgop
communities. Initially they were in a fix to quit their motherland. There were two
major vital reasons behind their unwillingness to leave their country; firstly, they did
not want to detach themselves from their original profession of agricultural labourers
and secondly, under the ebullient guidance of their leader Jogendra Nath Mondal, who
held the portfolio of Law ministry under the Government of Pakistan at that time, the
uprooted people decided to stay back.

There was an unholy understanding between Muslim League and J.N.Mondal. The
Namashudras of East Pakistan were assured that if they would support the League
they would not be ousted from their homeland. Following which the Namashudras did
not quit their motherland immediately after the Partition. Dhananjay Keer in his book
‗Dr. Ambedkar Life And Mission‘ stated that ―Jogendranath Mandal, Law and Labour
Minister of Pakistan, who had asked the Scheduled Castes in Pakistan to look upon
Jinnah as their savior and had been asked them to wear a badge blatantly suggestive
of Islamic Associations‖.33 Before 1950 following communal riots that broke out in
Eastern Pakistan thousands and thousands subaltern Namashudra people and other
people belonging to Scheduled Castes were compelled to quit their sweet homeland.
Finding no other way out, the Law and Labour Minister Jogendranath Mondal, being
 75

apprehended of his personal security decided to leave for Calcutta from Karachi. On
September 3, 1950 he tendered his resignation to the Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan.
The very incident clearly proved that due to lack of insecurity for the minority Hindus
was the vital reason behind the inflow of Hindu minority exodus. But it was obvious
that the people, who finally decided to leave their motherland and to cross over to the
other side of the border for their safety and security, also contributed much to the
development of their alien land.34 The riot of 1950s had given a clear indication that
there was no other way out but to quit their homestead.

Bengal had to face unpresidented brutality after partition of India. The hard task of
rehabilitation of the refugees in the post-partition Bengal continued unabated in the
midst of diverse problems. Besides the inadequate state assistance, the community
network had a pivotal role. All the districts of the state of West Bengal were equally
affected by the exodus. In major cases, the uprooted persons from the western parts of
East Pakistan trekked to the adjoining districts of West Bengal, whereas, the displaced
people of the central and eastern parts of East Bengal preferred to resettle in 24
Parganas (undivided), and in and around Calcutta. At the same time the refugees from
the northern part of East Bengal tried to settle in the neighboring districts of North
Bengal viz. Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Malda, West Dinajpur etc, The Annual Report
of the Department of Rehabilitation of the Government of India pointed out that, in
the first phase of the refugee exodus during the year 1946 to 1952, 2.52 million
refugees arrived in West Bengal, the year between 1953 and 1956 were marked as
crucial (See Table-3. 1). Gradually, by December 1957 the refugee influx reached the
highest point in the East. The number of the refugees crossing the international border
went up to 3,16,000.35 The under drawn table gives clear indication of the scale and
magnitude of the post-partition displacement from the East to West.
 76

Table - 3.1
Migration from East Bengal to West Bengal since 15 October, 1946 to 15
January 1951(Outside Camps)
Sl. District Number of Number of Total migrants Migrants since
No. families one persons since 31December
or more including 15October 1949 upto 15
migrants migrants 1946 to 15 January 1951
January,1951

1 Burdwan 24616 106514 100805 39777

2 Birbhum 2655 12351 11524 5545

3 Bankura 2294 10223 9814 6017

4 Midnapur 6058 31797 28722 5581

5 Howrah 16827 92778 86444 49094

6 Hooghly 12115 68666 63334 28636

7 24 Parganas 100564 598833 541720 265966

8 Calcutta 76078 476759 415970 178799

9 Nadia 84913 411733 403804 267872
10 Murshidabad 14424 67763 65578 32170

11 West Bengal 27305 138448 134756 109875

12 Malda 14876 70201 68197 56806

13 Jalpaiguri 20596 107178 100675 65234

14 Darjeeling 3425 18910 17643 8757

15 Cooch Behar 22526 95890 94242 80350

16 Total 429272 2308044 2143228 1200479

17 Percent 100.00 56.00

 77

Source: Government of West Bengal, Report on the Sample Survey for Estimating
the Socio-economic Characteristics of displaced persons migrating from East Pakistan
to the state of West Bengal,1951(Calcutta: State Statistical Bureau)

Table 3.2
Month-wise Break-up of Refugee Influx to West Bengal

Month 1953 1954 1955 1956

January 5,248 4,077 15,674 17,011
February 5,961 5,710 22,848 42,360
March 7,507 5,821 26,503 15,167
April 6,900 6,002 15,070 18,039
May 6,032 6,656 18,190 34,657

June 4,798 6,354 21,146 24,734

July 5,026 6,208 22,957 27,442
August 4,147 8,127 13,813

September 3,223 10,644 9,371 -

October 4,379 10,352 13,757

November 3,212 11,073 11,535

December 4,214 22,776 18,709

Total 60,647 1,03,800 2,09,573 1,79,410

Source: Relief and Rehabilitation of Displaced Persons in West Bengal (Calcutta:

Home [Pub.] Department, Government of West Bengal, 1956), p. 17

Shelter crisis and forced occupied (Jabar dakhal) colonies:

From the late 1940s to early ‘50s the refugees who crossed over to West Bengal from
East Pakistan were mostly from the upper or middle class families. The popular
destination was Calcutta and its surrounding districts. They trekked over here in quest
of suitable jobs or other professional opportunities. In Calcutta, many of their friends,
 78

relatives and acquaintances initially extended their hands of cooperation and

assistance with a view to providing them with accommodation and employment. In a
way, a social network system of those evacuees played a vital role to reconstruct their
lives in the alien land. The persons migrated during this phase were reluctant to go to
the relief camps. Even those who belonged to the middle class and economically not
so affluent still did not want to settle in the refugee camps mainly because of their
sense of honour and dignity. It is worth noting in this context that by 1949, the
housing option in Calcutta became inadequate. As a result of the huge influx of
refugees into Calcutta, the economically affluent persons could manage rented house
for their accommodation, whereas, the relatively poorer sections were rather
compelled to take refuge in slums. The uprooted persons who came initially were able
to manage land for constructing their own homestead in Calcutta and its contiguous
localities. Many of them occupied houses deserted by the Muslims who shifted to East
Pakistan for their own convenience. The abandoned military camps were also
occupied by the migrants. A number of refugees in the initial stage did not even want
to be identified as ‗refugee‘ and helpless partition victims. They ‗silently merged‘ into
the city.36

Following incessant inflow of displaced persons of East Pakistan the opportunities for
new settlement became reduced to a considerable extent. Against this backdrop, the
squatters‘ colonies mushroomed that played a very important part of the life and
landscape of West Bengal.37 In some cases, where the land was acquired through legal
means and procedures, the government termed the areas of refugee settlement as
private colonies. But, in some other cases, vacant lands, owned by the government or
by big landowners, was occupied forcibly by the refugees. This process of collective
procurement of land was known as jabar dakhal.38 There was practically no other
option but forcible occupation of vacant and deserted lands mainly in the periphery of
Calcutta and the nearby areas. A huge number of people crossed into West Bengal in
1950. One section of people crossed the railway station at Darshana and entered the
state where they were temporarily at the camp in Banpur. The other group coming
from the South-Western areas of East Pakistan ended in the camp of Bongaon. On and
from 1949 Calcutta witnessed the beginning of squatter movement, but in other parts
of West Bengal, in the squatters‘ colonies flourished in December 1950. During the
period 1950-51 when the State Government was under the crisis, the refugees made
 79

up their minds to take the problem in their own hands. They used to undertake
forcible occupation of land and began to establish squatter colonies.39 About 149
squatters‘ colonies grew up in Calcutta, 24 Parganas, Howrah and Hooghly districts.
A group of 500 refugee families took possession of vacant army huts in the Dhakuria
Lake area of South Calcutta in the month of June, 1948.40.Later on approximately 80
families followed the path of the earlier group of refugees to take over possession in
the military camp area of Ballygunge.41 The existence of these squatters‘ colonies was
found in the south-eastern portion of the Calcutta Metropolis, especially in the areas
like Jadavpur, Tollygange, Kasba and Behala. Approximately 40 such colonies were
set up within 1950.42

When the influx continued unremittingly hardly could find any shelter in Calcutta and
suburbs. Those migrants scorned uncertain doles of the Government and they did not
bother about the assistance of the Government. These uprooted persons took the law
into their own hands and started the unauthorized occupation of land owned by the
Central and State Governments.43The refugees built up their own shelters in these
areas virtually without any help from the government. The colonies were mainly set
up in the vicinity the towns or industrial areas in order to link the habitation with
livelihood. The squatters‘ colonies were confined within the cities and suburbs. The
first such colony was Vijoygarh, founded in the southern suburb of Calcutta under the
leadership of freedom fighter Santosh Dutta. They occupied various military barracks
and there after within a short span of time refugee colonies mushroomed there.
Ofcourse it was not a squatter‘s colony in truest sense of the term.44 Vijoygarh was
private land which was unauthorized and occupied illegally. In rural areas, the
refugee peasants occupied the uncultivated deserted lands. Such lands were acquired
not only for habitation, but also for urpose of the pcultivation. This type of
agricultural colonies were established in Bankura, Birbhum, Midnapore, Burdwan,
Nadia, Murshidabad, 24 Parganas, West Dinajpur, Malda, Coochbehar and Jalpaiguri
districts.45 Almost 8930 families were squattered in more than 100 Government
sponsored colonies in those aforesaid districts. Among those 8930 families 8717
families had documentary evidence of being refugee where as rest 213 families were
non refugees belonging to West Bengal or other states.46
 80

Table-3.3
Details of Refugee Squatter colonies up to 31 December 1950
District Police No. of Total Population Land area
Station colonies families

24 Paraganas Jadavpur 58 12879 64,395 1073.26

,, Behala 4 412 2,060 34.40
,, Dum Dum 40 6,807 34,035 453.80
,, Belghoria 3 2,543 12,715 228.50
,, Baranagar 7 1,171 5,855 97.58
,, Noapara 4 362 1,810 30.10
,, Khardah 15 2,707 13,535 225.60
,, Naihati 3 718 3,590 59.40
,, Bijpur 4 333 1,565 27.90
,, Titagarh 1 155 775 12.90
,, Jagaddal 4 388 1,940 32.30
,, Habra 2 412 2,060 34.20
Hooghly Sreerampur 3 809 4,045 67.43
Howrah Bally 1 106 800 13.30
14 P.S 149 29,,856 1,49,280 2390.64

Source: Paschim Banger Jabardakhal Udbastu Upanibesh, Anil Sinha, 1979

It became obvious to the shelter-seekers in the forced occupied colonies that they had
to ventilate their demands to get justice about the relief and rehabilitation. Anil Sinha
called the situation as ‗the epic battle of Kurukshetra‘ in order to attain legitimate
demands.47 Sinha argued that the jabar dakhal colonies were classic examples of the
organised hatred of the refugees of East Pakistan against the rehabilitation policies of
the Congress government. In 1948, with the formation of the Nikhil Banga Bastuhara
Karma Parishad (All Bengal Refugee Council for Action), the agitation among the
refugees of the squatters colonies took a concrete form.48 In the preliminary stage, the
Parishad consisted of two groups of members: the pro-Congress group and the other
group comprised mostly Left-minded members. The pro-Congress group wanted
 81

permanent rehabilitation of the refugees without antagonizing the Central and the
State government. The NBBKP took initiative in the squatting process in the city and
also.actively pressurized the state Government on the issue of refugee rehabilitation.
In 1949, the Left-minded members took over the leadership of the Parishad.

The United Central Refugee Council developed as a federated body of several refugee
organizations to address the issue of rehabilitation of refugees in West Bengal in the
aftermath of the partition. It was founded in 1950, about three years following the
beginning of heavy refugee influx.49 The UCRC played a pivotal role in negotiating
with the Government for rehabilitation of the refugee squatters in and around
Calcutta. The roots of the UCRC however, lay with the already large number of
refugees who had taken the initiative in establishing squatter colonies and in working
collectively amongst the refugees through the formation of colony committees.50 This
council mainly dealt with the refugee colonization process in Calcutta and its
neighbouring areas. According to Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay the government was well
conversant with the problem of illegal occupation of land, but the Government did not
intervene regarding the encroachment issue taking into view the miserable plight of
the displaced persons hailing from East Bengal.51

In January, 1949 NBBKP organized 15000 refugees on a mass deputation to Raj

Bhawan. But the Police fired and lathicharged indiscriminately to disperse the rally.
Prominent leaders belonging mostly to the refugee sections were arrested for the
participation in this massive rally. This incident had a tremendous impact upon the
people of all sections, the students of Calcutta University in particular. A State wide
strike was called to voice their protest against Police repression on refugees. Sarat
Chandra Bose addressed a meeting in the Sraddha Nanda Park, Calcutta where he
clearly declared that on behalf of the ill fated refugees that a state-wide protest would
be demonstrated against the indifference of the Government if no steps for the
rehabilitation of the refugees were made. The Chief Minister of West Bengal assured
the refugees with a promise to make immediate arrangements for the settlement of the
refugees. The leftist leaders also played a vital role among the refugees to create a
mass base among them. Under their able leadership and guidance of the leftists the
refugee movement became oppositional in character.52 The exodus of refugees
followed by a series of communal disturbances. The rapid influx of refugee
 82

population caused manifold problems like unemployment, lack of shelter etc.

Afterwards Dr. Meghnad Saha on behalf of the East Bengal Relief Committee took
initiative in providing ‗refugee slips‘ to the border crossers that ultimately helped the
refugees in getting the refugee certificate. Gradually a process of politicization of
refugees of East Pakistan took a concrete shape in India. This also helped in securing
the rights of the hapless refugees. The burgeoning refugee population had a great
impact on the urban structure of the city and subsequently helped in the growth of city
in all directions.53
Table- 3.4
Refugees in West Bengal up to 1958
District No. of Population No. Govt. Population Refugees Total
Camps in camps colonies in Govt. outside refugee
and and homes colonies camps and population
Homes colonies
Burdwan 30 43127 8 6895 108481 158503
Birbhum 17 17400 6 1775 4375 23550
Bankura 7 11165 2 50 4796 16011
Midnapur 11 16838 38 4390 22654 43882
Hooghly 11 18013 38 21580 65017 104610
Howrah 7 7779 16 7575 75781 91135
24 Parganas 45 43284 209 105345 714161 862790
Calcutta 7 5059 ----- ------- 571555 576614
Nadia 7 53160 32 61640 539730 664530
Murshidbad 8 12709 21 9945 53443 76097
Malda ---- -------- 12 2939 69004 72924
WestDinajpur 1 989 111 3865 158095 162949
Jalpaiguri ------ -------- 9 7850 142306 150156
Darjeeling ------- -------- 2 3375 26668 30043
Cooch Behar 1 1159 12 6550 222118 227827
Purulia ------ -------- ------ ------- 1332 1332
Total 152 240682 389 243765(?) 2778506 3262952
 83

Table-3.5
Share of Refugee population in total population of West Bengal, 1951-1971

Year Total population Refugees from East Percentage of

Pakistan Refugees to total
population
1951 26299980 2104241 8%
1961 34926279 3068750 8.78%
1971 44312011 4293000 9.68%

Source : Refugee Rehabilitation Directorate, Govt. of West Bengal

Eviction Bill:

The refugees from Eastern Pakistan had to face consecutive burning problems in their
new abode in West Bengal of India. They were under the constant pressure of fear of
eviction. With the active support of the police the landlords were always determined
to regain their lost property. More so they also used to hire notorious hooligans to
evict the unauthorized occupants of their lands. To voice their demands and to
establish their claims the refugees became united to lodge a massive movement for
their survival, security and livelihood. It would not be out of place to mention that
landlord time and again demolished the flimsy housed built by the refugees, but on
the contrary the refugees rebuilt their dwelling houses with new vigour and energy.
To avoid this untoward situation as well as to pacify the landlords the Government
issued a Gazette notification with a caution to the refugee squatters to vacate the
colonies within 15 days. But it became abortive. A radical change came over when a
court order was issued regarding the issue in question. Following the court verdict it
was decided that only civil suit would be instituted against the illegal occupation
extending for more than three months. No police intervention and criminal charges
would be brought against the refugees.54. The attitude of the refugees for occupying
more private and government land became so irresistible that the Government was
compelled to bring about a new bill, known as ‗Eviction Bill‘. The Eviction Bill with
some modifications became an act which was known as Act XVI of 1951, which
 84

envisaged any landlord on payment of court fee of fifty days would be able to file
petition in the court of competent authority for eviction from unauthorized land.55

The act triggered of the politics of demonstration of the refugees against the anti-
refugee policies of the Government. The Government became aware of the fact that
normal legal action would not be able to solve the unauthorized acquirement of both
lands both private and government, requisitioned by the Central and State
Government. But, Dr. B.C. Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal, made it clear that the
Government possessed virtually no power to evict a squatter from unauthorized
occupation of land or premises except through a prolonged process of legal action and
also through enactment of the Bill that could reconcile the demands of law with the
needs of the refugees.56

In the meantime the Eviction Bill came into force through an act in 1951 and from
that time onward the role and leadership began to expand extensively by the
representatives of refugees from East Pakistan. The base of the organization spread
beyond the squatter colonies of the early 50s.The various camps and the centres of
rehabilitation in West Bengal as well as other states consolidated under the banner of
UCRC. It was founded in 1950 as a central body of several refugee organizations. It
played a pivotal role as an instrument of the refugee organizations. Importantly the
unauthorized colonization process continued with more influx of refugees. With the
announcement of the Eviction Bill the split between the UCRC and the RCRC came
out in the open. Opposition to the bill came from different fronts. Two different
protest meetings were held on 28th March; one under the banner of RCRC and another
led by UCRC.57 The RCRC rally was led by Dr. Suresh Banerjee, Lila Roy, Soumen
Tagore and others. But the organized political movement of the refugees was
spearheaded by the UCRC. But the Government expressed its willingness to
compromise and to incorporate some of the suggestions that were made including the
change of the title of the Bill.58 Within the period from 1951-1971 approximately 766
more colonies were established that scattered over West Bengal both in rural and
urban areas. With the expansion of organizational base the movement became
strengthened. Regular meetings were arranged and organized in different colonies to
motivate the refugees for protesting against the implementation of the Act. According
 85

to UCRC the Act failed to safeguard or secured the refugees in the colonies specially
those on private land.

Table-3.6
Refugee Influx from East Pakistan, 1946-70

Year Reason for Influx Total West Bengal(in lakhs)

1946 Noakhali riots 19,000(0-19) 0.14
1947 Partition 344,000 2.58
1948 Police action by India in Hyderabad 786,000 5.90
1949 Khulna, Barisal riots 213,000 1.82
1950 Ditto 1,575,000 11.82
1951 Agitation over Kashmir 187,000 1.40
1952 Economic conditions, passport scare 227,000 1.52
1953 76,000 0.61
1954 118,000 1.04
1955 Unrest over Urdu in E. Pakistan 240,000 2.12
1956 Pakistan's Islamic constitution 320,000 2.47
1957 11,000 0.09
1958 1, 000 0.01
1959 10,000 0.09
1960 10,000 0.09
1961 11,000 0.10
1962 14,000 0.13
1963 16,000 0.14
1964 Hazrat Bal incident in Kashmir 693,000 4.19
1965 108,000 0.81
1966 8,000 0.04
1967 24,000 0.05
1968 12,000 0.04
1969 10,000 0.04
1970 Elections in Pakistan 250,000 2.32
Total 5,283,000 39.56
Source: P.N. Luthra, Rehabilitation, Publication Division,New Delhi,1972,pp.18-19.
 86

A migrant‘s recognition as ―refugee‖ was the prime clause for the rehabilitation
assistance in India. A ―refugee‖ or a ―displaced person‖ was he who was originally
the resident of East Pakistan and due to political turmoil, panic of civil disturbances
and following the vivisection of India he was forced to quit his birth place.59 But
while acknowledging that fear of persecution or violence as a valid and justified
reason for migration, the official definition was inaccurate regarding the preconditions
of fear. It was also imprecise on the fact that to what extent it would be implemented
by the Government for allotting refuge in India. The Indian government under the
aforesaid circumstances took a tactical policy ignoring the complaints of everyday
insecurity of East Bengal refugees and diverted attention to spectacular worse-case
scenarios in Pakistan. The Government instantly declared that it was unaware of the
fact that the Hindus of East Bengal had problems or it was totally ignorant of those
incidents in East Pakistan which were responsible for the massive displacement.60

The Government of West Bengal issued a declaration in 1948 stating that the cause
of the then exodus was due to economic reason. So the proper Identification of a
migrant as a refugee was really essential because this would help the refugees with
relief and rehabilitation from the state According to Bengali public discourse the
words Udbastu and Bastuhara carried two different connotations, Bastu was related to
ancestral background where as the word udbastu referred to the loss of home; as was
in the case bastuhara. Both these implications not only indicated the shelterless
condition but presented the pang and agony of Partition. When the displaced from
East Pakistan were awarded with the right to franchise the displaced had switched
over their allegiance to the Left in order to redress their grievances. They voiced their
demands with the slogan Amra kara? Bastuhara! (Who are we? Refugees!). In later
period those displaced persons continued to identify themselves as ―refugees‖.61

It was reported that Hiren Sanyal and Umesh Chandra Roy were found distributing a
Bengali leaflet styled Deser Garib Janasadharan o Bastuhara Bhai Boner Prati
Nikhil Banga Bastuhara Karma Parshader Ahwan among the refugees of Kaiarpara
and other colonies. It was noticed that the ho…. Were received by Badal Sarkar
(Socialist Party) from Sibnath Banerjee, (MLA), for distribution amongst the
refugees. The leaflet contained some demands to be taken up at the meeting of the
Refugee Council of Action at Sradhdhananda Park on 25 November.62
 87

On April 9, 1958 the refugees assembled in small batches at the foot of the
monument. The refugees consisted of 300 members including about 100 women
marched towards Writers‘ Buildings under the ebullient and inspiring leadership of
Somnath Chatterjee to highlight the genuine demands of the refugee migrants. In the
said meeting Tara Dutta instigated and inspired the refugees to go ahead unless and
until their 21 points demands were redressed with immediate effect.63 North Bengal,
under the period review, occupied a unique position in the Indian sub-continent. It
consisted of a separate social, economic and religion perhaps due its peculiar
geographic position. North Bengal was such a queer area of Bengal which has no
trace in the geographical atlas of India by its name. Though North Bengal is an
integral part of India, still it had its own peculiarities, characteristics and identity. It
can rightly be claimed that North Bengal represented a separate social dimension in
Bengal so far as Indian subcontinent was concerned. The name ‗North Bengal‘ a
popular terminology describing five (now seven) northern districts of West Bengal
was being used by historians, social scientists, researchers, writers and so on for a
long period. In the historic past there was no existence of a region or territory as Uttar
Banga or ‗North Bengal‘. There was no recognized geographical identity in the name
of North Bengal. Even in administrative unit and overall official records there was no
official approval of the region as North Bengal. There was no reference available in
previous history, mythology and above all the literature on the name ‗North Bengal‘.
But this non-historical name gradually became the most popular and commonly used
name. ―It is really a historical as well as psychological puzzle‖.64

North Bengal consisted of five districts of the northern part of West Bengal, the
number of district recently raised to seven in number. The discussion is confined
within the periphery of previous five districts as the thesis in question emphasizes on
the period between 1947 and 1979. On and before the attainment of independence a
trend was noticed among the East Bengal people to move towards India with an
anticipation of their future insecurity and permanent shelter in Indian soil. The
migration of refugees from East Pakistan to North Bengal was an important
phenomenon. Migration in pre and post independence period to some extent depended
on the strategic position of North Bengal. Added to it, the historical importance of the
region was one of the pertinent reasons for mass departure. It is worth noting in this
context that refugee inflow was there even from the very beginning of twentieth
 88

century. But the number was really microscopic. The number drastically rose high
from the year 1946 and onwards. Huge number of people left their ancestral abode
with a view to settle in a safer place either being directly victimized, or might be due
to fear of carnage or brutality. They came to the districts of North Bengal to lead a
peaceful life in the other side of the border.

North Bengal especially Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling were at the junction
of North East India and being a Himalayan borderland attracted the people from
different parts of India and from beyond the border. It would not be out of place to
mention here that until sixteenth century almost all the centres of political importance
situated within the geographical fringe of North Bengal. So the existence of some
centres of political significance naturally encouraged the immigration of people in
large scale. Even after the downfall of Gour kingdom, the emergence of Koch-Kamta
65
kingdom motivated the process of ‗invited migration‘ A sizable section of people
from various walks of life was amalgamated with the royal kingdom of Koch Behar
from the very establishment of the monarchy. During the colonial period the rapid
growth of communication, establishment of tea industries as well as the administrative
and military necessities accelerated the process of migration especially in Jalpaiguri
and Cooch Behar districts. Later on atrocities in East Pakistan, political turmoil of
Assam and Nepal added a new force to the migration process of North Bengal.

Cooch Behar:

Cooch Behar was a princely state before the partition. Through an agreement (Merger
Agreement) with the Government of India Cooch Behar was converted into ‗C‘
graded state and from September 12 onwards it was treated as a state under the
administration of Chief Commissioner. On and from the 1st January, 1950 Cooch
Behar State was transformed as a district of West Bengal. The district is situated in
the foot hills of the Himalayas. Cooch Behar is bounded by Jalpaiguri in the North,
state of Assam in the East and the international border in the form of India-
Bangladesh boundary in the South and in the West. The district has a 549.45 K.M.
long Indo-Bangladesh border. Cooch Behar district consisted of a different social
structure. There was no doubt that Cooch Behar had a glorious past and dignified
heritage. The erudition and farsightedness of the then Maharajas of Cooch Behar
 89

specially Maharaja Nripendra Narayan and his gifted wife Sunity Devi, daughter of
Bramhacharya Keshab Chandra Sen, paved the way for the modernization and
women advancement. So far as the as women education was concerned they had a key
role in this respect. But the scenario had gradually changed due to gradual influx of
refugees from East Pakistan. The thesis in question would try to ventilate and throw
light to bring out the untold, unsung, unwritten tales of sufferings of those unfortunate
victims of the partition specially the women who by dint of their leech like tenacity
and dogged perseverance became victorious confronting all sorts of eventualities.

Trend of inflow of the people of East Bengal to Cooch Behar started even long before
the Partition. In the year 1951 Kolkata, 24 Parganas, Nadia, West Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri
and Cooch Behar were the major recipient of refugees from East Pakistan. The census
report of 1951 revealed that 4.66% of total refugee population took refuge at Cooch
Behar. In the years 1961, 1971 the percentage of exoduses at Cooch Behar mounted
gradually from 8.24% to 13.49%. Before the merger of Cooch Behar State with West
Bengal the rate of population growth was very insignificant. But the population
growth rapidly increased from the very date of merger. It is worth mentioning in this
respect that in 1950 the total number of refugees who took shelter at Cooch Behar was
94,242.Subsequently it rose to 12,4700 in the year 1955.66 At the end of 1958 there
was one transit camp in Cooch Behar and 284 families comprised 1,159 members. A
camp was set up in a place known as Lichubagan within the compound of the Cooch
Behar palace for the time being. The total population in Government colonies in
Cooch Behar was 6,550 where as the number of refugee population outside camps and
67
colonies was 2,22,118. .Between 1 January1951 and 25 March 1971 there were 13
squatter‘s colonies in urban areas and 13 squatter‘s colonies in rural areas. Total
number of displaced persons was 2511 among them 542 persons were from urban
background and 1969 persons from rural sectors.68 Virtually this process of migration
from East Bengal started after the Noakhali riot A sizable number of the refugees
came over Cooch Behar after Partition were primarily the inhabitants of the districts
of Mymensingh, Rongpur and Rajshahi. A good number of migrants moved towards
Cooch Behar in the first phase after 1946 were basically from urban middle class
families like land owners, merchant and various professional classes. They migrated
not only because of violence but a feeling of insecurity was always there which
prompted them to come over here. In a report of Ananda Bazar Patrika, 1st March,
 90

1948 it was stated by the Secretary of Relief and Rehabilitation, Mohanlal Saxena that
out of total 16 lacks uprooted persons 10 lacks could be rehabilitated. But rest 6 lacks
of refugees would be sent to Assam, Bihar, Odissa, Tripura and Cooch Behar. It was
decided that 50 thousand refugees would be sent to Cooch Behar.69

Table- 3.7

The district wise refugee exodus from East Pakistan to Cooch Behar from 1946-
1951

District (East Pakistan) Male Female

1. Kustia 58 119

2. Jessore 226 113

3. Khulna 232 17

4. Rajshahi 344 719

5. Dinajpur 1,197 695

6. Rongpur 23,512 20,362

7. Bagura 1,238 1,425

8. Pabna 1.382 923

9. Dacca 5,375 4,019

10. Mymensingh 16,789 13,708

11. Faridpur 1,293 1,255

12. Bakharganj 417 287

13. Tripura 459 392

14. Noakhali 324 211

15. Chittogong 175 320

16. Syllet 100 60

Total 53,121 44,625

Source: Census 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, Cooch Behar.

The main reason behind their migration to Cooch Behar was its geographical
proximity with their motherlands. From the reports of Refugee Rehabilitation
Department of West Bengal it was evident that in the year 1950 the number of Upper
 91

caste Hindus from East Pakistan was 78,322; number of scheduled caste migrants was
15,337; scheduled tribes was 426 and beyond these three categories 157 migrants
came to Cooch Behar. Moreover availability of cultivable lands also prompted them
to settle over here.70 Most of them came over here through the Gitaldaha border, an
area under Dinhata subdivision. Initially, the refugees flocked over here took shelter
in various camps. Afterwards many of them took refuge in houses of relatives. It is
not out of place to mention here that the local people of Cooch Behar extended their
hands of cooperation towards those uprooted persons.71The most vital and principal
cause behind the inflow of massive influx of the uprooted Hindu minorities of Eastern
Pakistan towards the district of Cooch Behar was due to its physical and natural
proximity to Eastern Pakistan. The ethnic identity and identical language of Bengalis
facilitated the communications between the people of Eastern Pakistan and the
inhabitants of Cooch Behar specially the Rajbansis. The religions of the displaced
Hindu refugee minority population and the inhabitants of Cooch Behar were alike.
Their culture, tradition, and rituals were almost the same in comparison to the
populace of Cooch Behar. Geographical immediacy coupled with cultural, social,
religious adjustment had great importance upon the lives, activities and livelihood of
the unfortunate uprooted persons of East Pakistan. Cooch Behar was one of the major
recipients of the refugees. The peaceful atmosphere and the hospitality of Rajbanshi
communities had a tremendous impact upon the lives of the displaced persons.
Abundance of cultivable agricultural land, enormous quantity of land meant for
human habitations were cheap and available. Owing to lack of agricultural knowledge
and technical knowhow the farmers belonging to Rajbanshi communities could not
yield sufficient amount of crops including paddy and other seasonal crops and
vegetables. More so, the well to do Rajbanshi landlords voluntarily donated their
lands for the settlement of the refugees free of cost. The above mentioned facilities
extended to the refugees lured the other displaced persons of East Pakistan and they
had to expedite their flow towards Cooch Behar.

Reminiscences of some displaced persons hailing from East Pakistan to the soil of
Cooch Behar provided a vivid picture of the period. The researcher has had the
opportunity to come in contact with some displaced persons from East Pakistan who
settled over here at a colony called Vidyasagar colony under Cooch Behar Sadar
Kotwali. One of the aged residents of the said colony is Mohanbansi Barman who
 92

migrated from Mymensing district of East Pakistan. He was born and brought up in
the lap of East Pakistan but under the pressure of adverse political turmoil and
communal violence he along with his family members compelled to migrate to Cooch
Behar district of West Bengal and settled over here. He first took shelter in Muruganj
camp at the vicinity of Cooch Behar. He provided a clear picture so that the researcher
could take the stock of the real scenario of refugees in different parts of Cooch Behar
districts. It is worth to be noted here that immense paucity of authentic records in
respect of refugee settlement the exact pictures of the refugees is difficult to draw. Mr.
Barman narrated the real picture of the refugee colonies and their inhabitants.
According to his version the Government with a view to meeting the requirement of
the refugees for their homesteads purchased lands from the land owners and handed it
over to the refugee rehabilitation department for distribution to the refugees. The
Government of West Bengal allotted 10 kathas of land to the refugees residing in the
rural areas where as in urban areas 3-5 kathas of land were allotted. Moreover they
were provided with loans for the construction of houses. According to his statement
the local Rajbansi community extended their hands of cooperation spontaneously and
generously in the act of settlement and for the purpose of cultivation through donation
of lands free of cost. More so they helped them financially for the aforesaid purposes.
They displaced persons were really indebted to them. 72

Cooch Behar was a place which was earmarked as an area of surplus food production.
According to the budget reports as revealed in 1949 that the amount of total revenue
in Cooch Behar was one crore and eleven lacs of which four lacs were surplus. So,
there was no doubt that Cooch Behar was a place which was economically sound and
affluent.73 From November, 1949 the process of rehabilitation stated in full swing.
3469 refugee families with their members consisting 21,209 members were
rehabilitated in different parts of Cooch Behar. It was decided that those people from
East Pakistan living in Cooch Behar for a long period would be given the right of
citizenship. Previously there was a restriction imposed upon the non-residents of
Cooch Behar not to acquire khas land. But now, the previous restriction was lifted.
The refugees were allowed some agricultural khas lands for cultivation. Eligible
refugees were given preferences regarding getting jobs in Government
sector.74Leaving behind the sweet memories of by gone days they are still seeking a
peaceful abode of their own. It is worth noting in this context that after hailing from
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East Pakistan to Cooch Behar those displaced women also served as a source of
inspiration to those non immigrant women who were long been deprived due to lack
of education. It would not be out of place to mention that a sizable number of women
enjoyed the privilege of education even long before the partition. But it was
concentrated among the limited few hailing from upper class. Exodus of displaced
women, their trauma, their long struggle and ultimately their success directly or
indirectly helped the local backward women to establish themselves keeping at bay
the age-old conception. The uprooted women infused upon the innocent, simple and
uneducated women of North Bengal the sense of self consciousness. The wave of
migration continued until the Bangladesh war of liberation in 1971and even after.

There are a good number of unlisted colonies or non-recognized colonies in Cooch

Behar before 1971 as The following Table shows.

Table-3.8

The non recognized or unlisted colonies in Cooch Behar before 1971

Sl. Name of the colony P.S Mouza Year of

no establishment

1 Kharimala Khagrabari-I Kotwali Kharimala 1970

khagrabari

2 Kharimala Khagrabari-II Kotwali Kharimala 1970

khagrabari

3 Vidyasagar Kotwali Sahar Coochbehar 1968

4 Sukantapally Kotwali Sahar Coochbehar 1966

5 Newdhabri-II Kotwali Sahar Coochbehar 1965

6 Collegepara Udvastu Dinhata Dinhata 1954

7 Kharimala Khagramari Kotwali Sahar Coochbehar 1964

Nazrulpally

8 Indira Nagar Udvastu Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1965

 94

9 Kasaiabari Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1964

10 Malgudam Kotwali Sahar Coochbehar 1955

11 Babupara Udvastu Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1964

12 Bidan Nagar Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1966

13 Aurobinda Nagar Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1964

14 Melar Math Haldibari Bara Haldibari 1965

15 Tala company Haldibari Bauxiganj Andaram 1961

Khajbos

16 Doribosh Dinhata Dhaksin Kharija 1950

Gitaldaha

17 Uttar Rampur A Block Boxirhat Rampur 1964

18 Uttar Rampur B Block Boxirhat Rampur 1970

19 Ghabhanga Chatbhalkar Boxirhat Rampur 1969

Shyamsundar II Kotwali Ghuriahati 1966

Sources: The department of Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation, Cooch Behar.

Jalpaiguri :

According to the declaration made by Sir Cyril Radcliffe some regions of pre partition
Jalpaiguri some areas viz. Tetulia, Panchagarh, Boda, Debigunj and Pathgram were
shifted to East Pakistan. The geographical boundary of Jalpaiguri was like this:
Darjeeling and Bhutan was on the northern side; Cooch Behar and Rangpur was on
the southern side; in the western side were the Purnia district of Behar and Darjeeling;
East Pakistan and Goalpara of Assam were on the eastern side. Due to this division
the area of the district reduced to 2,378 sq. mile from 3,050 sq. mile. The economic
stability of the district suffered a lot following the exclusion of the aforesaid region. It
 95

is worth mentioning in this context that the land of the said areas was fertile in
character. Paddy, rice, jute and tobacco production glorified the economic stability of
Jalpaiguri which was fondly called ‗Granary of Jalpaiguri‘. The reminiscences of
partition in regard to Jalpaiguri inhabitants were not at all pleasant According to the
verbal statement of Ajit Datta, a senior citizen of Jalpaiguri that inclusion of Tetulia
with East Pakistan was undoubtedly a blow upon the economy of Jalpaiguri. Tetulia
played a vital role to ease the communications among Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling and
Cooch Behar. Tetulia was considered as a bridge between North Bengal and West
Bengal.

In pre partition period Jalpaiguri was a part of Rajshahi division, so the majority of
the population of the district was Muslim. But if viewed from the district separately
the Hindus were majority in Jalpaiguri district. That‘s why Muslim League demanded
the district to be included into East Pakistan. The Muslim League leader Nawab
Musaraf Hossain took active initiative for the implementation of the demand.
According to the census of 1931 and 1941 respectively some tribal people of
Jalpaiguri were enumerated as ‗animist‘ instead of Hindu. Taking the advantage of the
situation Muslim leaders tried to show the Muslim majority there and strengthened the
demand of inclusion of Jalpaiguri in East Pakistan.75The authentic historic documents
of an outstanding researcher Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay had vividly depicted the true
pictures of refugee hailing from East Pakistan. Fortunately Mr. Bandapadhyay was
entrusted with the herculean task of settlement of the refugees when he was in charge
of Jalpaiguri administration. As a result of partition the eastern part of Dinajpur, the
southern part of Jalpaiguri and at the same time the western part of the same district
was isolated from India and became the integral part of Pakistan. The Hindu migrants
maintained their steady inflow towards Jalpaiguri. It became a continuous process.
The two categories of Hindu migrants came over to Jalpaiguri-one category of people
belonged to affluent communities where as the other section belonged to middle class.
The existence of other communities was also available who were known as lower
middle class. The lower middle class had no financial stability to purchase lands of
their own. The middle class people could have the ability to reside in a rented house.
There was a subdivision known as Alipurduar where most of the elite migrants were
eager to settle.76 Before independence, Alipurduar was not densely populated. After
partition the refugees from East Pakistan settled over here. They occupied many
 96

barren lands and they also filled up ponds for habitation. Afterwards those displaced
persons braving all restrictions imposed by Government wholeheartedly tried to
ameliorate their economic condition. With this aim in view they involved them in
various professions. At the initial stage of their migration they built houses in a
scattered way, but gradually the incessant inflow of migrants led to the formation of a
number of colonies at Alipurduar.77

Alipurduar was situated in the eastern part of Jalpaiguri district by the side of a small
river Kaljani. Alipurduar was a town only in name. No brick built houses were found
except houses of tin shades. Some small cottages were built by the Marwari
communities which were ultimately distributed among the refugees as rented house.
When the uprooted people specially the womenfolk were asked the reasons behind
their leaving dear mother lands they cited copious incidents. The Hindu ladies and
girls feared to take bath on the ponds. They had to hear the filthy comments of the
Muslims. The Muslims uttered that ―Muslims are the husbands of Hindu
ladies‘‖(Hindur bhatar Musalman). The aforesaid remark made it clear that for the
safety, security, chastity, inhumanity and atrocities compelled the refugees to take
adieu from their mother land and relations apprehending impending catastrophe upon
the Hindu refugees. Such people crowded Jalpaiguri town and district as a whole
within a short period.78

Economically sound migrants after obtaining khas lands from the government began
to construct dwelling houses. Those who could not afford had to face numerous
problems. The dilapidated and deserted houses left behind by the Jalpaiguri Muslims
were occupied by the migrants for habitation. In the western part of Jalpaiguri by the
side of the river Teesta a vast land was allotted to the displaced individuals and tents
were supplied free of cost by the Government for their temporary settlement. For the
supervision of relief works a committee was instituted for the betterment of the
migrants. It was seriously observed that some able bodied displaced persons both men
and women despite their physical ability depended upon the charity of the
Government intentionally. It was resolved by the committee that able bodied persons
both men and women would be accommodated with jobs. In the vast areas of tea
plantation a sizable number of migrant labourers of both the sexes were engaged. The
workers prepared baskets for containing the tea leaves and the women specially were
appointed for plucking green leaves of the tea plants. The most of the workers hailed
 97

from Chhotonagpur, they were not the migrants of East Pakistan with few exceptions
if any.

Those migrants who took shelter in Jalpaiguri district and Alipurduar subdivision
were classified into two categories. One section belonged to non-agriculture group
whose main function was to engage them in small business. The other section
belonged to agricultural group. They were provided with lands for the growth of food
crops.. Some landlords voluntarily donated lands to the migrants free of cost. It will
not be out of place to mention here that Fatapukur was the first refugee colony not far
away from Jalpaiguri town, was established with the active initiative of the
Government. A proposal was adopted for the creation of the colony meant for
agriculturists. But besides agriculture the people of different communities belonging
to different professions like the teacher, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, carpenters, potters
were permitted to reside in the aforesaid colony.79 Total 250 farmers from East
Pakistan initially settled here. Each agriculturist was allotted one bigha of land for his
family.

The most remarkable feature of Fatapukur locality was its unique plan of establishing
new colonies under the supervision of the Government of West Bengal which was
quite unprecedented in the history of refugee rehabilitation in West Bengal. The
Fatapukur colony could feel pride for this achievement. It was established under the
direct supervision of West Bengal Government on co-operative basis in 1948. At the
initial stage, two principles were adopted for the settlement of the displaced. Firstly to
accommodate the refugees on Government khas land and Government‘s Hukum
Dakhal land. The whole Jalpaiguri district was under Khas Mohal. Most of the
refugees were provided in those khas lands. A good number of refugees were
interested to settle at 24 Parganas and Nadia district of West Bengal because the 24
Parganas was situated within a stone throw distance from the industrial belts of
Calcutta and they also became interested to occupy the houses which once were under
the possessions of the Muslims. Following the partition the Muslims of the locality
left for eastern Pakistan Excepting two districts viz. 24 Parganas and Nadia settlement
of refugees were conducted by the Union Board of the districts. From North Bengal
point of view, the districts of Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri followed the principle of 24
Parganas and Nadia in respect of rehabilitation of the refugees. In the eastern portion
of Jalpaiguri town beside the river Teesta some refugee families took their shelter in
 98

huts. In the vicinity of Jalpaiguri town there was a prominent locality known as Panda
Para where a scheme was approved to construct a colony for the settlement of the
colonies. In Panda para a colony was established on the khas land. About 8 kilo meter
from Jalpaiguri town a colony was established with the refugees other than cultivators
at Mohit nagar colony.80

The census report of 1951 showed up that almost 99,000 refugees trekked to
Jalpaiguri district and that number reached to 4,20,598 according to census of 1961.
Out of this 4,20,598 a huge number of migrants rushed here at Jalpaiguri from other
states, the number of which was 1,58,912.81 Due to continual influx of population
there prevailed an untidy situation in Jalpaiguri. There was no necessary arrangement
for rehabilitation. They were temporarily given shelter in a building known as Bhatia
building. The refugees were rather forced to settle in some deserted land. They also
stated working as labour under landed gentry or the local jotedars. Previously there
was only one municipality in Jalpaiguri sadar. The number rose to eight (along with
the areas beyond municipalities) in 1971.There was a huge demographic change in
Jalpaiguri in between 1951 and 1971, that accelerated the process of urbanization.82 In
consultation with the central minister Mohonlal Saxena majors were adopted to
minimize the grievances of the refugees, the refugees with the monetary assistance of
Government along with their own initiatives began to built houses at Jalpaiguri in
North Bengal and the other districts of South Bengal viz. Bankura and 24 Parganas.83

A philanthropic organization known as Kamarpara Bastutyagi Hitaishi Samiti of

Jalpaiguri came forward to redress the miseries of the displaced persons hailing from
East Pakistan brushing aside all political differences and ideologies. The organization
also made proper arrangements for their settlement in different parts of
Jalpaiguri.84The Municipality of Jalpaiguri did not lag behind in establishing the
uprooted persons for the maintenance of their livelihood. The then Chairman of
Jalpaiguri Municipality Shri Satyendra Prasad Roy issued a notification for
constructing shops on roadsides of Jalpaiguri in order to help the uprooted persons to
become self sufficient.85The contribution of the inhabitants of Madarihat should in no
case be overlooked. The local inhabitants instituted a committee known as Madarihat
Udvastu Sahajya Committee with a mission to rehabilitate the distressed persons. The
committee supplied the agricultural facilities and other advantages for their
settlement. Shri Sudhir Ranjan Das, a social activist rendered a valuable contribution
 99

to the displaced persons of the locality through distributing lands measuring one bigha
per family in lieu of small amount of money.86In this respect an advertisement
published in the Janamat news paper of Jalpaiguri is worth to be noted here. In the
said advertisement The Hindu Mission of Dooars made an appeal to the refugees that
the organization was ready to extend their help and cooperation in worshipping the
domestic deities and performing other religious rituals of the uprooted persons. More
so, the organization assured them to provide help for performing the marriages of
their unmarried daughters in all possible ways.87

Table- 3.9

District wise statistics of migration hailing from East Pakistan to Jalpaiguri:

year 1946-51

Sl. District (East Pakistan) Male Female

1. Kustia 426 383

2. Jossore 784 653

3 Khulna 451 379

4 Rajshahi 676 546

5 Dinajpur 9,662 7,829

6 Rongpur 13,584 11,759

7 Bogura 671 553

8 Pabna 2,185 1,910

9 Dacca 9,005 7,147

10 Mymensingh 9,296 7,741

11 Faridpur 2,540 1,953

12 Bakharganj 1,056 902

13 Tripura 985 729

 100

14 Noakhali 974 648

15 Chittagong 689 467

16 Syllet 280 248

Total 53,264 43,847

Source: Census 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, Jalpaiguri

The above table gives clear indication that the massive influx of refugees were from
Rongpur district. Apart from Rongpur, Dinajpur, Mymensingh and Dacca occupied
second, third and fourth positions. The impact of partition had a tremendous influence
upon the lives of Jalpaiguri inhabitants. The new coinage ‗Refugee culture‖ or
Udvastu Sangskriti shaped the life style of Jalpaiguri people to a large extent. In 1950
forceful occupation colonies (jobar dakhal) got affiliation of the Government. There
were nine colonies in Jalpaiguri till the year 1958. Those were Rajganj, Fakir para,
Mandal Ghat, Alipurduar, Panda para, Fatapukur etc.88. In Jalpaiguri till 1958
1,50,156 refugees migrated but only 5850 people got shelter in government colonies.
There were huge number of colonies both Government and private. The names of the
colonies in Jalpaiguri district are being appending bellow:

Bhakti nagar colony (1&2), Harekrishna colony, Sarat Pally Colony, Bankim Nagar
Colony, Shital para colony, Thakur nagar colony, Ananda Nagar colony, Mahamaya
colony, Dacca udvastu colony, Dhumdhangi colony, Bijoy nagar colony, Dhakeswari
colony, Surya sen colony, Niranjan nagar colony (1,2,3,4), Netaji Nagar colony,
Nouka ghat colony, Shanti nagar colony (1&2), Ashoke nagar (1&2), Ajoy Ghosh
pally colony, Banarhat adarsha colony, Mal Netaji vastuhara colony (1&2), Bagha
Jatin colony, Ramkrishna colony, Indira Gandhi colony,Rabindra nagar colony,
Aurobinda nagar colony, Hamilton ganj( Rabindra nagar), Bidhan pally, Ananda
nagar, Bholar dabri , Rabindra nagar, Chitta Ranjan, Khar dangi, Purba nagar thali,
Uttar Nagar thali, Chhoto Doldali and Gochamari, Subhas colony, Kunja nagar,
Jeevan mohini Ghosh park, Kalyan nagar colony,Rammohan colony, Shri Shri Ma
Sarada pally, Raja Rammohan pally, Joi Hind polly, Pranta pally, Subhas pallly,
Niranjan Sen pally, Ranjan pally, Sarat pally, Dinesh pally, Congress pally (1&2),
Hiren Sarkar farm Refugee colony, Badal pally, Ramkrishna colony, Nazrul colony,
Manikpur Subhas colony, Purba phoolbagan colony,North Phoolbagan colony,
 101

Birnagar colony, Bagha Jatin E block East, Vidya sagar colony, Krishna koli colony,
Herobhanga scheme-2, New Rabindranagar, Bagha Jatin colony (new),Nabapally
Surya Sen nagar, Binoy pally unnayan samity, H. L.Sarkar Road glass factory
colony., Dinesh nagar, Janata colony, Adarsha nagar colony, Binoy-Badal-Dinesh
pally, Bankim pally, New colony and Kalimata colony. Beside those colonies there
are some primary and secondary schools specially meant for refugee boys and girls
for their education. More so some colleges were established primarily for the refugee
students both boys and girls so that through higher education the students of
Jalpaiguri can take active initiative in shaping the society.89

Darjeeling:

The unprecedented atrocious communal violence that broke out in 1946 at Noakhali
of undivided Bengal just on the eve of independence on 15th August, 1947 was a red
letter day in the history of undivided India. Noakhali was the epicentre of communal
riot and centering round Noakhali the flame of communal unrest scattered throughout
Bengal. The Partition of India and achievement of independence paved the way of
inflow of refugees in different parts of India, especially in the territory of West
Bengal which the uprooted individuals considered to be their happiest and peaceful
abode of settlement after being migrated in the soil of West Bengal. Immediately after
leaving behind their dear motherland, enormous valuable properties and near and dear
relations; they started their journey of uncertainty in search of peace, safety and
security.

During the period from 1947-1971 the rash of refugees accelerated in the districts of
24 Parganas, Nadia, Hooghly, Burdwan, Birbhum, Howrah, Murshidabad, Midnapur,
Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar, Dinajpur, Malda and Darjeeling. Approximately there were
five hundred refugee camps in West Bengal. At least there were four refugee camps in
Darjeeling districts and Bankura had only one camp.90 The refugee inflow in the
district of Darjeeling was mainly confined within the plain areas of Darjeeling district.
Darjeeling district consisted of four subdivision viz. Darjeeling Sadar, Kurseong,
Kallingpong and Siliguri. As the displaced persons hailed from East Pakistan, they
preferred to settle in the plain areas of Siliguri subdivision. The displaced persons
were not accustomed to accommodate themselves in the hilly regions of Darjeeling,
Kurseong and Kallingpong following uncongenial climate of the hilly localities. More
 102

so there was no industry excepting tea industry. On the other hand Siliguri was a big
city of commercial importance. It was also called as the gate way of Northern India.
Easy and frequent communications with neighbouring states and countries like Nepal
and Bhutan were available especially through roadways, railways and air lines. Nepal
and Bhutan were the two most trusted neighbouring countries of India. Sikkim
depended entirely on Siliguri for their daily essential commodities. So its importance
could not be over looked. Up to 1958 there was no camp or home in Darjeeling
district, only 2 Government colonies were there. Those two colonies were Mohitlal
colony and Phansidewa. Those two colonies comprised 3375 refugees. But the total
number of refugees including outside camps and colonies in Darjeeling was 30,043.91

Table-3.10

The district wise refugee exodus from East Pakistan to Darjeeling from 1946-51

District (East Pakistan) Male Female

1. Kustia 305 272

2. Jessore 291 241

3. Khulna 186 153

4. Rajshahi 197 168

5. Dinajpur 1,118 877

6. Rongpur 1,237 991

7. Bagura 360 245

8. Pabna 635 516

9. Dacca 2,163 1,675

10. Mymensingh 996 665

11. Faridpur 578 416

12. Bakharganj 161 149

 103

13. Tripura 167 83

14. Noakhali 172 107

15. Chittogong 188 135

16. Syllet 48 48

Total 8,802 6,740

Source: Census 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, Darjeeling.

Following identical understanding and proximity of similar culture, religion, customs,

rituals, habits and life style, they decided to settle down in the lonely isolated rural
areas of Siliguri suburbs. The following recognized refugee colonies were set up at
Siliguri. They were :Dabgram G.S. Colony(1), Dabgram G.S Colony (2),
Chowpukaria G.S. colony, Matigara G.S.colony, Pati Colony, Baghajatin Colony,
Mahakal pally, Adarsha Pally, Jyoti Nagar 2, Nutan Para, Adarsha Nagar, Subhas
Nagar, Durgadas Colony, Prantik Colony, Shramik Nagar, B.B.D Colony, Das
Colony, Debashis Colony, Dabgram Unnayan-1, Dabgram Unnayan -2, Deshbandhu
colony and Udayan Unnayan etc. The following were the refugee colonies situated on
the railway lands, viz. Prankrishna colony, Harizon-Masbur colony, Matangini
colony-1, Matangini colony -2, Chittaranjan colony, Raja Rammohan Roy colony,
Sraban nagar colony, Khudiram colony, Promod nagar colony, Swami nagar colony,
Rana basti colony, Lichubagan colony, Parimol colony, Suryasen colony, Howckers‘
corner market, Vivekanandanagar colony, Panchani colony, Sarbohara colony,
Ambedkar colony, Jyoti nagar colony -1 and Durga nagar colony.92 In Dainik
Basumati, a report was available that the refugees who built huts and small cottages
by the sides of the main roads of Siliguri town for running small business, the
Government of India extended monetary assistance if Rs. Three lakhs were granted
for the construction of new markets at Siliguri town. The Sliguri administration had to
face adverse criticism regarding the construction of the markets.93 The rehabilitation
ministry of West Bengal did not pay due attention to the problems of the refugees of
Siliguri. The suffering people were consolidated to voice their grievances and
demands before the Siliguri court. They alleged that the authority failed to keep their
commitments in mitigating the grievances of the refugees.94
 104

West Dinajpur:

Dinajpur was under the Rajshahi division before bifurcation of India in 1947. The
partition of India in 1947 made Dinajpur to be divided into two parts and in the name
of ‗West Dinajpur‘ a new district came into existence. There were ten police stations
viz. Roygunj, Itahar, Banshihari. Kushmondi, Tapan, Gangarampur, Hemtabad,
Kumarganj, Kaliaganj etc. came under the purview of West Dinajpur. On the eve of
Partition the percentage of population of Hindu community was 49.80%, where as the
percentage of Muslim population was 50.20%. As a result excluding eight Police
stations.(Parbatipur, Phoolbari, Khansama, Chirbandar, Nabab ganj, Ghora ghat,
Patnitola and Porsa) the rest twenty two Police stations were claimed by West Bengal,
But actually it did not happen. There were three Police stations out of ten where the
Hindu population was more than the Muslims. Those Police stations were Bodaganj,
Birganj and Kaharul etc. But unfortunately those police stations went under the
administration of East Pakistan.

Following Partition the area of Dinajpur was reduced to a great extent and railway
communications with North Bengal as well as West Bengal was disrupted. More so
the railway communication of North Bengal districts such as Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling,
Cooch Behar and West Dinajpur came to a halt. According to noted educationist Dr.
Charuchandra Sanyal, ― In 1947 the partition of the district left the present districts‘
roads and means of communication grievously cut in all directions. The use of the
Punarbhaba, Atrai and Jamuna was suddenly and entirely stopped. These rivers are
flowing through Pakisthan Territory for the rest of their southward passage. The
Gangarampur- Hili Road stopped at Hili. Before the partition there was little occasion
to use the Malda-Gajol-Bansihari-Balurghat road. After the partition this road became
the life line of the district. The Katihar-Raiganj-Radhikapur-Dinajpur-Parbatipur
metre gauge line was cut by the partition line of Radhikapur. Thus in 1947 after the
partition, the district started its career with a most lamentable disorganization of
communication‖95.

The partition of India was not only the geographical partition; broadly speaking the
partition was physical and emotional division. After partition the incessant flow of
refugee exodus towards West Dinajpur became vibrant and the growth of population
rose leaps and bounds. An atrocious communal riot broke out at Santahar of the then
 105

Rajshahi district in the year 1950-51 and as a result the influx of refugees towards
West Dinajpur became frequent and regular. A microscopic Muslim population of
West Dinajpur migrated to East Pakistan. During the period 1948-51 fourteen
thousand Muslims left for East Pakistan but most astonishing was that 12,375 came
back within a short period where as 1,15,510 Hindus migrated towards West
Dinajpur. West Dinajpur occupied forth position among the refugee recipient districts
after 24 Parganas, Calcutta and Nadia. According to the report of the district collector
of West Dinajpur total 1,12,906 East Bengal evacuees from East Pakistan rushed
towards West Dinajpur among which 59,631 were male and 53,275 were female. In
spite of steady flow of East Pakistan refugees to this district there was only one camp
till 1958. The camp and colonies accommodated 4854 refugees out of total 1,62,949
refugees who took shelter in West Dinajpur. But only 989 refugees were provided
shelter in the camp.96The rest of the refugees were deprived of getting the
Government attention. The flow of evacuees from 1946-1951 has been appending in
the below.

Table-3.11

District wise migrated population at West Dinajpur from the year 1946-51

Sl.no District (East Pakistan) Male Female

1 Kustia 186 246

2 Jossore 207 214

3 Khulna 381 368

4 Rajshahi 19,006 17,126

5 Dinajpur 14,011 12,745

6 Rongpur 2,084 1,830

7 Bagura 10,822 9,339

8 Pabna 3,750 3,546

 106

9 Dacca 3,729 3,300

10 Mymensingh 3,247 3,050

11 Faridpur 1,096 925

12 Bakharganj 1,056 902

13 Tripura 147 100

14 Noakhali 174 125

15 Chittogong 171 88

16 Shyllet 22 10

Total 59,631 53,275

Source: Census 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, West Dinajpur.

Following the census report of 1961 the surplus population owing to the entry of
uprooted Hindu refugees to West Dinajpur was 97,839. As a result the total
population from 1951-61 was 2,13,349. According to the statement made by Jaya
Chatterjee ―The census of 1951 discovered that most of the refugees from East Bengal
ended up in just three districts of West Bengal, the 24 Parganas, Calcutta and Nadia in
1951 of a total of 2,099,000 refugees recorded by the census 1,387,000 or two- thirds
were found in this three districts‖. ―Four other districts West Dinajpur, Cooch Behar,
Jalpaiguri and Burdwan absorbed much of the remaining third‖97. Before 1951,
1,15,000 refugees settled in West Dinajpur, 1,00,000 in Cooch Behar, 99,000 in
Jalpaiguri and 96,000 in Burdwan.

In the year 1950-51 a large number of refugee colonies of West Dinajpur were
recognized by the Government of India. Those colonies were established on
unauthorized land commonly known as „jabar dakhal‟(forced occupation). The names
of the approved colonies are given below:-

Pirpukur colony, High road kalitala colony, Netaji pally colony, Shakti nagar colony,
Shilpi nagar colony, Kalipara colony, Ma Manasa colony,1 Paschim aptari colony,
 107

Subhas colony, Deshbandhu colony, Santoshima colony, Karbala colony, Teyab

bagha colony, Drivers‘ colony, Parapatiram Haldar colony, Padmapukur colony, A,K.
Gopalan colony, Chhinnamosta pally colony, Pabna colony, Dhiagarh colony
(Nayadas para), Haptia gachh udvastu colony, Jayaguri jayapura udvastu colony,
Hulamu gachh udvastu colony, Man gachh udvastu colony, Chaku subid hermen
colony, Sanyas colony, Khadimpur malde para dest colony, Atri colony, Bhatpara
colony, Dangi dakhkhin colony, Dangi pathar ghata colony, kamalpur Netaji colony,
Atair colony, Namadanga colony, Durgapur bastuhara colony, Jorapani udvastu
colony, Subandhigachhi udvastu colony, Ratugachh udvastu colony, Tinmile road
udvastu colony, Tinmile Rail station udvastu colony, Adraguri (south) udvastu
colony, Congress colony, Congress colony 2( Jyoti nagar colony), Chhatra gachh
Niranjan pally udvastu colony, Ariagao Narayanpur udvastu colony, Ananta nagar
Milan pally udvastu colony, Niranjan udvastu colony, Promod udvastu nagar,
Dakhkhin kasba Rabindra udvastu colony, Harichad colony, Shakti nagar colony and
Shilpinagar colony.

The inhabitants of East Pakistan moved towards Balurghat and at least 2000 Santals
were settled in West Dinajpur. A sizable number of Santal refugees beside taking
accommodation in Government refugee relief camps took shelter in the lodges of their
relatives and many of them were settled at Balurghat, Hilli, Kaliaganj and Roiganj
relief camps. A group of 5000 Santal refugees took shelters in different parts of West
Bengal through West Dinajpur district.98 Increasing inflow of East Pakistan refugees
to West Bengal, the Government faced acute financial embarrassment. The monthly
inflow of refugees mounted to be 12000. In the event of introduction of pass port
system the migrants being apprehended, tried to cross the border of West Dinajpur
where 400- 500 people entered there.99The people of East Pakistan and the district of
East Dinajpur witnessed that the people of villages of East Dinajpur 4000 or 5000 per
group took shelter in West Dinajpur. The majority of the refugees were Palbhuisali,
Palia Santal and Christans. A huge number of refugees took refuge under the trees of
Monoharpur, Madhya Gourpur, Mirzapur, Dhabujhuri, Sadakat etc. The steady inflow
of refugees from East Dinajpur villages like Manbari, Bhawanipur, Jagannathpur,
Madhabpur, Politibid and Madhabari was visible in West Dinajpur and the region
became flooded with refugee exodus. 100
 108

During 1950-51 total 349 refugee families were entitled to get agricultural loan. More
than twenty refugees of the region was awarded commercial loan, eighty families
received loan for small industries. Loans were also granted for the construction of
residence of the displaced persons. More so loans for seeds and other equipments
relating to agriculture were granted. From academic point of view eight higher
secondary schools, 16 secondary schools, 73 junior high schools, 26 junior basic
schools and 949 primary schools were established in West Dinajpur, Apart from those
institutions four tolls, six Madrasahs were also established. In the year 1960-61 ten
higher secondary schools were established including two for the girls‘ students only,
number of secondary schools increased to twenty seven. After partition when the
new district West Dinajpur was created then a college was established at Balurghat
and in 1948 a college was established at Raiganj. The influx of refugees in the
territory of West Dinajpur it experienced revolutionary changes in all aspects.
Politically, socially, economically, educationally and culturally the local population
became extensively benefited. As a result, the district of West Dinajpur has occupied
a dignified position of its own.101

Malda:
The words ‗Migration‘ and ‗Refugee‘ became intermingled after the Partition of India
in 1947. The problems of migration and refugee had become more vibrant at Malda
along with the other districts of North Bengal. Inflow of refugees began from East to
West Bengal following the outbreak of the Noakhali communal unrest, disturbances
and atrocious riot. The flow of refugees from different parts of East Bengal became
incessant with an alarming extent in the district of Malda with a view to settle down
here permanently. The inflow of refugees continued till the end of 1949. Till 1949 the
number of refugees who settled over here was 15,971. The influx of refugees reached
to its highest peak in 1950. From 1946 to 1951 total number refugee exodus in Malda
was 60,198 among which 30, 218 was male and 29,280 was female.102.There was no
camp in Malda district upto 1958. At the initial stage the refugees who came over
here belonged to the upper and upper middle classes. Their migration actually was not
a threat to district administration. The refugees of first phase were wealthy as well as
educated. They easily could get job or had tha capacity to start a new business with
the help of near and dear ones.103A sizable section of refugees of Malda mainly came
from Rajshahi district. A sizable section of refugees also came from Faridpur, Pabna,
 109

Bakharganj, Dacca and Dinajpur and few from rest of the districts of East Pakistan.
The main reason behind their migration, according to Asok Mitra was not only due to
large scale violence but also the petty extortions, threats and also economic boycotts
of the Hindu businessmen and professionals.104 There were only 12 colonies opened
in Maldah at the initial stage. Out of 72,924 refugees of East Pakistan only 2939
refugees were accommodated in those colonies.105

Table 3.12

District wise migration from East Pakistan to Malda from 1946-51

District (East Pakistan) Male Female

1. Kustia 17 19

2. Jessore 141 281

3. Khulna 385 417

4. Rajshahi 21,919 20,613

5. Dinajpur 955 1,654

6. Rongpur 223 207

7. Bagura 299 281

8. Pabna 1,627 1,429

9. Dacca 708 636

10. Mymensingh 484 380

11. Faridpur 2,432 1,877

12. Bakharganj 1,179 1,164

13. Tripura 170 140

14. Noakhali 144 157

15. Chittogong 88 79

16. Syllet 13 8

Total 30,784 29,242

Source: Census, 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, Malda.

 110

Most of the refugee colonies were situated by the bank of the river Kalindi in English
Bazar and Mahananda in Kaliachak. During post-1950, 38 squatter‘s colonies were
set up between the periods spanning from 1st January, 1951 to 25th March, 1971.
Those colonies were set up under the police station in P.S Malda 7, in P.S English
Bazar 3, in P.S Gazole 10, in P.S Habibpur 14, in P.S Bamongola 2 and in P.S
Kaliachak 1. There were six underdeveloped government sponsored colonies outside
CMD urban area, nine under developed Government sponsored colonies outside
CMD rural area and forty two private colonies outside CMD rural area. Gazole PS
had six Government sponsored colonies. Non-camp refugee dwellers came to Malda
after 1950, were of two categories.106

The first category of refugees was provided with employment, in the railways and
army. The Police personel, serving in India and whose families were in East Pakistan
made up their minds to shift their homes permanently and brought their families in the
respective places of their service and posting. There was other type of refugees came
to West Bengal resided with their relations and camps for a brief period, they were
provided with jobs in the State Government departments in Malda districts. More over
the refugees who were agriculturists were gradually settled in the district of Malda. A
group of refugee families joined their hands together and decided to purchase lands
themselves from the private owners and set up colonies in different places and
localities.107 In the long run the purchaser shifted elsewhere deserting their purchased
lands of the colonies for better establishments.

In rural areas of Malda the refugees from East Pakistan mainly settled in different
places like Gour, Baldiaghat, Risipur, Rampara, Kendua , Aiho and Mobarakpur
More over the refugees who belonged to Namashudra caste mainly took shelter in a
camp on the East of Bardwari.108 The Government extended its hand of cooperation
to the uprooted people who took shelter in different camps. In urban areas a good
number of refugee families made their own arrangement for constructing their own
houses though the Government provided various type of assistance which included
house building loans, trade loans or professional loans.109. In Malda district the
Government provided trade and business loans to near about two hundred families up
to the month of September, 1953.110
 111

The refugees of Malda had to face multifaceted problems apart from rehabilitation
and resettlement problem. They suffered from various diseases like fever, dysentery,
small pox etc. In almost every camp those diseases spread like epidemic. Inadequate
medical facilities added to their crisis.111 The name of colonies established in post
1950s were as follows.

Table –3.13

The colonies established in post 1950s in Malda

No. of
Rural Public
Name of colony location displaced /Private
/Urban
families land

Mangalbari Colony Mauza Mangalbari Samandi, 60 Rural Khas land

Malda

Khaihata ,, do 33 do do

Gandhi ,, do 69 do do

Charlaxmipur ,, Mauza Mubarakpur,PS Malda 101 do N.E.R.land

Khanpur ,, Do 35 do Khas land

Bagalabagi (Ranir Mauza Baglahagi,JL 85 do do

Garh) ,, No.55,Malda

Fuldanga ,, Mauza Fuldanga, PS Malda 25 do Private

Bilbari-Nazir khani Mauza Nazir Khani Bilbari 37 do do

,, Colony PS English Bazar

Buraburitala Krisha Mauza Pirojpur.PS English 263 Urban do

pally Bazar

Paschim Mauza Maheshmati PS English 25 do CAD Govt.

Sarbamangala pally Bazar of India
 112

Colony

Adina ,, Mouza Adina JL NO.39, PS 279 do Khas land

Gazole

Uttar Mahimnagar Kanchan GP, PS Gazole 46 Rural do

& Kanchan Nagar
Colony

Gobindapur ,, Do 28 do do

Duba Khokson ,, Chaknagar GP,PS Gazole 60 do do

Kadubari ,, Do 70 do do

Chandrail ,, Bairgachi GP (1) PS Gazole 25 do do

Bolbari ,, Ranigunj GP, PS Gazole 25 do do

Kutubsahar-golghar Mouza Kutubsahar,PSGazole 140 Rural Khas land

,,

Ghosani Bag ,, Do 111 do do

Kutub sahar ,, Mouza Kutub sahar,PS Gazole 56 do Khas land

Dalla,, ,, Dalla,PS Habibpur 539 do do

Parbati Danga ,, Chakli,PS do 248 do do

Agra ,, ,, Agra, PS do 79 do do

Telnai ,, ,, Telnai,PS do 89 do do

Harishchandrapur ,,Harishchandrapur & 149 do do

&Aragachhi ,, Aragachhi ,PS do

Nanda Garh & ,,Partharnandagarh&Poali,PS 45 do do

Poali ,, do

Pathar sasuli ,, ,,Pathar sasuli,PS do 62 do do

 113

Kuchiamore ,, ,,Kuchiamore,PS do 77 do do

Kendua ,, ,,Kendua,PS do 100 do NF Railway

land

Choitangacchi Do 114 do Khas land

Madhyam Kendua
(Diary Farm) ,,

Bulbul Chandi rice Do 117 do do

mill (Kendua) ,,

Bakshi Nagar ,, ,, Bakshi Nagar 73 do NF Railway

land

Joydebpur ,, PS Habibpur 25 do Khas land

Digalbari ,, ,,Harinandanbari,PS Bamngola 52 Rural do

Barawandanga ,, ,,Nandinadaaha,PS do 85 do

Bhanatola ,, ,,Lakshmipur,JL No,36,PS 250 NF RailwY

Kaliachak land

Dharanda & Jugi ,,Dharanda & Jugi pathar,PS 25 do Khas land

pathar ,, Habibpur

Chini danga ,, ,, Pandua,PS Gazole 38 do Private land

Source: Government of West Bengal, Manual of Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation,

vol.1, Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation Department

From 1948 onwards the Government decided to provide assistance to the displaced
persons through the distribution of lands. The quantum of lands depended upon the
number of members of the families. It was three kathas, five kathas and fifteen kathas
respectively according to the size of the family members. House building loan of Rs.
500 per family was granted. An amount of Rs. 1000 to 1250 per family was also
granted for purchasing cultivable lands and for small trade. In the latter period the
Government waived off the loan. The following is the list of the displaced persons
 114

squatter‘s colonies in Malda district. The sources have been procured from the
Manual of Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation, vol.1, Refugee Relief and
Rehabilitation Department, Government of West Bengal. 112

Table-3.14
Registration of Refugees week ending 6th November, 1948
Districts Families No. of certificate issued

West Dinajpur 1,516 5,004 up to 15th October

Malda 448 1,881 up to 31st October

Jalpaiguri Not reported 15,000 up to 17th June

Darjeeling 1,140 1,225 up to 15th October

Source:Collected from West Bengal State Archive (IB)

Table -3.15
Registration of Refugees week ending 4th June, 1949
Districts Families No. of certificate issued

West Dinajpur 2571 9383

Malda 604 3921

Jalpaiguri 5453 31,481

Darjeeling 1, 635 9,361

Source: Collected from West Bengal State Archive (IB)

 115

Table -3.16
Displaced persons (New) getting relief
Number of displaced persons in receipt of gratuitous Relief for the week ending 9th
September, 1950

Districts In camps outside camps

West Dinajpur NIL 7440

Malda NIL 7611

Jalpaiguri NIL 992

Darjeeling NIL 483

Cooch Behar 1,249 2334

Source: Collected from West Bengal State Archive (IB)

Table-3.17
Refugees in North Bengal up to 1958

District No. of Population No. Population Refugees Total

Camps in camps Govt. in Govt. outside refugee
and and homes colonies colonies camps and population
Homes colonies

Malda ---- -------- 12 2939 69004 72924

WestDinajpur 1 989 11 3865 158095 162949

Jalpaiguri ------ -------- 9 7850 142306 150156

Darjeeling ------- -------- 2 3375 26668 30043

Cooch Behar 1 1159 12 6550 222118 227827

Total 2 2148 46 24579 618191 643899

(In and outside Government camp and colonies)

 116

Source: Government of West Bengal, Relief and Rehabilitation of displaced persons

in West Bengal (1958), Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition(New Delhi: Cambridge
University Press,2008)

Table-3.18
Refugees in some districts of North Bengal in 1961
Districts Total Rural Urban

Cooch Behar 252753 227628 25125

Jalpaiguri 218341 171617 46724

West Dinajpur 172237 125155 47082

Source: Census of India, 1961

Uprooted persons who migrated to different districts of North Bengal established

Squatter colonies. In Malda 38, Darjeeling 17, Cooch Behar 26, Jalpaiguri 39 and in
West Dinajpur 52 squatter colonies were set up in between 1 January,1951 – 25
arch,1971.113

Table 3.19
Number of squatters colonies in North Bengal from 1 January, 1951 to 25 March
,1971

Sl. No Districts Number of colonies Total no. of

Urban Rural D.P Colonies

1. Malda 2 36 38

2. West Dinajpur 11 41 52

3. Jalpaiguri 5 34 39

4. Darjeeling 17 Nil 17

5. Cooch Behar 13 13 26

Total 48 124 172

 117

Source: Prafulla Kumar Chakraborty , Merginal men: The Refugees and the left
political syndrome in West Bengal (Kalyani:Lumiere Books,1990)

Between 1941 and 1951, there was an increase of 96% in urban population in districts
of North Bengal. This influx was due to coming of refugees from East Pakistan.
During this period Siliguri was urbanized to a great extent. A comparative data on
growth of population in five districts table shows

Table- 3.20
Growth of population in North Bengal during 1951-1971

Districts Area Sq. Km 1951 1961 1971

Darjeeling 3,386 459.6 624.6 781.8

Coochbehar 3,075 668.0 1,319.8 1,414.2

Jalpaiguri 6,245 916.7 1,369.3 1,750.1

West Dinajpur 5,206 976.9 1,323.8 1,857.9

Malda 3,713 937.6 1,221.9 1,612.7

North Bengal 21,625 3,959.7 5,549.4 7,418.7

Source: Census reports of 1951,1961,1971.

Reaction of the native people:

In post-partition West Bengal following the tumultuous and traumatic division of

India there was incessant inflow of uprooted persons from East Pakistan which had an
enormous effect on the political, economic and social life of the region. The sudden
appearance of refugees from East Pakistan to social canvas of West Bengal was an
important issue. As a matter of fact when the uprooted persons came over to the
region the reaction of local populace was not at always favourable. They were not
cordial and accommodating with the refugees. ‗The refugees were regarded as
intruders. Their East Bengal patois, their fights and quarrels for scarce drinking water
 118

and their soiled bodies excited the derisive scorn of the West Bengal people. These
loathsome creatures hardly looked like humans. Indeed they were nothing more than a
group of locusts who used to eat scarce food in West Bengal. 114. But in North Bengal
a contrast picture was available, where the original residence of North Bengal mainly
Rajbansi community, majority of them accepted them whole heartedly. From the
perspective of the interviews, individual conversations and other sources that it was
the Rajbansi community demonstrated their cooperation and assistance in various
ways to the uprooted individuals in Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri districts. Their
simplicity, innocence and catholic outlook had vividly projected through their
activities. The Rajbansis especially at Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Roygunj addressed
the refugees fondly as ‗Bhatia‟. A good number of local populace also showed their
hostile attitude towards the refugees with an apprehension that their age long
tradition, culture and their hegemony would be at stake. From the ―Gourdoot‘, the
local newspaper of Malda it was noticed that the attitude of the local people in certain
localities in Malda was rather antagonistic towards the refugees. The news paper also
asserted that in Bulbulchandi area of Malda the native people held the refugees
responsible for the miseries of the local people.115

Refugees of North Bengal after coming from East Pakistan had to traverse a long way
riddled with hurdles. They were in appalling condition in different camps initially
meant for them. Those people crossed over the newly founded boundaries between
India and Pakistan forced to live the lives of a refugee. The Refugee Rehabilitation
department was forced to build necessary arrangement to provide shelter to them as
the refugees were in a dreadful condition in different camps. During this period
various voluntary organizations like Ramkrishna Mission, Bharat Sevasram Sangha,
Marwari Society extended their helping hands towards the partition victims. The
Ramkrishna mossion set up a relief camp in Gitaldaha. Gitaldaha was an Indo Pak
border region two kilometers away from East Pakistan border was within Cooch
Behar district. From 15 March of 1950 this relief camp took the responsibility of
distributing relief materials including food grains to over five hundred destitute
refugees. The R.k.Mission also shouldered the heavy responsibility of providing milk
to the infants.116Mawari Society rendered valuable services throughout West Bengal
and also in North Bengal. A relief camp was opened at Jalpaiguri with the initiative of
Marwari society which facilitated distribution of relief materials to the victims of the
 119

partition.117 There is no shadow of doubt that the migration from East Pakistan to the
districts of North Bengal had a tremendous impact on the demographic graph of the
region. In other district of Darjeeling there was highest percentage of urban
population. But in Malda and Cooch Behar the proportion of urban people was lower
than the average of North Bengal. So the process of urbanization was very slow in
comparison to other districts.118

Life in the refugee camps:

The cross-border migration continued unremittingly during 1950s and the vulnerable,
uprooted people firstly rushed towards the Sealdah station. They were subsequently
sent to different transit camps from Sealdah. Many of those refugees were supposed to
be sent to other parts of India, instant arrangements were made for their shifting. In
case of North Bengal the evacuees had migrated crossing Hili border of West
Dinajpur and Gitaldaha border of Cooch Behar etc. They mostly came through
streamers, bullock cart, buffalo carts and others vehicles available. Many of them
were also pedestrians. To accommodate the refugees with instant help a number of
relief and transit camps were set up in different corners of West Bengal including
North Bengal. The government mainly set up three kinds of camps,viz. women‘s
camps, worksite camps and Permanent Liability (PL) Camps at the peak of the inflow
of immigrants from East Pakistan,. The women‘s camps comprised mostly those
women and children who had no male member with them to take their responsibility.
Such women‘s camps were set up in Bhadrakali and Bansberia in Hooghlyand in
Ranaghat in 24 Parganas. With the passage of time many inmates of the women‘s
camps were rehabilitated permanently with their family members sometimes within
the camps or some cases around the camp areas. In order to do away with the
disappointment and frustration of the competent male members, the government took
initiative to engage them in different developmental works, where those able bodied
men were supposed to be rehabilitated. Afterwards 32 worksite camps were
constructed in various areas of West Bengal viz. Bagjola camp and Sonarpur R5
scheme in 24 Parganas. The refugees were also appointed in some Central
Government-aided projects like the Damodar Valley Corporation. Refugee orphans
were admitted to the institutions of two categories: State Welfare Homes and aided
welfare homes, those were run by non official organizations.119
 120

Another category of camp called PL camps meant for those refugees who were old,
infirm and orphans. The inmates of the camps who were considered unfit for any sort
work could be rehabilitated here. Those PL camps were set up in the areas like
Bansberia, Dudhkundi, Cooper‘s Camp, Chamta, Chandmari, Dhubulia, Ashoknagar,
Habra and Titagarh. No such scheme was implemented any other place so far as
North Bengal was concerned. On November 30, 1952 the total population of those
camps and the homes was estimated at 34,000, including the population of the
orphanages. The number soon increased to 37,000. According to a report of the Relief
and Rehabilitation of the displaced persons in West Bengal in 1953, the total number
of refugees enrolled themselves in camps was 10,474, where as in 1954 the number
was lifted to 46,904. Again in 1955, the number of refugees increased to 1,09.834.120
The iron made tunnel-shaped huts constructed during the World War II for Allied
soldiers were used as refugee camps. The military barracks were also used for the said
purpose. Thousands of displaced persons crossing borders arrived in India either by
train or by truck were given shelter in these camps. Sometimes, those camps became
overpopulated with the uprooted people and the government could not accommodate
them with shelter. Then the Government made separate arrangement for the
settlement of those surplus inmates in tents to live in.

The camp life was not at all pleasant and sometimes subhuman in nature. In those
camps the occupants were allotted a small space for dwelling. Each family determined
the area of the allotted land with pebbles and stones. Often, they had to face acute
non-availability of sleeping place. Four members of a family were allowed to stay in
a single tent and each family member exceeding four could avail more than one tent
to live in. The word privacy and secrecy was quiet unknown to them. The scarcity of
adequate drinking water, dearth of proper medical facilities and irregular supply of
rationing were the main constraints that made their lives unbearable. Under such a
untidy situation, many children died of dysentery and other epidemic in the camps.
Dead bodies of children were seldom buried due to paucity of funds. The inmates of
the camps were often compelled to throw the dead bodies of the babies in to jungles.
The government sanctioned only Rs.16 for the cremations of a body.121Some death
reports were available from different relief camps of North Bengal. Most of the
refugee inmates died following different types of ailments mainly the babies died of
malnutrition. They also became the victims of stomach problems, fever and
 121

inflammation of bodies etc. Reports were available from Rajshahi camp of Jalpaiguri
where death of thirteen children was reported and recorded. It was assumed that the
deaths occurred due to starvation.122

Relief and different policies of rehabilitation:

In the initial stage the Government had no judicious plan for the rehabilitation of
camp refugees. From 1955 onwards the Government of India changed its attitude
towards displaced persons and began to consider the problem of the refugees from
rational point of view.123 The Indian Government provided ad hoc assistance to the
refugees between 1947 and 1955 that enabled them to be resettled under the Byanama
Scheme. According to the scheme, the camp refugees were opted to choose land to
purchase with the monetary assistance of the Government. Depending upon the
occupational background of both urban and rural refugee populace the Government
decided to provide loan for rehabilitation. Irregularities regarding the sanctions of
loan had become a regular phenomenon and regular feature.

Majority of the camp dwellers were cultivators by professions. But when loan was
available the scarcity of cultivable lands became a major hindrance. The
unavailability of cultivable land for a long period made them annoyed. Following the
scarcity of cultivable land coupled with the poor living conditions, the grievances of
the refugee peasants of the camps grew leaps and bounds. Moreover, the situation
became more critical and complex due to irregular supply of food and cash doles.
Both active and passive resistances became rampant in many refugee camps. In the
meantime, the Government of India took the decision to abolish the camps in the
eastern region by July 1959. The camp dwellers voiced their protest against the
government decision. On the contrary the Government of India realized it well that
the Himalayan problems of refugee issues would be extremely difficult to solve. As it
was hardly possible for the Government to provide shelter to all the uprooted persons,
so it would be judicious to select some of them who could not be rehabilitated in the
economy in West Bengal, they would be sent to other parts of the country.124In such a
situation, the incoming refugees from East Pakistan were the additional burden for
the Indian Government.125Against this backdrop, the Government decided to consider
the refugee issue totally on a national leve.126 It is interesting to note the statement of
 122

Sucheta Kripalini in this connection. She stated that this country was partitioned not
on the decision of West Bengal; it was partitioned by a decision of India. So it was a
national problem and all the states should pull their weight in rehabilitating the
refugees.This was perhaps the main spirit which prompted the Government to send
the excess refugees to Dandakaranya and also to Andaman. The majority of the
displaced persons who were shifted to the aforesaid regions belonged to the so called
lower caste.127

The measures that were taken by the Government of West Bengal can be classified in
terms of relief and rehabilitation; firstly, enumerating them taking into account of
their social and economic status; secondly, providing them with doles and monetary
assistance and other sorts of facilities and thirdly to make them prepared for their
future settlement. There were two different strategies in rehabilitating the refugees
both in urban and rural areas. In urban areas the refugees were allotted house building
loans, loans towards trade and commerce, cooperative loans and professional loans
etc. On the other hand the refugees of rural areas were granted cultivable and
homestead lands for the purpose of agriculture128.This scheme became very successful
in Jalpaiguri district.

The policies of the Government rehabilitation were two-fold i.e. rural and urban,
depending on the occupational background of those for whom they were formulated.
In rural areas four types of schemes were chalked out for the displaced agriculturists,
viz. Type Scheme, Union Board Scheme, Barujibi Scheme and Horticulturists
Scheme. According to the Type Scheme refugees were sanctioned Government
acquired land or they could purchase lands for themselves at their own initiatives and
could get loan. Under the Union Board Scheme there was a plan to rehabilitate
displaced persons in different mouzas. Darleeling and Jalpaiguri districts of North
Bengal along with Nadia and 24 Parganas were excluded from the Union Board
Scheme. The Government took it into account that Darjeeling was not suitable for
rehabilitation. Jalpaiguri was also excluded from the plan because the said district was
crowded with refugee population.129In case of Barujibi Scheme two bighas of land
were allotted to them for cultivation and eight kathas of land were allotted for the
construction of homesteads. The forth scheme was meant for the displaced persons
who were not at all acquainted with agricultural knowhow. They mainly belonged to
 123

the middle class.130 In urban areas the uprooted people were given pecuniary
assistance for house building, trade and commerce etc. The Government also
introduced certain loan schemes like business loan, professional loan, cooperative
loan etc. for the refugees residing in urban areas.

The camp refugees had a strong conviction that the organizations of the squatters‘
colonies would participate in their movement to make it stronger. But in reality was
not fulfilled. The squatters‘ colonies were pre occupied with their own problems. The
members of the organization of squatters‘ colonies kept themselves away from
participating in the camp refugee movements. Moreover, when the government took
the decision to recognize 133 squatters‘ colonies in the beginning of 1948, the camp-
dwellers became disappointed and felt somewhat isolated. During this period under
the pioneering leadership of Anil Singha of CPI some refugee sympathizers took
active initiative to set up a united refugee organization. As a result two hundred
representatives from forty three refugee organizations assembled together at
Commercial Museum Hall in Calcutta 4h June, in the year 1950. This united effort
paved the way for the birth of United Central Refugees Council (UCRC). The main
force acted behind the organization was the CPI, though the organization was the
combination of different political parties.131

The role of UCRC was very significant at this juncture. Since its inception, the
activities of UCRC were mainly confined within the periphery of squatters‘ colonies.
Initially, the leadership of the UCRC was not whole-heartedly accepted by the camp-
dwellers. As many of the camp-dwellers were of so-called lower caste Namasudra
community, naturally the preferred the leaders like Jogen Mondal, Hemanta Biswas,
Apurbalal Mazumder and P.R.Thakur their own community who were believed to
look after the interest of the lower caste people. Beside the role of CPI, the other
political parties and organizations viz. the Proja Socialist Party (PSP)-led organization
Sara Bangla Bastuhara Sammelan (SBBS), All Bengal Refugee Conference,
Bastuhara Kolyan Parishad ctc. had payed ldominant role in the camp politics . In
course of time, the ‗politicization‘ and ‗unionization‘ of the refugee movement
inspired these uprooted, helpless people to become a part of the larger movement
against the Union and State Governments. 132
 124

Most of the displaced persons were disenfranchised because the Government of India
had declared 25 July, 1949 as the cut- off date. The refugees who would to arrive after
this date would not be allowed the right of Indian citizenship, as long as an act of
Parliament making a special provision for acquisition of citizenship. Healthy
opposition from Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherjee convinced the Home Minister Sardar
Ballavbhai Patel and he summarily agreed to offer them citizenship. But it is a matter
of great regret that the then Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru rejected the
voting right outright on the plea that the electoral role at the late stage would delay the
election. The refugees were not entitled to exercise their franchise, they had to apply
for it and many of them could not manage it on time. The venture of Dr. Mukherjee
and the ‗Jan Sangh‘ remain unabated133

Life rolled on with shattered dream: experiences of the partition victims in North
Bengal:

Life of refugees West Bengal after the partition of India was not a bed of roses.
Though their tales were not lettered with black and white yet their narratives bore the
testimony of the struggle they had gone through for the reconstruction of their lives.
The uprooted persons from East Pakistan who flocked to West Bengal could not avail
the opportunity of Government assistance of all sorts like that of their counterparts in
West Pakistan. Very few of the uprooted persons from East Pakistan by dint of their
virtue and fortune could materialize their dreams into reality. But the dream for new
life of large number of their fellow travelers remained unfulfilled. Now they took it to
be granted that they would never be able to return back to their ancestral house.

Through interviews and individual conversations a number of victims described their

own experiences of the horrible days of partition. Mr. Jagadish Sarkar of Malda while
interviewing about the partition days became emotional and remained silent for few
seconds. Then spontaneous outburst of memory made the atmosphere melancholic.
He dramatically represented the fearful atmosphere of East Pakistan. He surprisingly
observed the changing attitude of the Muslim neighbours who were closely associated
with them and stood beside them through thick and thin. It was beyond the common
gaze that those intimate Muslim friends abruptly changed their ethical outlook. It
shocking enough for Mr. Sarkar that they indirectly taught the minority Hindus that
 125

Muslims were the supreme authority of East Pakistan and the Hindus were nothing
but their subordinates. In this connection the reading of Mr. Arabinda Dutta, a
resident of Islampur who originally hailed from Tangail elaborately described the
eventualities which he faced in his young days. He was hardly 15 years when the
partition took place. Moreover he described the circumstances leading to the
migration towards Islampur which was at that time in Bihar. Later on it was
amalgamated to West Bengal. He also made identical observation like other migrants
in different perspective but the main issues remained unaltered. In the course of his
discussion he mentioned about his agricultural lands, orchard and ponds which he
nurtured were ultimately forcefully occupied and the crops, fruits and fishes were
looted in broad day light by the majority Muslim miscreants of the locality in full
public view.134

Mr. Nogendra Nath Boral, now a resident of Siliguri narrated the story of his struggle
after coming from Barishal and settling over here at Siliguri. He came in North
Bengal in 1964 at a very tender age. He had confessed that East Pakistan was no
longer a place to live in. While he was asked the reason of delay to get himself
migrated to West Bengal he stated openly that his family expected eagerly that the
turmoil situation would be changed after few days, but in vain. Finding no other
means his family was forced to shift towards North Bengal. Initially for the
maintenance of livelihood he acted as compounder for a brief period. It was worthy to
note here that procurement of suitable job was not an easy one. Another resident of
Siliguri Mr. S. Ghosh recollected the days when he first came to Siliguri from as a
refugee. He had given a vibrant and elaborate description of the helplessness of
thousands of people around him. He was lucky enough that he along with his family
took shelter in one of his relative‘s house. He made it clear that immediately after
partition those who shifted from East Pakistan to North Bengal mainly stayed in the
houses of near and dear ones and also in the shelter of distant relatives. In some
occasions that were found that the local people voluntarily came forward to
accommodate them in their own residence from the point of humanity.135

The authenticity of the fact mentioned above was also reflected in the version of
Joyeswar Barman of Bhetaguri, a place within a stone‘s throw distance of Cooch
Behar town. During the course of conversation with him he wanted to ventilate that
 126

how his family observing the measurable plight of partition victim refugees
spontaneously donated lands free of cost for inhabitation and also made suitable
arrangements for the maintenance of their families at the initial stage. Similarly the
other neighbour of the locality also followed their step136. Such attitude of local
people did not last long because of incessant inflow of refugees. Coming in touch
with the people of contemporary period the authenticity of the statement was verified.
According to the statement of Dipen Chanda of Coochbehar whose family members
are still the bonafied citizens of Bangladesh where the Muslims extended their hands
of cooperation with the minority Hindu communities. Mr, Chanda came over to
Cooch Behar for higher studies and after securing job he made a permanent settlement
here. His family members are not at all eager in coming over to India. From his
version it was crystal clear that The Muslim atrocities were not prevalent in all parts
of East Pakistan as well as in Bangladesh. It was nothing but an illicit generalization
that all Muslims were communal in nature.137

Keeping away the pang, suffering, misfortune of the refugees of East Pakistan, their
venture in search of a new life and their relentless struggle for survival came into
forefront through the dialogue of Ramala Datta of Moinaguri subdivision of Jalpaiguri
district. Following the statement of his dialogue he made it clear that in the midst of
profound misery and misfortune the womenfolk also had got the courage and
conviction to accommodate themselves with a changing socio- political and economic
scenario on the perspective of the prevailing situation. They were determined to prove
their efficiency, ability and capacity of empowerment138. It became clear that the
women of elite, middle class and also economically sound families who came to
different districts of North Bengal did not feel any necessity of going outside in search
of job. On the contrary, the women of lower strata of society who had no economic
solvency were compelled to go outside in search of suitable works for livelihood.

Arpita Chakraborty, a resident of Cooch Behar, in course of conversion intimated the

atrocious incident that took place before the very eyes of her grandfather in his
ancestral home Mymensigh of East Pakistan. He also witnessed the gruesome murders
of his close relatives by the Pakistani hooligans. She alleged according to statement of
her grandfather that the assassinated relations were forcefully tied with the trees and
fired indiscriminately before the helpless villagers. They were nothing but mute
spectators and innocent onlookers. The horrible murders of her relatives made one of
 127

his relations insane. This trauma totally made them perplexed and perturbed. They
became their wit‘s end and they miraculously deserted their homelands and crossed
the turbulent river at dead of night when the whole locality was in deep slumber. The
family then shifted to a village name as Premer Danga in the Mathabhanga
subdivision of Cooch Behar district. The local inhabitants greeted them cordially and
allocated lands for their settlement139. The other sensational incident could not be lost
sight of in this connection. Santu pal, a resident of Haldibari cited another deadly
incident. He narrated that in his ancestral home in Pabna some his female relatives
used to hide in a pond themselves to avoid military oppression and molestation. They
used to throw their valuable articles in the ponds so that the valuables could not be
looted. Due to oppression and fear of further impending oppressions they
unanimously resolved to start journey towards an uncertain future. From Pabna
district they crossed through the Nilphamari border to move towards Haldibari of
Cooch Behar district for habitation. East Bengal refugees were going away gradually
to the native districts being unable to maintain themselves in East Pakistan for want of
food and money.140

At a meeting held on 12 April at Baishnab Nagar High English School, police station
Kaliachak under the president ship of Sri Suresh Chandra Das, a Relief Committee for
the East Bengal refugees was formed with Pramatha Nath Thakur and Sri Hari Das
Chaudhuri as President and Secretary respectively.141The Darjeeling district student
Congress (Anushilan) had taken up the census of the refugees in the district in order
to rehabilitate and help the refugees, it had already approached the SDO, Siliguri,
Deputy Commissioner, Darjeeling.142The local Refugee Rehabilitation officer
J.Bhattacharya was trying to settle the Khatriya refugees from Rangpur in preference
to others coming from other districts of East Bengal being guided by some members
of ‗Hitasadhani‘ group. There were instances to show that East Bengal /Pakistan
refugees who came much earlierwere nor rehabilitated where as Kshatriya refugees
from Rongur who came much later were rehabilitated. As a result there has been a
general dissatisfaction amongst the refugees of other district.143

A procession of 400 Hinu refugees particularly from Rangpur organized by ‗Udvastu

Samiti‘ came to Jalpaiguri. It was reported that on 28.11.50 a meeting of the refugees
was held at Kharia Porapara under the president ship of Nirmal Kumar Sarkar , local
S.P.I workers Sachin Basu, Anil Guha Neogi and Nikhil Ghatak addressed. The
 128

meeting making particular reference to the rehabilitation measures; distribution of the

state crops etc. Resolutions were adopted assuring the people not to give any share of
the produce to the Government and also exhorting refugees not to vacate the houses
occupied by them.144 At a meeting of the Bastuhara Samiti held on the night of
26November, 1950 at Jalpaiguri town. The speakers including president Rajen Ghosh
discussed about the introduction of the proposed ordinance which according to report
warned adversity affect the refugees. They protested against the ordinance and
shouted anti ordinance slogan.145

After coming over here the refugees incessantly worked hard for their different
demands. One of the well known refugee from Kurigram commenced fast unto death
from 23 May, 1949.146.Another important aspect of the refugee movement in Raiganj
of West Dinajpur may be mentioned here. The district Forward Bloc leaders during
this time started an organization styled ‗Subhas Kristi Sangha‘ in Raiganj with a view
to establish contact with the refugees. At the same period Kaliaganj Bastutyagi
147
Kalyani Samiti was formed where the leaders often contacted Mrs. Lila Roy. Apart
from West Dinajpur in Jalpaiguri the Socialist Party organized a procession of three
hundred refugees on 24 September,1950. They held a meeting at Arya Natya Samaj
Hall which was attended by five hundred persons. The speaker exhorted the refugees
not to vacate the Muslim houses occupied by them. So long as they were not
accommodated elsewhere and also suggested them to take possession of barren lands
of the Government. After few months the refugees in Jalpaiguri stated demanding
loan and they also decided to start hunger strike on 1 October, 1950 148

About 100 refugees living in different camps in Cooch Behar town saw Deputy
Commission on 21 September and demanded ration for able bodied male refugees
149
which has since been stopped .On refusal they left place in a body With a view to
come close with the refugees to extend the party influence over them the local R.S.P
have deputed Pravat Kumar Bhaduri, Krishna Bandhu Das and Promod Basu to
organize refugees in English Bazar. In Balurghat town of West Dinajpur, a procession
of the refugees set out shouting usual slogan. It actually produced no reaction in the
town.

The local RSP workers of Alipurduar were organizing frequent meetings of refugees
with a view to bring them under the party fold over the issues of food scarcity, free
 129

distribution of rice and blankets to the refugees. The local Socialist Party workers held
a conference on 9 November at Jalpaiguri town. The speakers criticized the
Government for their alleged indifference towards the refugee problems and urged to
be united to compel the Government to accede to their demands.150At a meeting of
about one hundred refugees held on 29th October at Kamarpara, Jalpaiguri town under
the chairmanship of Dr. Jogendra Nath Banerjee advised the refugees to unite and join
the Hitaishi Samiti Kamarpara for moving the Govt. to redress their grievances
regarding loan, ration etc151The refugees of Jalpaiguri town and its suburbs were
trying to work up and agitation over the issue of loans, shortage of cash dole etc.
under the leadership of Prafulla Bakshi, Sachin Basu and others.152. At the instance of
local RSP leaders the refugees of Alipurduar about 150 organized a demonstration
before DC on 30 September, 1950 to demand rice.153

Coming in touch with different interviewers of Different localities of North Bengal a

question very often plays in my mind what was the utility of this long cherished desire
of independence? Lacks of people from different walks of life of different states
became martyrs for the cause of emancipation and subjugation of the British
colonialism. Lacks of people were thrown into prisons, thousands of people were
hanged and innumerable people became the victims of oppression of British
imperialists. Women also did not lag behind. After successive tremendous efforts of
all sections of people independence was achieved. Was such independence was
expected where the people became landless in their own land, became isolated from
their kith and kin and lost their beloved ones? The so-called independence till today is
an eternal question to those who were virtually the victims of such circumstances.

Notes:

1. Joya Chatterji The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967,

Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.105.
2. Ibid, p.105.

3. Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refugees In West Bengal: Institutional Processes

and Contested Identities, Calcutta: Calcutta Research Group, 2000, p.1.
 130

4. Debjani Sengupta (ed.), Map Making: Partition Stories From Two Bengals,
Amaryllis, 2011, p.188.

5. Urvasi Bhutalia, The Other Side of Silence Voice From The Partition of India,
Penguin Books, 1998, p. 103.

6. Monika. Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in

West Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.111.

7. Sanjoy Kumar.Roy (ed.), Refugee and Human Rights, Jaipur and New Delhi:
Rawat Publication, 2001.

8. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967,

Cambridge University Press, 2007, p.107.

9. Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, New Delhi: Mac Millan, 1983,p.432.

10. Kali Prasad Mukhapadhyay, Partition, Bengal and After: The Great Tragedy
of India, New Delhi: Reference Press, 2007, p.27.
11. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, New
Delhi: Bluejay Books, 2005, p.7.
12. Monika. Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.112.
13. Sekhar Bandapadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of Freedom in
Post Independence West Bengal,1947-52,Orient Blackswan,2008,p.3.
14. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men: The Refugee And The Left
Political Syndrome In West Bengal, Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, p.3.
15. Ibid, p.1.
16. Ibid, p.3.
17. Urvasi Bhutalia, The Other Side of Silence Voice from the Partition of India,
p.104.
18. Sekhar Bandapadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of Freedom in
Post Independence West Bengal, 1947-52, p.35.
19. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of Partition, p.119.
20. Kali Prasad Mukhapadhyay, Partition, Bengal and After -The Great Tragedy
of India, New Delhi : Reference Press, 2007, p.37.
21. ibid
 131

22. Shankar, Ghosh, Hastantar: Swadhinata Ardhashatak, Kolkata: Ananda,

1999, 2015, p.117.
23. Anasua Basu Roychaudhury, ―Life after Partition: A study on the
reconstruction of lives in West Bengal‖ in http://www.sasnet.lu.sc/EASAS
Papers /Anasua Basu Roy pdf.
24. V.P.Menon, Transfer of Power of India, Princeton University Press, 1957,
p.418.
25. ibid
26. Shankar, Ghosh, Hastantar: Swadhinata Ardhashatak,p.117
27. Josodhara Bagchi, Subharanjan Dasgupta with Subhasri Ghosh, Trauma and
the Triumph Gender and Partition in Eastern India, Kolkata: Stree, 2009, vol-
2, p.2.
28. Ibid.
29. S.Gopal, Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, vol.xiv, Part-1, New Delhi,
1992, p.23, p.6.
30. Saroj Chakraborty, With B.C.Roy and other Chief Minister, Calcutta: Rajat
Chakraborty, 1982, p.106.
31. Reports of Estimate Committee, 1989.
32. B.S.Guha, Studies in Social Tensions among Refugees from East Pakistan,
Calcutta: Government of India Press, 1959.
33. Dhananjoy Kher, Dr. Ambedkar, Life and Mission.Mumbai: Popular
Prakashan 1954.
34. Rup Kumar Barman, Partition of India And Its Impact On The Scheduled
Castes of Bengal, New Delhi: Abhijeet Publications,2012, p.171.
35. Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 21, 1957.
36. Arun Deb, ―The UCRC: Its Role in Establishing the Rights of Refugee
Squatters in Calcutta‖ in, Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.) Refugees in West Bengal,
Calcutta: Calcutta Research Group, 2000, p.68.
37. Anasua Basu Raychaudhury, ―Life after Partition: A Study on the
Reconstruction of Lives in West Bengal‖.
38. Racel Waber, ―Re (Creating) the Home: Women‘s Role in the development of
refugee Colonies in South Calcutta‖, in Joshodhara Bagchi and Subhoranjan
Dasgupta (eds.), Trauma and the Triumph Gender and Partition in Eastern
India, Kolkata: Stree, 2003, p.67.
 132

39. Debjani Sengupta (ed.), Map Making: Partition Stories From Two Bengals,
Amaryllis, 2011, p.186.

40. The Statesman, June 22, 1948.

41. The Statesman, 29 July, 1948.

42. Pranati Choudhury, ―Refugees in West Bengal: A Study of the Growth and
Distribution of Refugee Settlements within the Calcutta Metropolitan District‖
Working Paper, No.55, Centre for Studies in the Social Sciences, Calcutta, 1980.

43. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, p.35.
44. Ibid, pp.35-36.

45. Anasua Basu Raychaudhury, ―Life after Partition: A Study on the Reconstruction
of Lives in West Bengal‖, in http://www.sasnet.lu.sc/EASAS Papers /Anusua
Basu Roy pdf.

46. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, p.277.

47. Anil Sinha, Pashchimbonge Udvastu Upnibesh, Calcutta: Book Club, 1995, pp.1-
3.

48. Jagadish Chandra Mandal, Marichjhapi: Naishoboder Antorale, Calcutta: Sujan

Publication, 2002, p.22.

49. Arun Deb, ―The UCRC: Its Role in Establishing the Rights of Refugee Squatters
in Calcutta‖, p.65.

50. ibid.

51. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay,Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad,1970,p.242 .

52. Arun Deb, ―The UCRC: Its Role in Establishing the Rights of Refugee Squatters
in Calcutta‖, p.67.

53. ibid, p.68.

54. ibid, p.74.

55. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled : A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal,p.208.
 133

56. Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 21, 1951.

57. Amrita Bazar Patrika, March 29, 1951.

58. Amrita Bazar Patrika, April , 1951.

59. Reports of Ministry of Rehabilitation, 1957.

60. Ananda Bazar Patrika, February 21, 1948.

61. Nilanjana Chatterjee, ―Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee Narratives

of Communal Violence‖,https://swadhinata.org.uk.,p.4.,last accessed 29.7.2018

62. Collected from West Bengal State Archive, Report dtd. 3.12.50.

63. File no. 1144/58(4), Ext from S.B.O.Ndt. 10.4.58.

64. Shyamal Chandra Sarkar (ed.), Changing Society of Twentieth Century Bengal,
Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2014, p.21.

65. Kartik Saha and Ananda Gopal Ghosh,‗ History of Migration in North Bengal:A
Case Study of Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling Districts during colonial and post colonial
period(1869-1971),The Quaterly Review of Historical Studies,Calcutta,2013.

66. Kanti B. Pakrasi,The Uprooted:A Sociological Study of Refugees of West

Bengal,India,Calcutta:Editions Indian,1971,p,29.

67. Reports on Displaced persons in WestBengal, issued by Government of West

Bengal, 15 Dec, 1958

68. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, p.493.

69. Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 1, 1948.

70. Report on the displaced persons migrated from East Pakistan to West Bengal,
1950.

71. Interview with Jharna Barman, Cooch Behar, 2.10.2017.

72. Interview with Mohanbashi Barman on 2.10.17.

73. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 31 December, 1949.

74. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 1 January, 1950.

 134

75. Ranjit Dasgupta, Economy, society in Bengal: Jalpaiguri 1869-1947, Delhi: OUP,
1992, pp.237-238.

76. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1970, p.29.

77. Ramen Dey, ―Purono diner Alipurduar‖, kiratbhumi(ed.), Arabinda Kar(ed.), Vol-
2, Jalpaiguri district edition, Kolkata: Dotline Print And Process, p.176

78. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1970, p.39

79. ibid, pp.39-40.

80. ibid.

81. Pattern of refugee settlement in West .Bengal, 1961, Census of India, vol.XVI.
Part-1.I.book

82. Interview with Ashru Kumar Sikdar, Silguri, April, 2018

83. Census Reports and West Bengal Districtt.Handbooks Jalpaiguri.

84. Janamat, July 19, 1950.

85. Janamat, July 17, 1950.

86. Janamat, July 10, 1950

87. Janamat, August 6, 1951

88. Report of Refugee & Rehabilitation of displaced persons in W.B, 1958.

89. Krishnendu Roy (ed.), Uttar Banger Simanta, Kolkata: The Shee Book Agency,
2013,p.218.

90. Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay, p.29.

91. ibid.

92. Biren Chanda. ‗Gana andoloner prekhyapote Darjeeling jelar udvastu andolon‘,
Swaranika, Udvastu Andolon, Sukantamoncha Cooch Behar 10-11 June,2017

93. Dainik Basumati, November 29, 1954.

 135

94. The Swadhinata, April 1, 1955.

95. Census 1951, West Bengal District Handbooks, West Dinajpur.

96. Government of West .Bengal, Reports of Refugee Relief & Rehabilitation, 1958

97. Joya Chatterjee, The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967.p.119.

98. Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 15, 1950

99. Ananda Bazar Patrika, July 21, 1951

100. Ananda Bazar Patrika, October 25, 1952

101. Krishnendu Roy (ed.), Uttar Banger Simanta, pp.124-125.

102. Asoke Mitra (ed.), Census 1951, W.B District Handbooks, Malda. New Delhi,
1954, p.72

103. Ratan Dasgupta, pourasabhar karyabibaranite Engrejbazar Sahar: 1900-2000,

Kolkata: Pragatishil publishers,2004,p.21.

104. Asoke Mitra, Tin Kuri Dash, V-III,Kol,Dey‘s,1993,p.33.

105. Relief and Rehabilitation of Displaced persons in West Bengal(15 December,

1958) cited in Pranati Choudhuri, ‗Refugees in Wesr Begal: A Study of the
Growth and distribution of refugee settlement within the CMD.

106. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.226.

107. ibid.

108. Gourdoot, June 15, 1950.

109. Asim Kumar Sarkar, Nationalism, Communalism And Partition In

Benga(Maldah 1905-1953)l, Kolkata: Readers Service,2013.p.168.

110. J.C.Sengupta, Malda District Gazetteer, p-79.

111. Ashim Kumar Sarkar, Nationalism, Communalism And Partition In

Bengal,p.170.
 136

112. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled, p.229.

113. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, p.3.

114. ibid, p.48.

115. Lalbehari Majumdar, Maldaha Abalambane Jibansmriti, Gourdoot, July 2,1951.

116. ―Udbodhon‖, Baishakh, 1357,52 yrs. 4th publication.

117. Subrata Biswas, Trankarjy: Sarkari O Besarkari Udyog Bangla, 1942-1952,

Kolkata: Korpas Research Institute,2014,p.188.

118. Biplab Dasgupta, Urbanisation Migaration and Rural Change: A Study of West
Bengal, Calcutta: A Mukherjee & Co Pvt. Ltd, 1988, p.319.

119. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, p.303.

120. Relief and Rehabilitation of Displaced Persons in West Bengal, Calcutta: Home
(Pub) Department, Government of West Bengal, August 1956, p.2.

121. Information derived from Arabinda Ghosh, Cooch Behar, 1 August, 2015.
122. Janamat, July17, 1950
123. The Ninety-Sixth Report of the Estimate Committee, Second Lok Sabha, 1959-
60, p. 15.

124. Lok Sabha Debates, 15 July 1957, p. 3376.

125. Lok Sabha Debates, 31 March, 1956, p. 3874 for comments on N.C. Chatterjee

126. Ibid.

127. Sabyasachi Basu Roy Choudhury, ―Exiled to the Andaman: The Refugees from
the East Pakistan in Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refugees In West Bengal:
Institutional Processes and Contested Identities,p. 139.

128. Samir Kumar Das, ― Refugee Crisis: Response of the Government of West
Bengal‖ in Pradip Kumar Bose(ed.), Refugees In West Bengal,p.21.

129. Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad,1970, pp.84-85.

 137

130. Samir Kumar Das,‘Refugee Crisis: Responses of the Government of West

Bengal‘,in Pradip Kumar Bose ed.Refugees in West Bengal,p.20.

131. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, pp.75-
76.

132. Anasua Basu Raychaudhury, ―Life after Partition: A Study on the Reconstruction
of Lives in West Bengal‖, in http://www.sasnet.lu.sc/EASAS Papers /Anusua
Basu Roy pdf.

133. Sekhar Bandapadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia : Meaning of Freedom in

Post Independence West Bengal,1947-52,Orient Blackswan,2008,p.168.

134. Interview of Arabinda Datta, Islampur, 2014.

135. Interview of Nagendra Nath Boral, Siliguri, 2017

136. Interview with Joyeswar Barman of Bhetaguri, 2014

137. Interview with Dipen Chanda, Cooch Behar, 2013.

138. Interview with Ramala Datta of Moinaguri, 2017.

139.Interview with Arpita Chakraborty, a resident of Cooch Behar, 10 February,

2018.

140. Interview with Santu pal, a resident of Haldibari, 23 January,2018.

141. [File no. 1809-48(MF),Malda.] in West Bengal State Archieves.

142. File no. 1838/48,sl.894, Darjeeling,7.3.49

143. File no. 1838/48, (Cooch Behar, 23.5.50)

144. File no. 1838/48, (dtd. 10.12.50).

145. ibid. 10.12.50

146. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894, report of political activities of the refugees and
corruption in Refugee camp for the week ending 10.12.50, Jalpaiguri]
(12.6.49)
 138

147. IB Department, West Bengal State Archive, [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894
(15.5.1949).

148. ibid. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894 (1.10.1950)

149. ibid. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894 (27.10.50)

150. ibid. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894 (26.11.50)

151. ibid. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894.( 19.11.50)

152. ibid. [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894 (22.11.50)

153. ibid, [File no. 1838/48, sl. 894 (29.10.50)

 139

CHAPTER IV

Migration and settlement issues: from 1971-1979

In July 1905 it was announced by the viceroy of India that the first partition of Bengal
would be executed. But, in 1911 the proposal of partition of Bengal was annulled to
appease the Bengali sentiment. But the British sowed the seeds of future division of
India and ultimately reaped the hervest of division of Indiain the year 1947. The
founding fathers of partition did not find any cartographic absurdity in it. The two
wings of the new country were separated by a massive land i.e. India, had no corridor
or connection other than religion which served as a link between the two wings. It is
the grim irony of history that where religion is supposed to bind people together, but
now the bond turned to be fragile. East Bengal came to be known as East Pakistan
from 1947and in 1971 became the independent state of Bangladesh after a successful
war of liberation with Pakistan. The name Bangladesh means ―country of Bengal‖ in
Bengali language. It is bordered by India on the north, west and east and it faces Bay
of Bengal to its South. Due to political exclusion and linguistic discrimination by the
politically dominant western wing an agitation grew. Total economic neglect was also
another reason. The agitation gave rise to a secular, cultural, nationalist movement.
These causes led to the declaration of Independence and Bangladesh liberation war in
1971. As a result of the war a new state endured poverty, famous military coups and
political turmoil. The country faced a number of major challenges, including over
population, corruption and vulnerability to climate change. But gradually the country
increased life expectancy and achieved gender purity in education. It reduced the
growth of the population and improved maternal and child health. Dhaka and
Chittagong are the country‘s two largest cities and they have been the driving force
behind much of the recent growth.

Cruzan‘s partition of Bengal in 1905 was one of the legends of freedom movement.
Legends and myths arouse protective emotions that shield people from scrutiny. A
noted Bengali writer, Ashoke Mitra, raises the question ―If the partition of 1905 were
allowed to stand‖. The crisp answer was that eastern Bengal might not have followed
Mohammed Ali Jinnah‘s line. Curzon‘s original decision, whatever its motive had
 140

offered hope of rapid economic and social progress to Muslim masses in Bengal.
They bore the brunt of under development of agriculture and the economy in general,
under British colonial rule, besides the suffering of the repression and oppression let
loose by the Hindu zamindars. Had the decision to divide Bengal been allowed to
stand, the spread of education amongst the Muslims would have led to the quick
emergence of a sensitive Muslim intelligentsia with a heightened and social
consciousness. Perhaps from within this category there would have sprung an exciting
crop of thinkers and ideologues which would be inclined to define objective reality in
terms of class and not divide on the basis of the religion. Had all these things
happened the Muslim League would have become cropper even as the bigoted Hindu
oligarchies were stopped in their track? To sum up if the partition of 1905 was
allowed to stand there would have been no partition of either Bengal or India in 1947.
For that matter Calcutta might well have continued as the country‘s capital. The most
affected ones as a result of partition were none other than women1.

The creation of Bangladesh was the greatest achievement for the people of the then
East Bengal. Their relentless struggle for the creation of Bangladesh under the
inspiring leadership of Seikh Mujib-ur- Rahman a new chapter of history was opened
and Mujib-ur, architect of Bangladesh, became the father of the new nation and
bestowed with the prestigious reward Bangabandhu. The seed of creation of
Bangladesh remained dormant since 1947 after the attainment of independence on the
basis of religion which was known as Pakistan and East Bengal was converted
politically into East Pakistan and became the integral part of Pakistan. The distance
between West Pakistan and East Pakistan was nearly about 1200km. It was crystal
clear that an independent country based on religious fanaticism could in no case be
survived for a pretty long time. The slogan ―All Muslims are brothers‖ was nothing
but the slogan of hypocrites. Following that heinous hypocrisy and conspiracy, the
glorious tradition and dignity of Bengalis of East Bengal was shattered into pieces.
East Bengal was converted as East Pakistan which was governed by the orthodox
Bengali haters of the Western Pakistan leaders. Within the span of seven months after
the attainment of independence the dark cloud of uncertainty engulfed the political
horizon of Pakistan. On 19 March, 1948 the so called Father of Pakistan, Muhammad
Ali Jinnah visited East Pakistan and delivered a speech on 21 March in the Race
course Maidan. He announced with confidence that Urdu would be the state language
 141

of Pakistan. The announcement of Jinnah was instantly rejected by the thousands and
thousands of Bengali Muslims. The air was rented with the slogan ―no no no‖ as a
result Mr. Jinnah was puzzled, annoyed and apprehensive regarding the repercussion
of his statement.

On March, 24, the obstinate Mr. Jinnah on the occasion of convocation in the Curzon
Hall of Dacca University reclaimed the demand of Urdu to be regarded as national
language of Pakistan. The whole auditorium simultaneously shouted against the
introduction of Urdu as the National language of Pakistan and it was highly
applauded. Jinnah diplomatically tried to humiliate the dignity and glorious tradition
of Bengali literature, culture and tradition through introduction of some Urdu words
instead of Bengali words. The united efforts of Bengalis foiled their conspiracy and
evil design. In 1952 the united patriotic Bengalis took a sacred vow to uphold the
dignity of their mother tongue and mother land. They shouted slogans to introduce
Bengali as national language of Pakistan instead of Urdu.

In the general election of Pakistan in December 1970, the opposition political party
Awami League strengthened the demand of autonomy of East Pakistan. They got
absolute majority. But the president of Pakistan, General Yahya Khan, disagreed with
the demand of the League. Mujib-ur Rahman was not allowed to form Government in
East Pakistan. The situation worsened when Yahya Khan suddenly stopped the
dialogue with the League and sent troops into the streets of Dhaka. Meanwhile Mujib-
ur declared the independence of East Pakistan over a clandestine broadcasting system.
Yahya replied with army.2 In the year 1971 the whole East Pakistan was consolidated
under the banner of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. Finding no other alternative the
inhabitants of Eastern Pakistan waged war against the autocratic administration of
Pakistan. This war of liberation was known as ‗Mukti Yudhdha‘( War of Liberation).
At the cost of lives, property, abduction, rape, humiliation and atrocious tortures of
Pakistani soldiers the patriotic Bengalis launched war against Pakistan with active
help and cooperation of Indian soldiers.

The war lasted for about nine months and the cherished desire of Sheikh Mujib-ur-
Rahman was translated into reality and independent country known as Bangladesh
was created. Mujib-ur declared with confidence and pride-―This may be my last
message. From today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of
 142

Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have to resist the army of
occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan
occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is
achieved.‖3 During the august visit of Mulk raj Anand, the academician once appealed
to the people of Bangladesh in this fashion that the heart rendering tragic incident that
took place in their country it was rather shameful. He also advised them that they once
took up sword instead of ink, but now they should leave the sword and take pen. If the
occurrences remained unventilated and unpublished their sorrows and grievances
would never be honoured in future and would be in mystery.

Partition was followed by sectarian violence in 1946 which prompted the two-way
movement of Hindus to West Bengal and Muslims to East Pakistan. In Punjab,
however, the exodus of Hindu refugees eventually overtook that of Muslims and has
continued sporadically through the brutal civil war in Pakistan in 1971 The partition
brought about a national disaster as well as individual trauma for the victimized. The
appearence of over 8 million refugees from East Bengal irrevocably shaped West
4
Bengal‘s political economy The disputed schematization of Government of India
about the population displacement from East Pakistan helped the refugees to assess
their predicament. 9 million Hindu and Muslim refugees from the war of 1970-71 in
East Pakistan were not included in the aforesaid schematization.5 The United Nations
estimated that the majority of these refugees returned home.

Who were the refugees?

According to the traditional theories regarding migration it was the dynamics of
population flow in post-partition period in South Asia, more specifically from
Bangladesh to West Bengal, can be a frustrating exercise. According to Ranabir
Samaddar this frustration is more acute in the context of persistence of the differential
notions of refugees, migrants and displaced persons. The International Encyclopedia
of the Social Sciences (1968) considered migration and refugee as totally different
subject. William Peterson considered the UN definition of migration (1953) as
arbitrary and misleading because it excluded deliberately refugees and refugees
constituted a large portion of total population movements.(William Peterson,286-
292),. In 1953, Jacqes Vernant opined that ―a refugee is someone who has been
compelled to abandon his home‖6 So it is evident that the refugee may be the victims
 143

of earthquake, flood, war and also of persecution.7 Here in case of India and more
specifically of West Bengal it was found that different factors like political disorder,
economic stringency and natural calamity so far as the fear of violence provoked large
scale migration in West Bengal from Bangladesh. The illegal migrants were defined
in this study as those who had entered West Bengal from Bangladesh without valid
document in the post 1971 period. Since Bangladesh is not a secular state religion
does play a role in migration.

Actually it was difficult to distinguish refugees from migrants. Even ‗violence‘ cannot
effectively make a difference between the refugees and migrants. Samaddar raises a
vital question that if the refugees are absconders from violence then what about those
migrants those were the women sex workers from Bangladesh or those women were
engaged in different forms of sweat labour? They have migrated to India due to fear
of ‗endemic violence‘ from males of their family as well as the men folk of outside
world.8 The refugees of East Bengal were very anxious about the retaliatory recurring
nature of the violence on either side of the border. The personal experience of a noted
journalist of East Bengal Prafulla Kumar Chowdhury highlighted the communal
violence in East Pakistan. According to him the Muslims right from the time of the
League tried to create a separate Islamic state for their identity. They formed the
provincial government in 1946 at the period of the Great Calcutta Killing. In 1950,
after the creation of Pakistan, it was alleged that Muslims were being murdered in
India and as revenge they started murdering the Hindus in Barisal, Dacca and
Chittagong. Journalist Chowdhury in an interview with Nilanjana Chatterjee, an
Anthropologist, mentioned the papers like ‗The Azad‘ where it was narrated that
Hindus in no case be trusted, they would even kill their parents and they would also
strangle Muslims to death. In the pretext of burglary of a relic from Kashmir in 1964
instigated communal disturbances in Khulna. Again in 1971, during the war of
independence of Bangladesh, the army of West Pakistan earmarked Hindus as anti-
nationals. Mr. Chowdhury asserted that even after the victory of the Awami League,
the Muslim communalists took upper hand upon the Hindu minorities.9

The political factor was the main reason for migration in West Bengal up to 1971.
Migration caused by political factor forced most of the Hindus to abandon their native
 144

place. But both political and economic factors were the underlying causes of
migration for post 1971 period. After coming over to West Bengal they had to
undergo various problems including acute financial stringency. As single income was
not enough for the poor family, female members tried to look for job in unorganized
sectors. Easy availability of information for job from those who already engaged in
West Bengal was very much helpful for them. Those women could engage themselves
as flowers and vegetables sellers. They could also be engaged at lowest possible
wage. Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh, inhuman attitude
and activities of the political leaders, absence of democratic rights, religious
fundamentalism, religious instigation by political leaders, insecurity feeling of Hindus
etc. were the major crucial issues that worth to be mentioned as political push factors.
About 80 percent of the respondents interviewed in course of research were of the
opinion that due to domination of religious fundamentalists, due to insecurity of the
minority group or due to discriminating law and order against Hindus might be the
factors that motivated the Hindus to migrate from Bangladesh to West Bengal.10

The most of the refugees interviewed during the course of the study, moved towards
West Bengal not only due to monetary stringency or to fulfill their dreams for settling
over to West Bengal as it was a land of opportunity. Following political disturbances
they were forced to abandon their sweet abode in quest of certainty in Indian
Territory. This political development had created a psychological impact. That is why
most of them decided unanimously to settle down in West Bengal state of India
leaving behind their ancestral relations. A sense of insecurity and uncertainty
prevailed among the minority Hindus of Bangladesh. Not only the communal turmoil
but the fear of physical assault instigated them to be migrated. For the safety and
security of their daughters the Hindus made a prompt decision to take asylum in the
safely abode of West Bengal. It is worth noting in this context that the Hindus hailed
from East Pakistan just after the partition belonged to the upper class i.e. bhadralok.
They had some previous connections with West Bengal. Some affluent businessmen
also came to settle in West Bengal who by dint of their economic solvency could
easily establish themselves in the alien land. After few years mostly middle class
people shifted over here in West Bengal. They mostly belonged to small business.
People of some professional classes also came over to India.11
 145

A general opinion was that the non-Bengali Muslims was the real perpetrators behind
such violence and brutality. They used the tools of communalism to shatter the unity
among the people of East Bengal and tried to obstruct their struggle in sake of social
justice. Muslim nationalism and motivation for statehood were solely responsible for
the genesis of Pakistan and subsequently the birth of Bangladesh. From the narratives
of refugees the experiences of victimhood, the violence they were subjected to was
painfully articulated in course of conversation with the researcher. The general
impression derived from the interviewees was that most of the Muslim could not be
trusted though some of them were beyond average Muslims.

A major cause of displacement from East Pakistan was diplomatic ruptures in Indo-
Pakistan relations and also the tensions between East and West Pakistan which finally
terminated in the east‘s separatist movement for Bangladesh. The tussle between
Hindus and Muslims in each nation sparked retaliatory hostility in the contiguous
countries. This was a depiction of events that clearly indicated that the partition was
principally based on religious lines. The migrants of post-1971 were earmarked to be
ineligible for having settlement assistance in India. But the clandestine inflow of
evacuees in subsequent decades remained affected despite the prevention policy of the
Government. All the Muslims who migrated to India from Bangladesh were labeled
as―infiltrators‖ by the Indian state.12 The prime reason of displacement in the 1980s
was economic hardship in Bangladesh that involved both Hindus and Muslims, while
in early 1990s the Hindus of Bangladesh became the victims of communal violence
following the demolition of the Babri mosque in India. Those who roamed the streets
of Dhaka seeking support for the partition could n‘t even visualize that as a reward for
their gesture to agree for leaving, they would be forever labeled ‗refugees‘, a word
that was more violence to the idea of a home than any other in any language.13

Historic Rights:

The Refugee Central Rehabilitation Council (RCRC), was a refugee wing of the
Revolutionary Socialist Party in West Bengal organized a refugee convention and
issued a pamphlet adopting a resolution for strengthening their position. It also
resolved to establish their entitlement for the protection and assistance in India as an
incontrovertible right. That very right was not dependant on the pity of host people or
 146

government's mercy or whim. The persons migrated from East Pakistan tried to build
their own abodes in Indian soil depending upon their own right and they also decided
not to take any undue advantage from the local people. They were not sharanarthi
(supplicants) but kshatipuraner dabidar (claimants to compensation for losses)14 This
quote was displayed in a pamphlet entitled ―Oitihashik Odhikar‖or ―Historic.Rights‖.
It was published by the East Bengal Minority Welfare Association advocating the
refugee rights for post 1971 migrants.

The partition left us homeless, bereft of everything. We did not fight for independence
in order to lead the lives of beggars. Those of us who cannot remain in East Pakistan
are not doing anything wrong by seeking shelter in India. Why should the police push
us back? Why should we live in hovels next to rail-tracks? Why should we be the
object of people's mercy? ... it is only right that those who struggled and sacrificed for
independence be repaid.15

Refugee problem after 1971:

Refugee exodus was inter-twined with the history of post partition India and West
Bengal.16The exodus of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan continued unremittingly
even after the birth of Bangladesh. This refugee exodus virtually became natural in
the context of post colonial history of India. But if we take into account the record of
migration from East Pakistan to West Bengal of Indian Territory it surpassed all
previous records. The exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan was undoubtedly a
continuous process but it became slowed down gradually in post partition period.
Again influx of evacuees from East Pakistan started from 1970 and continued to rock
West Bengal. From 1947-71 Bangladesh was a province of Pakistan. Since 1947, the
Hindu population in Bangladesh has been reduced from 30% to less than 10%
because of religious persecution and political terrorism. The migrants from East
Bengal could enjoy the advantage of rehabilitation assistance in India after being
duly recognized as ‗refugees‘.17 According to the assessment made by Sucheta
Kripalini in a seminar, 1971 ―We have welcomed refugees many times in the past 22
years; but this time there is an unending streams of refugee coming in‖. This remark is
aptly justified and appropriate because she was closely associated with this post
partition refugee problem.18.
 147

The constant migration from East Pakistan after 1970 acquired a new name
‗infiltration‘. Actually a partition refugee or displaced person was he who was a
habitant in the territories belonged to East Pakistan migrated to India due to civil
disturbances or due to the vivisection of India.19 West Bengal is still struggling over
the refugee issue till today. In the first three years of partition the Government of
India had to confront with the exodus problem of East Pakistan amounted almost 5
million. The number was 2.3 million by 1950.20 In 1950, refugees in West Bengal at
one time totaled 3.5 million.21The number went down drastically when almost 1.2
million returned to East Pakistan following Indo-Pakistan agreement on minorities in
April 1950.22 Afterwards a considerable number of refugees came back to West
Bengal. From that time onwards refugee influx became an endemic feature of West
Bengal so far as the eastern India was concerned. According to Hiranmoy
Bandapadhyay, commissioner of the Refugee Rehabilitation Department, West
Bengal, around 2.7 million moved into West Bengal till 1954.23 According to a
publication from Government of India it was clear that 2.8 million refugees came over
to West Bengal in 1951 and around 4million in 1956.24 By 1970 the number of
refugees from East Pakistan shot up to 5 million.25 Up to 1971, over 4.7 million
Hindus had sought asylum in India, especially in West Bengal. The volume of reverse
flow of Muslims from India to East Pakistan was unknown. But in 1971 due to
military junta of Pakistan 10 million people crossed border to come to India.26 Fear of
Persecution was another justified reason for migration over India and more
specifically in West Bengal. But the official definition was not clearly defined
regarding the preconditions of fear on basis of which State would accept in meriting
shelter in India.

Again due to the political turmoil in East Pakistan the exodus once again sparked off
in March, 1971. Over 3 million refugees crossed the border within two months
following March 26, 1971. But consequently during August 71, a military violence
broke out in East Pakistan following which 8 million people pushed to India within a
span of 5 months.27 According to P.N. Luthra, the then additional secretary of the
Department of Labour and Rehabilitation 70 refugees migrated in a minute, 1700
refugees every hour and in the month of May one hundred thousand every day and in
June 68000 refugees daily came over the Indian territory!28
 148

The following table presents a distinct picture of refugee influx during March to
December, 1971.
Table-4.1
Month wise rate of influx
Month,1971 Rate of influx
March 26-31 17000 daily
April 40000 daily
May 3.5 million
June 6 million
July 7.1 million
August 8 million
October- November 9 million
December 9.9 million
Souece: Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in
West Bengal:1971‖, in Pradip Kumar Bose(ed),Refugees In West Bengal :Institutional
Processes and Contested Identities,Calcutta:2000,Calcutta Research Group,p.34

The refugee exodus in 1971 disrupted the normal life of West Bengal and also
brought about a drastic demographic change in four borders districts, viz. West
Bengal, Tripura, Meghalaya and Assam. By August 1971, 6.3 million refugee stepped
into the territory of West Bengal while in Meghalaya the number of refugees
increased to a considerable level and the number was 36 million.29 Those uprooted
people who entered India in 1971. West Bengal was the sole recipient of 76%
refugees from East Pakistan. As a matter of fact West Bengal bore the main burn of
the exodus which resulted increase of the density of population, e.g. In West
Dinajpur the density of population rose from 507 to 600 persons per square kilometer.
In the border districts of West Bengal the refugees at one point of time constituted
32% of the total population.30

India declared war on Pakistan formally on 6th December, 1971. Long before the
breaking of war between India and Pakistan on 6th December, 1971, India took active
initiative in providing shelter to the refugees of East Pakistan. Luthra, the then
 149

Additional Secretary of the Department of the Labour and Rehabilitation, was

entrusted with the charge of the Secretariat set up in Calcutta. Luthra was given full
liberty in exercising his power in implementing various programme concerning the
refugees according to the demand of the situation.31. So far as the policy of providing
shelter to the refugees was concerned it was made clear by August 1971 that 5.7
million refugees out of 8 million could be rehabilitated in makeshift camps and the
rest would have to live with their friends and relatives.

After 1947, another major refugee crisis happened during Bangladesh war of
independence in 1971, when millions of refugees migrated from the country to India.
This brought about a sudden spike in population in the states bordering Bangladesh.
The massacre in Bangladesh escalated an estimated 10 million refugees fled to India.
1971, India had formulated a massive rehabilitation programme on an emergency
basis to accommodate the refugees hailing from Eastern Pakistan to West Bengal.
Taking into account the gravity of the situation the Government of India entrusted Mr.
P. N. Luthra with the charge of the Secretariat and was awarded responsibilities for
planning a programme as situation demanded. The first and foremost concern of the
secretariat was to provide foodstuff in various places. Eight additional magistrates
were engaged in the border districts of West Bengal to cope with the burden of influx
of population due to incessant flow of migrants from Bangladesh. In other states
additional secretaries and directors were appointed by the Secretariat. Refugee
departments were also set up in different states. The Government of India allotted huts
to the 50% of the refugees and the rest were accommodated in camps and in tents. Out
of 8 million refugees came over to West Bengal, 5.7 million of them were provided
with provisional camps, whereas the rest of the refugees took refuge in the houses of
friends, relations and near and dear ones. In West Bengal 500 camps were set up out
of 825 camps of India in mid 1971.32

Migration in the districts of North Bengal after 1971:

The incessant inflow of migrants for over few decades in North Bengal brought about
a drastic change in the demographic index of the region. This migration was mainly
due to partition of India and also due to Bangladesh war of liberation. Moreover a
huge number of people from other states migrated over here.
 150

Table- 4.2
Growth of population in North Bengal during 1971-1981

Districts Area Sq. Km 1971 1981

Darjeeling 3,386 781.8 1,024.2
Cooch Behar 3,075 1,414.2 1,771.6
Jalpaiguri 6,245 1,750.1 2,214.8
West Dinajpur 5,206 1,857.9 2,404.9
Malda 3,713 1,612.7 2,031.8
North Bengal 21,625 7,418.7 9,447.6
Source: Census reports of 1971, 1981

After the massive exodus of 1947 again in 1971 West Bengal experienced clandestine
evacuees from East Pakistan which continued unabated for decades together. The
Government of Bangladesh after its creation committed safety and security of the
common people that to some extent decreased the inflow of migrants from
Bangladesh. After the establishment of military of military jawans the relentless
inflow of Bangladeshi migrants continued unremittingly. Some miscreants of
Bangladesh used to cross Indian border forcefully at night in spite of tight security.
Those regular affairs created a situation of anarchism. Those intruders looted the
properties of innocent dwellers of boundary regions and decamped with the valuables.
They also stole cattle and send those to Bangladesh unlawfully. The border areas like
Chengrabandha, Shitalkuchi, Berubari, Hemkumari were badly affected by the chaotic
activities of Bangladeshi miscreants.33

Even after the creation of Bangladesh the minority Hindus crossed boundaries due to
fear of more communal violence. The Muslims used to exploit the minorities in every
possible way. To kidnap ladies from Hindu families became rampant. The news paper
‗Trishrota‘ pulished from Jalpaiguri cited an example of a family of Bagura that was
the worst sufferer of Muslim torture. It was also reported that almost every day in
1979 a sizable number of migrants came to India through Jalpaiguri border. Some
agents took active initiative to allow them to step into Indian Territory in lieu of
money. This continuous migration from Bangladesh had worsened the economy of
 151

West Bengal so far as India was concerned. It had a far reaching impact for the days
ahead.34

Due to torture of militants of Pakistan during the reign of Yahhia Khan nearly ten
thousand people both Hindu and Muslim communities came from Nilkhamari,
Dorwani, Dosh mile khuti etc and marched towards Dewanganj, Haldibari and
Manikganj in the month of April, 1971. It was found that many orphan infants were
lying on the courtyard of many buildings in Haldibari town crying in starvation. Many
were found to take shelter under the trees.35In the early period of the same year the
Pak militants started their massacre in the northern districts of Eastern Pakistan viz.
Nilkhamari, Rongpur, Dinajpur, Pochagarh, Boda, Debiganj, Thakurgao etc. The
militants torched specifically the houses of the Hindus who were the supporters of
Awami League. The Hindus were brutally assassinated and following which the
Hindus abandoned their home and hearth. Movements of Hindus in thousands towards
India became a regular feature along with their small household belongings and
domestic pets like cattle and goats.

The reign of terror prevailed in the area. Crossing the borders the affected Hindus
both male and female moved towards Haldibari and Dewanganj of North Bengal.
They also arrived at Manikganj after crossing the border. They were accommodated
temporarily in the premises of Manikganj High School, two schools of Haldibari, rail
storehouse, rail platforms, markets, the storehouse of Dewanganj, Halkhola, Netaji
Vidyapith of Torol para and in the camp of Ghugudanga school.36 Those who were
accommodated in the camps were allotted Government assistance. Those who failed
to be accommodated were deprived of getting any sort of assistance from the
Government. More so the paucity of space in different camps were the vital reasons to
stop fresh entrants When the Government failed miserably to provide the people in
camps they were forced to take shelter under trees, under open sky, on the vast fields
and by the sides of the Highways. Torrential rainfall made their lives more
complicated and unbearable they had to face new problems. Sanitation problem
became more acute.37

The refugees of Rongpur were accommodated at Sitai, Mathabhanga, Dinhata,

Haldibari, Mekhliganj, etc. According to the reports as available from the Ananda
Bazar Patrika during the war of Independence at least 5000 refugees took shelter in
 152

Cooch Behar from Lalmonihat. Rabindra Nath Trivedi in his book accumulated
statistics from the Government of India, nearly one crore refugees took asylums in
different relief camps of India. According to his report the refugee population in
Assam was 3,13,000, Behar 9000, Meghalaya 6,88,000, Tripura 14,13000 and West
Bengal 74,93000.38 The refugee inflow in Cooch Behar from Rongpur, Maymensingh,
Tangail etc. were 3,93,106 excluding those who took shelter in places other than
camps.

Table-4.3

Refugee inflow to Cooch Behar from Lalmonihat

Sl no. Sub division Number of camps Number of refugee

1 Cooch Behar Sadar 15 18,316
2 Mekhliganj 14 42,778
3 Mathabhanga 39 1,20,563
4 Dinhata 36 1,91,289
5 Tufanganj 7 20,160
Source: Dr. Muhammad Manirujjaman ‗Char shatabdir Lalmonirhaat‘(2008).p.237
cited in ‗Mukti Juddhhe Rongpur‘,Rangpur Gabeshana Parishad,2013,p.244.

With the frequent attacks of Pak militants in different localities in East Pakistan and
in border districts of both East Pakistan and India were equally affected. Following
barbaric attack of the Pak terrorists upon the people of Bara sashi a region just two
miles off from Berubari of Indian border, the terrified people of the locality trekked
towards Indian Territory.39 A sizable number of evacuees took refuge in Alipurduar
subdivision of Jalpaiguri district. The number of evacuees rose to almost twenty
thousand till 10 May, 1971. They were accommodated at various camps namely
Barabisha, Kamakhyaguri, Buxa camp etc.40 In those days of migration the bulk of
refugees whose who entered to the Indian Territory through the borders Haldibari and
Berubari carried with them their domestic animals like cow, buffalo, goat etc. But
when the strangers were shifted to various camps they failed to keep their domestic
animals with them. Some miscreants and touts taking the advantage of the
helplessness of the new comers compelled them to sell their domestic animals at a
very cheap price. Even their valuable utensils were purchased at Rs. 10 per kilo gram.
 153

In this way they lost their last penny which they acquired.41 Out of lacks of displaced
persons from East Pakistan just few months before the Muktiyuddha at about one lack
of people took shelter in Duars in the first ten days of the month of May in 197142.
Among them three thousand refugees were provided in Buxa camp. Rs 1.25 paisa was
allotted per head and they were provided with 400 gm rice, few potatoes and a small
quantity of salt. As the camp was situated in the hilly areas so the place was not
suitable and congenial for the people of the plain. Due to many other problems they
might be shifted to Dangi, Sonapur and in Jayanti camps.43 Among the districts of
North Bengal West Dinajpur was the recipient of major population of refugees. One
of the major reasons of refugee inflow towards West Dinajpur was that the said
district was surrounded by the borders in three sides. According to the assumption of
the reporters of Janamat nearly 15 lakhs of people from East Pakistan entered into
Balurghat. As the Hili border was ultimately converted into a military station the
refugees had utilized the two other borders to enter into West Dinajpur. Almost all the
educational institutions were packed with the new comers from East Pakistan.
Besides, some relief camps were also built to meet the requirements of the incomings
distressed. Apart from the camp dwellers a considerable number of migrants were
forced to stay outside owing to acute dearth of accommodation in the camps. Those
who were accustomed to lead a peaceful and comfortable life, all on a sudden within a
short span their dreams and aspirations were shattered into pieces.44

Dhupguri of Jalpaiguri district had a miserable experience regarding the toiling

masses of Hindu migrants who happened to come over in Dhupguri. Not far away
from Dhupgri motor stand there was place known Daukimari Hath where a camp for
the evacuees where two hundred tents were set up for the provision of nearly three
thousand people. It was noticed that the tents were not adequately prepared to protect
the inmate of the tents during rainy season. The local B.D.O of that period Sudarshan
Nandy requested the Government that the residents of the camp would be benefited if
the existing tents were replaced by tin shades. The other camp under the Dhupguri
Police station was Rangati camp situated in the bank river Rangati where nine
hundred tents were built. Each and every tent was situated within the distance of
seven to eight feet. There was a wide road passage of twenty feet in between two rows
of the tents. There were approximately eight thousand people in the Rangati camp. In
two miles distance from the Rangati camp there was another camp near Lakhmikanta
 154

Bagan with a population of two thousand. There were three more camps within the
ambit of five or six miles from the camp near to Lakhmikanta Bagan. Near about
fifteen thousand people were allotted refuge.45 On November 18,1971 the then
President of India V.V.Giri visited two refugee relief camps namely Balaram hat and
Bandhu Nagar of Jalpaiguri district. During his brief stay at those aforesaid camps he
delivered a speech expressing his sympathy towards the displaced persons. He also
expressed the inability of the Government to face such a Himalayan problem. He was
also optimistic that the inmates of the camp would soon be able to go back their
motherlands when the situation would come into normality.46

The refugees who were denied of accommodations in camps were in a pathetic

condition. It was a matter of great bewilderment that despite pressure of adverse
circumstances how they could survive. Following malnutrition and inadequate
medical facilities they were often afflicted by infectious and epidemic diseases like
diarrhea, small pox, chicken pox etc.47 They also suffered from virulent types of fever
and malaria.48. In West Dinajpur the deadly disease cholera was broken out among the
inmates of the camps. 49 In different refugee camps the infants were the worst sufferer
of malnutrition and lack of medical treatment. Most of the infants of the relief camps
were the chronic patients of dysentery, blood dysentery, diarrhea, bronchitis, fever,
ache on shoulder etc. whereas the adult female members of the camps were suffering
from anemia50. Deaths for cholera were regular occurrences of the camp life. The
temporary refugee camps Salsalabari and Patkapara of Alipurduar witnessed the death
of five persons within twenty four hours on 18 June,1971 was reported and published
in a local news paper named The Janamat. In the Dangi camp of Alipurduar almost
fifty thousand people took shelter. A huge number of deaths due to cholera and other
contagious diseases in the camp were reported. The alarming incident which was
shocking to note that due to non availability of funds the guardians of the deceased
could not make arrangements for their cremation, as a result the wild animals took the
bodies into the jungles and disfigured the bodies which were beyond recognition. The
camp dwellers had to pass their days under such pathetic circumstances.51

The migrants towards North Bengal districts due to their helplessness and ignorance
about the environment of the new territory they became the targets of some anti
socials and miscreants. They applied different tricks in cheating the new comers. Most
of the people were made tempted in involving them in gambling and as a result they
 155

became totally penniless. In the act of conversion of currency they sold the currency
of Pakistan in cheap rate, where as they purchased the Indian currency in higher rate.
It was also a kind of deprivation.52 Not far from Moynaguri a daring robbery took
place in the office of the Bloc Development Officer (BDO) and looted the relief
materials kept for the refugees were looted. Such inhuman activists engaged
themselves in such crimes for the fulfillment of their own interests.53 In the railway
stations and adjoining places like Alipurduar, Hasimara, Dalgaon, Odlabari, Siliguri
Junction, Malbazar etc were infested with anti-social elements. Those places became
the epicentres of anti socials.54 The Government of India had to incur a massive
expenditure for the uprooted persons. The amount would have been estimated more
than two crore per day.55It was quiet evident that India had to face acute financial
stringency for the cause of the refugees migrated from East Pakistan on a phased
manner from 1947 -1971.

The March 28, 1971 a huge number of refugees of Rongpur who took refuge in the
adjoining border districts of West Bengal, specially at Cooch Behar. Primarily they
settled at Sitai locality. The new comers in the midst of extreme sorrows and suffering
set up cultural organizations known as the „Biplabi Sangskritik Parishad‟ and
„Bangladesh Sangskritik Mukti Parishad‘. Literary personalities, poets, writers,
musicians, theatre personalities and other social activists were the active members of
the organizations. They published a news paper the „Saptahik Ranangan‘ that
ultimately renamed as the ‗Mahakal‟ and again the „Dabanal‘. It should be
remembered that the genocide that took place on April 3, 1971 accelerated the
movements of the Rongpur refugee to West Bengal 56

Relief measures:

The spontaneous inflow of the hungry and panic stricken people from Bangladesh
became a regular phenomenon. Due to dearth of dwelling places the refugees,
sometimes were forced to take shelter even in the circular water pipe. They took
refuge in school buildings and in office buildings. Those buildings were almost
converted into camps. They had to live in an unhygienic atmosphere and suffered
from epidemic diseases like cholera, enteric etc. By October 1971, 1100 medical
centres were set up by the Secretariat to eradicate the diseases on war footing. Various
 156

voluntary organizations extended their hands of cooperation to provide medical

assistance to the refugees who were the worst victims of various diseases.57 Several
voluntary organizations like Ramakrishna Mission, Bharat Sevasram Sangha, Abhoy
Ashram, IMA, Red Cross Society, Oxfam etc came forward with their helping hands
for relief works. Those organizations individually helped the refugees and sometimes
they assisted the officials for functioning.

The Ramakrishna Mission played a pioneering role by establishing 13 camps in 4

border districts of West Bengal along with medical centres. The Ramakrishna
Mission spent 2,73,000 for the relief of the refugees. R.K. Mission also provided
relief of Rs. 1,70,000 refugees.58 Since 19 April, 1971 Ramakrishna Mission launched
a massive programme in serving the destitute individuals of East Pakistan in the event
of the atrocities and turmoil that nakedly broke out in East Pakistan. To render relief
to the destitute a relief camp was set up in the school premises of Manikgunj of South
Berubari. The camp comprised three thousand people. The Ramakrishna Mission
distributed per head 400 gm. Rice, 200 gm pulse, 25 gm mustard oil, spices of 10
paisa and 200 gm potato. The mission acted continuously and silently for those
suffering human beings.59 The Ramakrishna Mission made arrangements for the relief
of the destitute from East Pakistan on the eve of Bangladesh war of Liberation. The
mission established their relief camp in Radhikapur in Dinajpur border in order to
extend their help in different ways. The Mission authority made earnest appeal to the
general public to donate generously with money and kinds for the welfare of the
distressed people through their Mission.60 The Ramakrishna Mission of Jalpaiguri,
after the war of independence of Bangladesh, made arrangement of relief for the
uprooted persons of Bangladesh. During the aforesaid period shouldered the
responsibilities of a relief, situated in the border of East Pakistan at Sakati village. At
about 38,000 evacuees were accommodated in the said camp.61 Ramakrishna Mission
of Cooch Behar also generously helped the evacuees who took asylum in and after
1971.62

Most of the people who came over to North Bengal in 1971 belonged to poor peasant
community. They came here empty handed. To accommodate them with all sorts of
help such as food crops, clothing, warm cloths and other essential commodities were
 157

distributed among them by different voluntary organizations. The Bharat Sevashram

Sangha established 14 camps and provided food and other daily essential
commodities and necessary articles to the uprooted persons.63 The Akhil Bharat
Vivekananda Jubo Mahamondal of Maynaguri of Jalpaiguri district took a leading
role in collecting and distributing cash and kinds to the displaced persons.
Accompanying the people of all ages the organization arranged to collect clothing and
other things through singing the patriotic song composed by Tagore ‗Amar sonar
Bangla ami tomay bhalobasi, chirodin tomar akash tomar batas amar prane bajay
bansi‟. This organization also made arrangements for the nutrition of the babies in
camps where the government supply of milk powder was alleged to be not suitable for
the babies. So they shouldered the responsibility of supplying barley to the infants of
different camps.64

The Red Cross Society opened medical units in the border districts. The Red Cross
Society also helped the patients through medical assistance and through vaccinations.
The organization also supplied milk powder and medicines and precautionary
measures were also taken. The organization also supplied milk to the infants in
different camps of North Bengal. They had made wonderful job in Dangi camp of
Alipurduar. The members of other organizations like Oxfam, Baptist Mission came
forward with their helping hands in this camp. They rendered a valuable service in
various camps of North Bengal .65 Different organizations like Lions‘ Club, Women‘s
coordinating council gave financial assistance to the refugees.66 There were instances
of providing pecuniary help to the 80,000 helpless migrants in Madhyamgram and
Salt Lake areas of North 24 Parganas by Oxfam. As a matter of fact the Oxfam
offered monetary help to some relief organizations like Abhoy Ashram and Bengal
Rural Welfare Societies. The Oxfam in collaboration with Gandhi Peace Foundation
in Tripura and Balurghat in West Bengal worked for the migrants. It also supplied
medicines to the displaced persons and organized workshops in order to train the
young doctors who treated the uprooted persons.67

Effect:

Rationing system was introduced in Cooch Behar for the evacuees who took shelter in
the houses of relatives other than camps. The constant agitation demanding to
 158

introduce rationing system among the new comer migrants in Cooch Behar residing in
different places other than the camps ultimately crowned with success.68 The local
schools, colleges and local clubs took active initiative to assist the uprooted evacuees
from Bangladesh. The colleges and universities also joined hands with several relief
committees to expedite the speedy disposal of the articles meant for the migrants.
There was no doubt, due to excessive flow of evacuees from East Pakistan and
afterwards from Bangladesh created a number of problems in West Bengal as well as
in North Bengal, scarcity of food was one of them. Exchange of currency became a
profitable business for one section because after coming over to India they had to
make their currency exchanged following which some Indians became more
financially benefited. In this critical juncture, the menacing price hike of food grains
was noticed particularly in Balurghat. Previously rice was sold at Rs. Twenty five to
twenty six per mound. But with the influx of refugees the situation changed
altogether. The price of rice decreased considerably as the evacuees carried with them
sufficient quantity of rice for their daily consumption. During the period of political
turmoil some interested traders collected rice from the border areas of Pakistan and
sold it in the Indian market with considerable profit. In the meantime with the
intervention of border security force this illicit trade was hampered to a great extent
Due to spiraling price hike the general public could not make both ends meet.69

Rehabilitation outside West Bengal:

The refugees of the Andamans were accorded cordial reception in Portblairs. The
refugees of Eastern Pakistan were granted temporary accommodation in the
Andamans for six months. Kalinpur, Manpur, Hamifresganj, Monlutan, Naya sahar
and wondur were earmarked for their habitation. There were vast areas of cultivable
lands. Those lands would be distributed among the refugees. Initially the Government
itself would bear the expenditure of their livelihood and a committee was instituted
for the purpose.70 It was decided that 83 families would soon be deported to Andaman
Islands. People of business communities and ordinary general public were selected to
be sent to Andaman Islands. In the meantime 350 families were sent to Andaman.
Many applied for Andamans but a few were allowed to go. Out of 350 families only
20 families expressed their unwillingness to return.71
 159

Innumerable uprooted persons with a view to searching refuge in the territory of West
Bengal rushed towards the state in thousands uninterrupted. Punjab in the western
boundary witnessed and experienced the same eventualities like their counterparts of
East Pakistan. During the war of liberation, Bengali Muslims of Eastern Pakistan, by
the pressure of adverse circumstances had to come over to India as refugees or shelter
seekers. After the attainments of independence most of the Bangladeshi evacuees
returned back to their newly created Bangladesh. It was noticed with bewilderment
that the population specially the Hindus who migrated from Eastern Pakistan to West
Bengal during war of Bangladesh independence almost remained unattended and
uncared by the Government of West Bengal. The Government of India also remained
inactive, passive and disinterested of the massive exodus. The former chief ministers
of West Bengal Dr. Prafulla Ghosh and Dr. Bidhan Roy apprised the Government of
India relating to the pathetic conditions of East Pakistan refugees. But the
Government of India lent deaf ears to their appeals.

The left parties of West Bengal took a pioneering role in minimizing the sufferings of
the refugee populations. In the mean while the Government of India without making
any discussions with the different political parties decided to send the migrated Hindu
refugees to Dandakaranya of Madhya Pradesh. On the eve of creation of Bangladesh
due to the relentless flow of Hindu migrants the West Bengal Government finding no
other means decided to shift them towards Assam, Tripura and Meghalaya state. They
were sheltered in different refugee camps of the aforesaid states. The Government of
India extended their hand of cooperation by supplying daily essential commodities,
food and medicines free of cost to ameliorate their distress.72 The India Government
also decided to send the ‗excess‘ refugees outside West Bengal to places like
Dandakaranya of Madhya Pradesh and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands. Number,
approximately more than one lack displaced individuals of Bangladesh being denied
of securing homesteads in West Bengal territory were compelled to move towards
Dandakaranya of Madhyapradesh. They had to move towards Dandyakaranya
according to the sweet will of the Indian Government. The greatest hardship was
faced by those who were transported to the places outside West Bengal. Those
uprooted came to West Bengal again were transported from Bengal.
 160

It was decided at the executive level that the refugees belonging to the so called
lower castes like Namasudras, Kshatriyas, Poundra Kshatriyas were compelled to go
to Dandakaranya as they took shelter in the refugee camps receiving doles from the
Government. According to Prafulla Chakraborty ―the agriculturist, petty traders and
craftsman in government relief camps who were under sentence of deportation to
Dandakaranya‖.73 However, the refugees were reluctant to go to the dry, ‗alien land‘
of Dandakaranya. The Government, finding no other alternatives stopped their doles
temporarily. When the refugees were again forced to push back to Dandakaranya by
the Government, the refugees unitedly made demonstration and revolt. They launched
massive civil disobedience movement in the Gandhian way and as a consequence
more than 30,000 camp refugees were arrested. Though the movement was short
lived, still it left a major imprint on the psyche of the refugees. It helped them to come
out of their shell. The refugees who were deported to Dandakaranya or Andaman had
to face more hostile environment in comparison to that place where they were before.

Shaibal Kumar Gupta, the Chairman of Dandakaranya project assumed the charge of
the project in 1963 opined that in the year 1959 for the first time refugee rehabilitation
programme was executed in three villages of Pharasgaon. Till the year 1964 the
number of old refugee families comprised 7500. Among them 7261 families were
rehabilitated in agricultural land.74 Dandakaranya the Mana transit camp was the
biggest one. It was constructed long before. Under the Mana transit camp there were
many other camps like Mana, Manabhata, Kendri, Kurud and Naogaon camps. Except
Mana the other camps were set up after coming of the refugees from East Pakistan in
1970. All those camps lacked minimum needs of life. The male inmates of the camp
were engaged for the building of villages, construction of roads, reclamation of jungle
areas etc.75 Virtually up to 1954 the number of refugees in camps of West Bengal rose
to 5,57,544 and after that it was beyond the capacity of the camps to accommodate the
refugees any more.76 Even after that the clandestine flow of refugees from East
Pakistan continued unabated. ‗Dandakaranya project‘ was meant for the rehabilitation
of the peasant class from East Pakistan. The surplus displaced person from Eastern
Pakistan were booked for Dandakaranya for their rehabilitation. The uncongenial
atmosphere, unhygienic surroundings, scarcity of cultivable land, acute scarcity of
drinking water, non cooperation of the local public, inadequate supply of food, non
availability of the food for the infants were the main problems that they had to face
 161

for years together. Amidst various problems the inmates of the camps had to face the
deaths of their near and dear ones following mal-nutrition, lack of medical treatment,
scarcity of medicines and acute monetary stringency. It was reported heaps of dead
bodies were kept in a big field for mass cremation.77.

To minimize the long standing grievances of the camp dwellers in Dandakaranya a

committee was formed in 1973 known as ‗ Udvastu Unnyanshil Samiti‘ under the
initiative of Satish Mandal and Rangalal Goldar. Under their leadership the camp
refugees were united to voice their demands.78 They decided to go back to West
Bengal. The inmates of Naogaon camp first proceeded towards West Bengal and they
were intercepted at Kharagpur railway station by the police and were forcefully
deported to Taoa project of Madhya Pradesh. Following the incidence 144 was
enforced in camps of Dandakaranya. Police patrol was intensified and red alert was
sounded in the camps.79 The refugees became the victims of frequent changes of
station without the fault of their own. Apart from the aforesaid camps there were other
places in Madhyapradesh viz. parulkot and Jamri of Bastar district where refugees
were rehabilitated. Beside Madhya Pradesh Orissa was also a recipient of refugees. In
Koraput district there were three zones viz. Umarkot zone, Raigarh Zone and
Malkangiri zone for the rehabilitation of refugees.80 24 villages of Umarkot and other
24 villages of Raigarh were set up. In Umrakot 1240 refugee families were provided
where as in Raigarh 2546 familied were also accommodated.81

Marichjhapi operation:
The noted poet Subhas Mukhopadhyay opined that there were the children of cow
dung collectors, where they went they were treated harshly, the doors where they used
to go were treated ruthlessly. The real pictures of those displaced persons were just
like the cow dung collectors. In 1977 when the Left Front Government under the
leadership of Jyoti Basu came to power, the settlers of Dandakaranya saw the ray of
new hope and dream to settle in West Bengal. The displaced persons unanimously
decided to go to ‗Morichjhapi‘ of the Sundarbons. Before their departure towards
Sundarbon‘s Morichjhapi some refugees were settled in some areas of Orissa, some
parts of Maharastra and some parts of Andhra Pradesh. The refugee centre
‗Morichjhapi‘ was established in Dandakaranya. The slogan ‗Sundarban cholo‘
 162

became the slogan of protest of the refugees. A prominent refugee leader Shri Satish
Mondal enrolled himself to be the leader of Sundarban movement. The ‗Bharat
Sebashram Sangha‘, a philanthropic organization, came out with their helping hands.
No arrangements for the distribution of relief materials to the refugee victims were
made by the Government of West Bengal. The above said reports were available from
the reporters of different journals of that period.

The refugee migrants entered and occupied without any resistance in the areas viz.
Bagna, Kumirmari etc. It is worth to be noted here that the minister of that period
Radhika Banerjee conveyed the message to the Central Government to grant Rs. 50
lacks for helping the refugees. The total number of refugees at Hasnabad was 11,106.
The refugee population of Chor Hasnabad was 16,929 and at Kumirmari and Bagna
was 5000. Defying 144 a strong crowd of 6000 refugees crossed the Ichhamoti river
and took shelter at Hasnabad. The next day the local administration imposed 144 and
debarred the refugees from entering Hasnabad. Consequently in the presence of
ministers, District Magistrates, superintendant of Police, 30 additional superintendants
of Police, and few companies of reserve Police were deployed but the turbulent crowd
bravely encountered the challenge and they began to construct dwelling houses with
bamboo structures. They spread oil papers over their roofs and began to live.82 The
then Chief Secretary of West Bengal Mr. Amiya Kumar Sen expressed his view in
regard to the refugees of East Pakistan before the reporters that ― I am looking in to
the situation, I am watching where the refugees want to settle then I shall take step.
The State Government does not want bloodshed in this matter ―. The Chief Secretary
in his interview with the news papers reporters that 1200 refugees had taken
temporary shelter on the Burdwan railway station, they did not seek any assistance
from the Government. At least 500 refugees reached to the Shealdah station but they
flatly expressed their denial to be shifted to any other refugee relief camp. During this
period 50 individuals swam across the river and their destination was Bagna
locality.83

The Morichjhapi operation was completed, the police administration of West Bengal
claimed the operation as a complete and successful operation which would have never
been possible by the military operation of India. The ill fated innocent people of East
Pakistan, on the plea of seeking refuge at Morichjhapi were immediately arrested by
the police and transported to other refugee camps through launches. The victims were
 163

considered as the thieves, dacoits and criminals so they were mercilessly treated and
inhumanly tortured by the police authorities. The Government planned to transport the
refugees forcibly to Dandakaranya again. According to Atal Behari Bajpayi that in
each and every day at least two thousands uprooted persons crossed the border
braving the red eye of the police.

It is a matter of great disgrace and humiliation that following the apathy of both State
and Central Government the innocent refugee victims became the puppets in the
hands of the government. They were forced to move from one corner to other corners
of India like shuttle cocks. The successive denial of settlement of the uprooted
persons particularly in the Andaman Islands, Dandakaranya and Marichjhapi the
problem mounted gradually. Now the most vital questions arises who was responsible
for this catastrophe? But the question remained unanswered and it will remain
unanswered to the generations to come. Since the very inception of Bangladesh in
1971 India had to confront with copious diplomatic problems, economic problems,
social and ethnic problems consecutively. So, creation of Bangladesh had a
tremendous impact upon India. India took a pioneering role of a saviour of Bengalis
of East Bengal from the grip of brutal military administration of Pakistan under the
inspiring leadership of Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India. Only for her
active initiative Bangladesh was created and got international recognition as an
independent state.

During the period of struggle for the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, sizable
residents who fled to India remained in Indian soil. About 10 million escaped from
Bangladesh to India but after the war majority of the migrants returned back to their
original residence. At the same time a good number of migrants remained
permanently in West Bengal, Assam. Tripura and other North Eastern States.84 In a
report it was stated that the estimated 15 to 20 million illegal migrants, approximately
eight to ten million have settled in West Bengal, six to eight million in Assam and the
rest in Tripura and North Eastern States and other major cities as Delhi, Mumbai and
Ahmedabad. In 1971 the concentration of Bangladeshi migrants had totally altered the
demographic scenario of the border districts of Assam and West Bengal. The chief
Minister of West Bengal had once said ‗Bangladesh is a threat to India‘. In Lok Sabha
Shri Dinesh Singh highlighted the fact that the Indian Government had already got 7
million refugees till July, 1971 and there was a possibility of having five million
 164

refugees from East Pakistan. He suggested that a well thought plan should be
implemented for resisting that incessant flow.85
The then Governor of West Bengal Gopal Krishna Gandhi once uttered that the
illegal immigration was ‗a time bomb‘. Sensing the alarming affairs of India and
specially the West Bengal Bibal Pramanik said that not only the intruders but also
unplanned parenthood of the Muslims, there would be explosion of children by 2018.
Muslim population in West Bengal would be accelerated by 33,17 percent. So the
creation of Bangladesh was a great challenge to India. An Italian writer and diplomat
Niccolo Machiavelli said during sixteenth century that sending immigrants was the
most effective way to colonized countries because it was less offensive than to send
military expeditions and much less expansive.

The creation of Bangladesh was an epoch making event in the historical ambit of the
world. With the creation of the new independent state the whole political complexion
of South East Asia changed radically. Within a span of few decades partitioned India
witnessed the creation of a new state amid bloodshed, horrible carnage and inhuman
atrocities of the Pak militants upon the common mass, armless inhabitants and
helpless individuals of the eastern Pakistan. Misfortunes were the shadow companion
of the East Pakistan people. On 15th August, 1947 and on 14th August 1947, two
independent states viz. India and Pakistan were born. At about two crores of people
rendered homeless. It was unquestionably the biggest human convulsion. The
Pakistani citizens considered themselves superior to their counterparts of East
Pakistan. In 1948, the father of Pakistan nation and the Governor General of Pakistan
Md. Ali Jinnah attended a meeting at Curzon Hall of Dacca University on the
occasion of annual convocation boldly announced that ‗Urdu‘ would be the state
language of Pakistan. The very announcement had a tremendous impact upon the
common people of East Pakistan and student‘s community in particular. They shouted
the slogan demanding ‗Bengali‘ to be declared as the state language of Pakistan
instead of ‗Urdu‘ as announced by Jinnah. As a protest the students and the other
young people to voice their demands assembled on 21st February, 1952 to disperse
the irate mob. The Pak militants fired indiscriminately and killed in gruesome manner
the promising youths like Barkat, Soleman, Rafik, Jabbar, Safik etc. They became
martyrs for the cause of motherland and mother language. The most dominant feature
of the movement was the spirit of nationalism, love towards motherland, patriotism,
 165

upholding the dignity of mother language acted as the guiding principles of the
movement. The question continuously strikes us that what was the outcome of that
long struggle? Those who roamed from one corner of India to other aimlessly and
became puppets in the hands of the Governments, what did they achieve? Peace,
certainty and happiness? All the questions remained unanswered for decades together.

It was reported in a news paper named Janamat that evacuees from East Pakistan
moved towards India through the borders of Malda, West Dinajpur and Cooch Behar
during 1970s. With the large number of refugees some spies of Pakistan also availed
the golden opportunity of entering into Indian Territory. From confession of some
arrested agents an indication of imminent communal riot in West Bengal was evident.
From the version of some refugees who migrated to Islampur from the northern
districts of East Pakistan it was clear that there was a possibility of communal
disturbances in Pakistan and eventually there was a possibility of torture upon the
Hindu minorities. Perhaps the prime reason behind the mass exodus from Pakistan.86

Notes:

1. The Telegraph, June 27, 2005.

2. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West

Bengal: 1971‖, in Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refugees In West Bengal: Institutional
Processes and Contested Identities, Calcutta: 2000, Calcutta Research Group, p.33.

3. Jahangir Alam Jahan, Mukti Yudhdhher Itihas, p.66.

4. Nilanjana Chatterjee, ―Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee Narratives

of Communal Violence‖,https://swadhinata.org.uk.,p.4.,last accessed 29.7.2018.

5. P.N.Luthra, Rehabilitation, 1971, New Delhi, Government of India Publications.

6. Jacques Vermant, The Refugee in Post War World, London: Allen & Unwin, 1953,
p.5.

7. Ranabir Samaddar (ed.), Reflection on Partition in the East, Calcutta: Calcutta

Research Group, 1997, p.102.
 166

8. ibid, p.104.

9. Interview with Prafulla kumar ChowdhuryNilanjana Chatterjee in 1988 , cited in

Nilanjana Chatterjee ―Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee Narratives of
Communal Violence‖,p.15.

10. Subhendu Dasgupta, ―Questioning a Questionnaire‖, Refugee Watch, no.18,

2003.ed.

11. Interview with Kalipada Ghosh,25 November,2015. Siliguri,

12. Nilanjana Chatterjee, ―Interrogating Victimhood: East Bengali Refugee

Narratives of Communal Violence‖,https://swadhinata.org.uk.,p.4.,last accessed
29.7.2018.

13. The Sunday Statesman, March 2, 1986.

14. Pamphlet issued by Refugee Central Rehabilitation Committee.n.d.In the Interest

of Stable Rehabilitation, Calcutta.

15. East Bengal Minority Welfare Association, Aitihasik Adhikar, Calcutta, Gouranga
Press.

16. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, p.32.

17. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.13.

18. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, in Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refugees In West Bengal : Institutional
Processes and Contested Identities,p.34.

19. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar,2011, p.113.

20. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad,1970,p.94.

21. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, The Refugee And The Left Political
Syndrome In West Bengal Calcutta, Naya Udyog, 1999, p.3.
 167

22. Pranati Chowdhury, ―Refugee in West Bengal‖, Occasional paper,55,

Calcutta,1993,p.4.

23. Hianmoy Bandapadhyay,Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad,1970,p.343.

24. Department of Rehabilitation, Govrnment of India, ―Purba Pakisthaner

Bastuhara‖, Calcutta , 1956,p.1.

25. Official figures quoted in Sarbani Ghosal and S.K.Bhattacharya, India‟s Record in
the protection of Refugees, Calcutta, 1994, p.13.

26. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled : A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.113.

27. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, p.34.

28. P.N.Luthra, Rehabilitation, 1972, New Delhi, Government of India Publications,

p.38.

29. Shaukat Osman, Kalratri Khandachitra, Dhaka: Agamee Prakashani, 1986, p.81.

30. P.N.Luthra, Rehabilitation, 1972, New Delhi, Government of India Publications,

pp.39-40.

31. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, p.37.

32. Ibid, p.37.

33. Trisrota, 20.9.79.

34. Ibid.

35. Janamat, April 19, 1971.

36. Interview with Tapan Das, Haldibari, 2010.

37. Janamat, April 26, 1971.

38. Mukti Yudhdhhe Rangpur, Rangpur Gabeshana Parishad, 2013, p.243.

 168

39. Janamat, April 26, 1971.

40. Janamat, May10, 1971.

41. ibid.

42. Janamat, 17 May, 1971.

43. ibid.

44. Janamat, June 14, 1971.

45. Janamat, July 26, 1971.

46. Janamat, November 22, 1971

47. Janamat, May17, 1971

48. Interview with Arabinda Datta, Islampur.

49. Janamat, June 14, 1971.

50. Janamat, June 21, 1971

51. Janamat, August 16, 1971

52. Janamat, July 19, 1971

53. Janamat, August 23, 1971

54. Information derived from Debesh Ghosh, Jalpaiguri, 25 December, 2014.

55. Janamat, November 22, 1971

56. Mukti Yudhdhe Rongpur, pp.61-63.

57. Bleeding Bangladesh, New Delhi:Sagar,1971, p.75.cited in Sandip

Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West Bengal:
1971‖, in Pradip kumar Bose(ed),Refugees In West Bengal : Institutional Processes
and Contested Identities

58. Udbodhan, Calcutta, Nov-Dec, 1971 ,Dec-Jan,1971.

59. Janamat, April 26 ,1971.

 169

60. Janamat, May 10,1971,

61. Arabinda Kar, ―Jaipaiguri Ramkrishna Mission Ashram‖, Kiratbhumi, Jalpaiguri

district edition, vol.2, Kolkata:Dotline Print and Process,p.760.

62. Udbadhan, Calcutta,(Baishakh.1425 B.S, 4th issue.2018

63. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, p.39.

64. Janamat, June 21, 1971.

65. Janamat, September 6 , 1971.

66. Sandip Bandapadhyay, ―Millions Seeking Refuge: The Refugee Question in West
Bengal: 1971‖, p.39.

67. Ibid.

68. Janamat, June 21, 1971

69. Janamat, June 28, 1971.

70. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 16 , 1949.

71. Ananda Bazar Patrika, Jauary 18, 1951.

72. Janamat, July19, 1971

73. Prafulla K. Chakraborti, The Marginal Men, p.179.

74. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 13, 1979.

75. Nirmal Kanti Dhali, ―Swadhinatar Swad!‖ in Madhumoy Pal (ed.),Nijer Kothay
Marichjhapi, Kolkata:Gangchil, 2011,p.10.

76. Babul Kumar Pal, Barishai Theke Dandakaranya: Purba Banger Krishijibi
Udvastur Punarbasan Itihas, Kolkata: Mitram, 2010, p.97.

77. Nirmal Kanti Dhali, ―Swadhinatar Swad!, p.11.

78. Madhumoy Pal (ed.), Marichjhapi: Chhinna Desh Chhinna Itihas, Kolkata:
Gangchil, 2009,p.197.
 170

79. Nirmal Kanti Dhali, ―Swadhinatar Swad!, p.15.

80. Babul Kumar Pal, Barishai Theke Dandakaranya, p.113.

81. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 13, 1979.

82. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 8, 1978.

83. Ananda Bazar Patrika, April 9, 1978.

84. Kali Prasad Mukhapadhyay, Partition, Bengal and After -The Great Tragedy of
India, New Delhi: Reference Press, 2007, p.134.

85. Speech of Dinesh Singh, Lok Sabha Dedates,Fifth Series,vol VI,July 19 to

30,1971,Second session.
86. Janamat , June 3, 1970.
 171

CHAPTER V

Psychological convulsion over migration: violence, hardship and

trauma of women in West Bengal as well as in North Bengal

Women have a dual relationship with history as they are simultaneously present and
absent in the historical accounts that have come down to us.For a long period they
had been considered as supplementary to male action. From feminist standpoint
women are invisible in history but they are relatively visible from nationalistic point
of view. Thus the task of the feminist historian today is doubly difficult. Unlike many
other parts of the world where women have had to be inserted into history, here
history has, in a sense, to be rewritten. Historians in the last few decades have shifted
their focus on the neglected segments of our society broadening its ambit. Under the
new focus, a gender sensitive history has now begun. But if we take into account and
make an elaborate analysis of Partition of Indian subcontinent, we can safely conclude
that the miserable plight of women centering round the event of partition has long
been neglected and ignored though they are the worst victims of the Partition of the
Indian. ―If we were to look for a de-nationalised, people‘s perspective on that epochal
event, we would find it elusive and patchy, mostly fictional, mostly male.‖1Women
have remained a closed chapter with the ‗high-politics‘ of Partition dominating all
administrative and scholarly imagination. Recent historiography emphasizes on the
‗human‘ dimension of this tragedy and the women have finally found their rightful
place in Partition historiography2. Previously focus was on the changing trends in
presenting women‘s experiences where emphasis was solely attached on the theme of
women victimization. But at present scholars concentrate more on the constructive
role of the women in the process of rehabilitation.

‗The Other Side of Silence‘, the path-breaking book of Urvashi Butalia, probably is
the first to have documented the experiences of the women on Partition. The author
confesses herself that it has covered only the experiences of the Hindu and Sikh
women coming from West Pakistan. Butalia mentions in an issue of the ‗Seminar‘ in
August 1994 ―A serious gap is the omission of experiences in Bengal and East
Pakistan (Bangladesh). But these require detailed attention of their own: better not to
pay lip service by including an interview or two‖. The focus, therefore, is on the
 172

theme of women as victims of partition. It is essential to look on women not from the
point of victimization due to the ‗greatest human tragedy‘, but also to represent 1947
as a period much beyond that. The way of rebuilding their shattered lives and
accommodating with the nascent nation-state is the main focal point of the recent
scholars. Another remarkable book ‗Borders and Boundaries‘ by Ritu Menon and
Kamala Bhasin emphasizes on the gender accent of Partition Narrative‘ but confined
its discussion within the provinces of West.3

Memories and experience of the most vulnerable section of the society like women
got special attention from the historians since 1990s. The issue of womenfolk related
to the partition of India began to be highlighted with the publication of the articles and
book by Urvashi Bhutalia, Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin on Punjab. The experience
of women has been explained by Ritu Menon in her work, ‗Borders and Boundaries‘
(1998). The other two important writers are Bashabi Fraser and Ayesha Jalal who
have given a clear depiction of sufferings of women and children. Women‘s
experience of the partition was marked by large scale rape, forced marriage and
abduction. Particularly in 1990s, a good number of scholars depicted their interest in
bringing out these horrors to the society. It has received special attention of many
scholars for the last few years. They have tried to understand the experiences of
women during partition in terms of gender and patriarchy. Patriarchy has constructed
women in a strange way - her sexuality is a threat to her; her respectability is
determined in coherence with her chastity and her body is not her own. It is not only
the question of her own honour and respect but also of her family and community.
Every woman represents her community and she is the repository of her community‘s
honour. Therefore in a situation of conflict, rape becomes a symbolic form of
dishonouring the community. This act very often happened at the time of partition
too. Rapes are accompanied with large scale abduction and forced marriage. It is on
the bodies of women that the new national border is marked out; the edifices of the
two nation states in South Asia are constructed. There was a compelling similarity
between the experiences in Punjab and Bengal that in both states the women became
the target and prime object of persecution.4
It was only with the beginning of 21st century that trained historians started
investigating into the historical aftermath of partition and its consistent effect on
Bengali women. Historian Joya Chatterji in her book „Bengal divided: Hindu
 173

Communalism and Partition‘ (2002) investigates the political vision that the large and
powerful section of Hindu society i.e. ‗bhadralok‟ in Bengal insisted that for forming
and creating a separate Hindu homeland. The book clearly explains the motivation
behind the partition of India and in particular of Bengal and its consequences
Bengal‘s partition lived to face the consequences, which was largely an outcome of
their miscalculations. Chatterjee has written with verve and revealed the truth
intriguingly.5 In an article on the boundary award Joya Chatterji exposes the follies
and worse of two commissions over which Cyril Redcliff presided over to demarcate
the boundaries of the divided provinces of Bengal and Punjab. Another famous
journal named ‗Seminar‘, which was published from Delhi interrogated the historical
reality of partition of Bengal in from the perspective of gender. Later on, articles of
the issue was published as an edited volume named ‗The Trauma and Triumph:
Gender and Partition in Eastern India‟ in the year 2003. The book focuses on the
experiences of women who experienced the tragedy of partition. Gargi Chakravorty‘s
‗Coming out of partition: Refugee women of West Bengal‟ emphasizes on the ‗refugee
women‘ and their struggle for survival during that period of disorder. The book also
stressed on the adversity experienced by the women in the aftermath of the partition.
Jill Didur is yet another writer who wrote about Bengali women law and the
importance of citizenship in her work.

Violence, the women experienced in 1947 and in 1971:

The partition of India in 1947 is still considered as the largest human migration that
history has ever witnessed.―Violence was inextricably linked to the
Partition…Partition stories have become so poignant because of the direct or indirect
violence associated with them‖.6 The impact of partition on the people from East
Bengal is maximum, especially the womenfolk who unfortunately have become the
refugees in their own state which was previously united. The story of Partition and
displacement was accompanied by the story of rape, abduction and widowhood of
large number of women in both sides of the borders. When thousands of refugees
flocked towards Indian Territory from East Bengal every day after the February Riot
in 1950, the women of East Bengal had to pay the cost of independence by their
chastity, through the sacrifices of lives of their husbands and their beloved children.
During the turmoil concerning the partition of India Women became the most
 174

common targets of attack. Forced marriage, intimidation, rape and abduction of

women became the order of the period. Those maltreatments on a large scale were
very common ways of attacks upon the Hindu minority women. The refugee women
were humiliated and inhumanly tortured on their way to West Bengal under the
facade of search by the Pakistani customs officers and staff.7 The impact of those
untoward occurrences is still in vogue in today‘s society. This research paper intends
to investigate and analyze the sufferings underwent by refugee women settled in
North Bengal from East Bengal at the time of partition of India.

To protect their honour and dignity the thousands of women of minority communities
left their homes overnight. Contemporary news papers like the Amrita Bazar Patrika
recorded the arduous journey of women across the borders. Streams of women
clutching their babies on one arm and their small belongings on the other were seen
walking down the rail tracks. Many died on the way.8 Figures show that in the interim
period between August 1946 and December 1947 millions of Hindus poured in
prolific numbers in eastern India alone in to the states of West Bengal, Assam and
Tripura, altering the lives of the people and socio-economic profile of the states
forever. The refugees who were ousted from their ‗Bhita‟ (homeland) and expatriated
to a different land following the exchange of population after the partition indeed
faced a ‗grave misfortune‘ in their new country. They realised that the natural
surroundings, social customs and the daily rituals of the people were sometimes
starkly different from their own. Sometimes, even their dialect and intonations of
speech became an object of ridicule, often mimicked to evoke slapstick humour. 9 For
instance, the arrival of the migrants from the villages of East Pakistan to a big city
like Calcutta gave birth to several jokes, which were mostly variations of the clinched
encounter between a country bumpkin and a sophisticated urbanite or a village
simpleton‘s awkwardness with stylish standard of living of the city.

An eminent economist Dr. Asoke Mitra espouses in an article in Economic and

Political Weekly that initially in West Bengal ―The widely publicised make-belief
was that it was all a temporary upheaval and the refugees would soon return home. A
life of alternating insecurity and hope prompted a large section of the refugees to
shuttle back and forth between East and West Bengal, wanting to make the best of
both worlds but ending up with worst of both‖10. The predicament of the exile in the
 175

hellhole of these transit rehabilitation camps almost reminds us of the abysmal life-in–
death situation of the concentration camps in Europe. Yet those people were better off
than those who were thrown in the shelter of railway platform. The Amrita Bazar
Patrika described Sealdah station, swarming with flood of refugees as the ‗Gateway
to Hell‘. Kolkata became a suffering city for refugees who were afflicted with
innumerable ordeals in their new abode.11

Noakhali was the epicentre or breeding place of communal violence. The Noakhali
experience was shocking for both men and women alike. A large number of cases
regarding forced marriage between the Hindu girls and Muslim boys, forced
abduction of Hindu women, and conversion to Islam became a regular feature. In
many cases incidents of abduction complaints could not be reported following sheer
terror. Women had to watch the atrocious murder of their husbands.12 ‗Vermilon
marks‘ (Sindur) were forcibly erased from the foreheads of women and conch shell
bangles broken. The leading news paper ‗The Hindustan Standard‘ on November 5,
1946 published a report stating that 300 women were raped in Noakhali and further
intimated its readers about 400 rape cases of defenseless women in another area.13
‗The Noakhali violence marginalized women, who became victims of male
chauvinism.14 On 15 November 1946, Sucheta Kripalani on her return tour to Calcutta
from Noakhali reported that: ―Molestation of women, intimidation and encirclement
are still continuing in the affected areas of Noakhali districts‖.15

The paramilitary forces like Ansars incited Muslim hooligans in this disgraceful act.
In Kurmitala air port, which was situated near the military head quarters of Dhaka, a
large number of Hindu passengers including women and children were brutally killed
or seriously injured.16. On 11 and 12 February 1950, a large number of murders took
place on Chittagong Mail and the Surma Mail. Reports showed the systematic attacks
of trains in Bhairab bazaar .The train was stopped over the Meghna Bridge and
passengers were attacked.17 The steamer ‗Ostrich‘ was attacked on its way to Calcutta
where thousands of refugee passengers mostly women and children were forcibly
taken down at Rajkhara. No information was available about the ill fated passengers
of the steamer18. At Darshana station 500 Ansar troops looted the belongings of the
migrants on the pretext of custom checking and at the same time they robbed the
women‘s ornaments. When one lady refused to offer her ornaments she was made
 176

captive in a locked room. In this connection it may be mentioned that when the
Barishal Express reached Shealdah station on 3rd March, 1950, it was found that the
train was empty.19

Women‘s organizations of East Bengal staged demonstration in protest against the

humiliation on women. The Chittagong branch of the AIWC under the chairmanship
of Mrs. Nellie Sengupta, arranged a meeting on 21 October 1946 and constituted a
nine member sub-committee to rescue and protect the abducted women. In the event
of Noakhali riots, thousands of refugees began to move out. 12000 moved to
Chandpur and Commilla; 3000 to Ranigunj and 1000 shifted to Calcutta. The
Noakhali riot created massive reactions in the remote villages of East Bengal. The
places like Rajpur, Ramganj, Lakshmipur and Bebumganj in Noakhali and Faridganj,
Chandpur, Hajiganj Laksham and Choudagram in Tippra were most affected.20 It was
clearly revealed from different interviews that school going girls were lifted from
their institution during this period of turmoil. Even the girls of Faridpur district would
go to their institution armed with a compass like weapon which they used to call
‗Baghnakh‘.21 Those incidents prepared the ground for the truncated settlement
because only after seven weeks the wave of Partition riot began.

The grim irony of fate was that there were only two options open before the women;
one was to embrace glorious death in the hands of their kin which was considered to
be the act of martyrdom and the second option was violation of their honour at the
hands of the ‗other‘. However, the experience of violence was not always so explicit
and direct. There were other forms of violence which were often dismissed as mere
‗psychological fear‘. Such instances of violence were vivid through many of the later
day narratives and memoirs of the refugees who flocked from East Bengal. To honour
their chastity and womanhood the Hindu refugees from East Pakistan were
determined to shift themselves to safer and secured abode in West Bengal . A good
number of women at the time chose to commit suicide in order to thwart the corporeal
holocaust.22Hiranmoy Bandopadhyay, the then Rehabilitation Commissioner for West
Bengal, narrates in his Udvastu that often when the women went to take a bath in the
pond, some Muslim men would remark, ‗Pak Pak Pakistan, Hindur Bhatar
Mussolman‟ [This is Pakistan, the husband of a Hindu will be a Musalman]. The
author cited another example in this connection that Muslims teased the ladies even in
sanctified private spatial paradigms such as the bathing places ‗E bibi, byala je bede
 177

chole. Aar deri kyano? Ebar ghore cholo.‟ [Oh Bibi, its evening now, why delay any
further, lets go home.] Bandopadhyay arrives to the conclusion that one of the main
reasons for migration was psychological fear—‗manoshik nipiron‟.23 It became
obvious from that period onwards that it would no longer be possible to stay in the
beloved motherland in such a filthy environment and untoward situation. Ritu Menon
and Kamala Bhasin are of the view that ―..all of them treat women‘s bodies as
territory to be conquered, claimed or marked by the assailant‖.24

Social activist Mrs.Asoka Gupta and her husband Saibal Gupta collected documentary
evidences on many East Bengal refugees for submission of the report to the Enquiry
Commission. In those testimonies, the narratives of refugee women were also
included. Most of the women who were interviewed had their origins in farmer‘s
families. They spoke of their horrible experiences of the gruesome violence which
prevailed during that period of turmoil. They presented the vivid description of
various factors that compelled them to quit their motherland. The regular abduction
of women, ‗pollution‘ of temples, destruction of idols, washing beef in their wells,
throwing the carcasses of pig in the courtyard were few of the many xenophobic
malpractices that tended to threaten the Hindu minority in the newly conceived
Islamic Pakistan25.Those accounts revealed the extent of insecurity of the Hindus in
East Pakistan, and yet, their real fears were dismissed as a mere psychological
construction. As pointed out by Nehru, that Honourable Members have said that
people in East Bengal had not been led to come away because of newspaper articles
or by public speeches, that there were other causes. Of course there were other causes.
Who said any newspaper speech or an article could make a million people come
away? ―… but when there is this huge upset in people‘s minds and people are
frightened and are full of fear, then every little thing counts… we are dealing with not
only an economic upset or social upset but a psychological problem of the greatest
magnitude‖.26

Countless evacuees leaving behind their mother land proceeded towards West Bengal
and to the districts of North Bengal again during the political turmoil of 1971. The
horrible picture of oppression upon the fair sex of the Hindu minorities had been
published through the different Medias of the period. Though the inflow of people
was equal in all districts of North Bengal, yet West Dinajpur surpassed all the
 178

districts. The voiceless innocent teenagers, newly wedded women, mothers and senior
women citizen were equally assaulted and raped by the miscreants. The most
alarming incident is recorded to have happened in Hilly railways where two railway
compartments were packed naked physically abused and mentally tortured women.
Such brutal display of an organized violence was unprecedented in the annals of
recent history. The people of Dinajpur witnessed the atrocities of the militants and
miscreants where they were nothing but mute spectators. Only tears and lamentations
were their silent protests.27

The State recognized mass abductions, sexual violation and forcible conversion as
‗real violence‘. Only those women who were exposed to such violence became the
immediate responsibility of the State. They would be the first beneficiaries of State
‗benevolence‘. Thus, women coming from East Pakistan would have to face more
hardships for they were not always seen as victims of such ghastly violence. During
the period of disturbances, the oppression on women in Rongpur reached to an
alarming extent. The Rongpur cantonment and the Arts council building became the
centres of women captives. They were ruthlessly tortured by the Pak militants.
Sayedpur High School of Nilphamari and Darul Ulum Madrasah were converted to be
the cells of women oppression.28

Journey towards unknown destination:

The passage of uprooted women towards the unknown destination was not a passage
founded on roses. It was riddled with thorns and hurdles. Rampant looting,
indiscriminate arson, atrocious murders and abduction of women became the
distinctive characteristics of the riots during 1950 and onwards. The migrant women
travelled on overcrowded steamers, motor launches, trains etc. A huge number of
refugees walked a long way through jungle bare footed. Most of their properties were
left back in their homeland to which they would never return in future. They could
only bring few clothing or a small trunk with them.

After much maltreatment and distress, the refugees migrated over to West Bengal
where there was none to entertain their settlement. They had to face various problems
every now and then. A large number of uprooted persons of East Bengal had to stay at
 179

Sealdah railway station where they would spend days, weeks, even more than a
month. The refugees were asked to stay in open station compound. A huge number of
refugees rushed to North Bengal through different borders adjacent to their place of
residence. As a matter of fact the West Bengal Government was not prepared for such
a massive exodus of people. At first the uprooted persons were inoculated and than
they were asked to present themselves as a ‗family grouping‘ to an officer from the
Relief and Rehabilitation Department. The idea of ‗family grouping‘ perplexed the
migrants. They actually belonged to the joint families and it was beyond their
imagination to be grouped as smaller and nuclear units according to the order of the
officer. This ultimately broke the joint families into male headed groupings.29
Women, who were accustomed to stay indoors, were now driven to the discomforting,
unfamiliar outside which laid beyond the purview of their safe homes. It was beyond
the dream on the part of the uprooted women. They were exploited, maltreated,
humiliated, physically and mentally assaulted in different places including Sealdah
station itself. Their innocence, ignorance, simplicity and helplessness were sometimes
capitalized by some interested persons. During the period of disorder following
partition, forced marriage became rampant and common feature. To accept and
recognize the abductors as husbands were unthinkable, painful and pathetic in the
truest sense of the term. The central and state government had launched ventures to
bring back those affected unfortunate women and to send them back to their parents.
But it was not an easy task. The initiatives rendered by the Government to rescue the
affected women failed miserably.

But if we discuss about the migration of refugees to the districts of North Bengal we
find that they marched through the Gitaldaha border, Hili border, Mohendraganj
border of Meghalaya, Murshidabad border etc. There is no doubt that mainstream
refugee exodus took place through Sealdah station. A huge number of migrants who
could not find their shelter in and around Calcutta and suburban areas flocked towards
the districts of North Bengal. They mainly took refuge in various camps meant for the
refugees. A sizable number of uprooted persons from East Pakistan took shelter in the
residence of near and dear ones and also in houses of distant relatives. In some cases
inhabitants of a particular area instead of knowing the refugees personally made
necessary arrangement for their habitation. From different interviews it was clear that
local people in different districts of North Bengal also gave land to the displaced
 180

persons for cultivation. People of Rajbansi community helped these uprooted people
through monetary assistance. During this period women refugees became compelled
to involve themselves in agriculture and agriculture related professions.

Refugee families came to North Bengal from Khulna, Chattagram, Mymensingh,

Rongpur, Faridpur, Dhaka, Barishal, Rajshahi, Pabna districts of East Pakisthan. The
migrant women from East Pakistan to Malda, Jalpaiguri, West Dinajpur, Siliguri and
Cooch Behar who have been interviewed in different times reacted with bitterness.
All of them, though hailing from different districts, different social and family
background, are of the same opinion unanimously that the places they left are not
places worth living in. When the migrants in the districts of West Bengal were asked
the reason for migration, there has been a universal admittance of the fact that East
Pakistan had become a heaven for the people Islam by religion. The main concerns
for women and children were perhaps best reflected in Rameshwari Nehru‘s analysis
of the situation ―… these women and children were the victims of partition and its
subsequent upheaval, it is, in the opinion of all right thinking people, obligatory on
the part of the Government to provide for their maintenance and care.” In its
declaration of policy, the Government has acknowledged this responsibility, and the
Prime Minister also has given repeated assurances to the people, that unattached
destitute women and children would be fully looked after by the State.30 In fact she felt
that such women should be dealt with as one would deal with victims of war and
hence suggested that they should be categorized as ‗war-widows‘ and ‗war orphans‘.

Rehabilitation of refugee women:

The act of recovery and the scheme of restoration of abducted women in the East
were not as adequately planned like that of West. It was the misconception of leaders
that the women in the East were not real victims of ‗direct‘ violence. Such a
projection could have possibly had two latent motives, firstly toning down the act of
violence with a view to discourage migration and secondly, a general apathy of the
State towards the plight of the minorities in the East, which in turn was governed by
the economics of rehabilitation.31 For the restoration of confidence among the
minorities on both sides the Delhi Pact was inked by the two Governments. Following
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this pact the Search Service Bureau in Calcutta was set up. Along with it a Search
Service Section/ Liaison Office attached to the Deputy High Commission in Dacca
was set up. Ii is here that the Dacca Transit Home was started by Mridula Sarabhai.
The main object of the office was to provide shelter to the unattached and other
women of the minority community. The Home was set up with the exclusive purpose
of providing a secured home for the women who felt threatened. ‗No definite
information was available about the number of women abducted in East Bengal or the
number of women converted to Islam. In this regard The West Bengal Search Service
Bureau registered 78 cases of abduction and 172 cases of missing women in East
Bengal. Apart from these, 7 cases of missing and abducted women were reported to
the East Bengal Government by the Deputy High Commissioner for India at Dacca.
The East Bengal Government sent to the West Bengal Government the 12 cases of
missing women. In a press conference the East Bengal Relief Commissioner claimed
that 23 women had been recovered except one who was then in prison custody. In this
regard 75 cases had been carefully examined, where it was subsequently found that 56
women who were missing or abducted were found living with their kin. One woman
died a year ago, 5 were killed in the disturbances, the identity of 9 remained
unestablished.32

It will not be out of place to mention in this connection the recovery and restoration
programme in the West where the State itself would take the decision in context of
women migration. The women had no option of their own to take decision to migrate
or not. The abducted women were not allowed to stay long in a particular place of a
state with the apprehension that the abductor‘s family members would try to
influence either the officials in getting her back, or the mere presence of the woman in
the same state could influence her decision in favour of staying back. Hence, almost
as soon as they were recovered, these women were quickly shifted to the Transit
camp, and thereafter, restored to their families. As observed in the records, very few
women would seek refuge in Dacca Transit Camp. The Government of India made
frequent instructions and orders for immediate shut down of the home. But the Deputy
High Commissioner summarily rejected the proposal on the plea that the closure of
this Home would create repercussion and would leave ‗a demoralizing effect not only
in the minority community in East Pakistan but it would also become the object of
criticism of the public in India.‘33
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In post 1950 the Migration Certificate (MC), was the only legal means to enter India
from East Pakistan, but obtaining these Migration Certificates (MC) was difficult. It
was much easier for women in procuring the migration certificate because the State
itself was in favour of certain categories of women. As a matter of fact, both the
Central and State governments discouraged migration across Eastern borders. Both
the Governments simultaneously agreed that the minorities did not confront any real
threat in East Bengal. Therefore few restrictions like passports, migration certificates,
doles etc. were imposed upon them. But the bona fied refugee women were treated
differently from their male counterparts. In certain cases priority was given in issuing
Migration Certificates to the women considering the magnitude of the issue in
question.34 The following categories of women were given priorities: Unattached
women and widows with no livelihood in East Pakistan; Wives joining husbands in
India; Families living in areas considered unsafe, for example, in isolated pockets or
where there is apprehension about abduction of girls and elopement under influence;
Adult girls going to India for marriage. These facilities were not applicable to the
others members of the family.35 The refugee women worked day in and day out with
their male counterpart in their relentless effort for proper rehabilitation. As a
consequence, after a long run, those women became the protagonists of professional
independent women. Many refugee women played vital role in setting up various
refugee colonies working hand in hand with the male folk. Manikuntala Sen opines
that the refugee womenfolk form the majority of the working women of West Bengal.
They are now engaged in different jobs according to their efficiency. It is a glaring
example of the struggle of uprooted women who once had lost everything.36

State-sponsored Rehabilitation Programme:

During the whole period of migration a dual role was played by the State, serving on
the one hand as a protector and on the other a benevolent patriarch. As the protector,
the State recovered the women from the ‗enemy‘ territory, and also restored the
‗other‘ women. In its role as that of the benevolent patriarch, the State took the
responsibility of rehabilitating the single or unattached women in the special homes.
Some production-cum-training centres were set up for the recovered women.
Kasturba Niketan in Delhi and Uday Villa in Kolkata became the most prominent of
such Homes for women. The main purposes of those homes were to enable the
women to come out of the trauma of partition and victimhood, and also to encourage
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them to be self dependent. Initially, those homes were meant for destitute, single
refugee women, but ultimately other refugees were also entitled to join those training
centres.37 Thus, the State shouldered the heavy responsibility of rehabilitating the
refugee women through various promising social-welfare schemes. It was decided by
the Honourable Minister in the conference on 9.5.1955 that every effort should be
made to rehabilitate those young girls through marriage.‘38 Once settled in this
manner, they would no longer be the responsibility of the State unless, they were the
inmates of the Permanent Liability camps.

The Women’s Home in the East:

The Government of India became concerned with the issue of rehabilitation of

refugees coming from East Pakistan in the post-1950s. Simultaneously for the
improvement of the pecuniary stability and honorable settlement of the refugee
women, the state government took an active initiative. In fact the state government
was quite watchful in its approach towards the issue of Homes or Infirmaries. The
State Government was well conversant with the fact that in case of a wrong move the
whole responsibility of maintaining these refugees would be rested upon the
Government. Hence, in a meetings of the Central Advisory Committee for Homes and
Infirmaries in the eastern region, a proposal was placed urging to omit the term
‗Permanent Liability‘ used to describe such Homes and such refugees; instead
insertion of the phrase ‗Camps for unattached displaced women or old and infirm
displaced persons‘ was advocated. But this was not approved as it would have been
hardly possible for the state government to claim reimbursement of expenditure
incurred on the maintenance of the refugee women without specific sanction from the
Government of India.39

Abala Basu was the main motivating force behind the home ‗Uday Villa‘. This project
for displaced persons began with ten resident women members. Abala Basu‘s aim was
not only to provide vocational training but also to open a production centre. 40Another
point to note here is that two rehabilitation schemes for displaced women were also
sanctioned both by the West Bengal Government and the Government of India at that
period. Under that scheme Uday Villa obtained financial assistance for the adult
women worker. The Art Department of Uday Villa was inaugurated in 1954.
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Arrangements were made for providing training to the women who had natural talent
for artistic cottage crafting. Attempts were also made to revive the folk-motifs. Under
the active initiative of Dr. B.C. Roy and Renuka Roy, the Rehabilitation Department
of Government of West Bengal arranged a stall at the Kalyani Congress Exhibition in
1954 where handicraft produced in Uday Villa were exhibited. From then onwards
Uday Villa received regular orders from Khadi Gramodyog Bhaban as well as from
the Cottage Industry. In an exhibition at Jahangir Art Gallery of Bombay in 1959,
articles worth 5 Lac were sold in a single day that eventually increased the demand of
artifacts of Uday Villa within short span of time.41In the districts of North Bengal a
number of refugees were interviewed, could not tell about the existence of any
recognized home with certitude.

The advisory committee regarding the unattached women formulated some

programme with a view to make the displaced women hailing from East Pakistan self
dependent in various ways. This committee also stressed on imparting vocational,
professional and practical training. Initially almost 900 women were given training on
child education, social works in rural sectors, cooking, domestic works, making toys
and also rehabilitating the young girls through marriage. The report stated that the
above mentioned policies for the purpose of rehabilitating such women and families
became successful in reducing the number of dependent families.42 According to their
age and ability to work women were grouped at first and only then they were granted
rehabilitation assistance. The Homes for women were set up in a hurry in the
available military barracks which were in appalling condition. Also, the water and
electric supplies in the Homes were inconsistent. The report highlighted the
inequitable scales of financial assistance provided to the homes in the East through
statistical data. There was no shadow of doubt that rehabilitation was the only
possible normal desired way to get rid of the camp-life and subsequently merge
oneself with the general stream of the society‘.43

In the eastern region, however, it was seen that rehabilitation and other facilities were
difficult to get for the trained, able bodied sons, where as in Western region the able
bodied sons of women were entitled to get financial assistance. In East even women
with sons were forced to live in those dilapidated Homes, while in the West the sons
of the rehabilitated women, immediately after getting assistance, left the Homes for
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constructing their own abodes. However women in West who had daughters were
denied of such financial opportunities. For now, it would suffice to say that the
Homes in the western region were much better equipped to handle the issue of
permanent rehabilitation of the permanent liability category.44. In North Bengal, there
are scarcity of records which can validate the existence of such Home for women. It
can be said with certitude that the women who migrated over here were not in such a
helpless condition like that of the other districts of West Bengal. As the refugees from
affluent families settled in the districts of North Bengal, they did not confront severe
problems like their refugee compatriots in West Bengal.

Other Aid Given to Women:

Apart from opening vocational training centres for the women, there were other
facilities provided to them as well. The Employment Bureau, which had been set up
for the exclusive purpose of providing employment opportunities to the displaced
persons, attempted to secure employment for the refugee women as well. According
to the statistics provided by the Directorate of National Employment Service, West
Bengal, it was observed, had witnessed increase in the demand for employment
among women in the post-partition era. This survey, while commenting upon the
trends in female employment, shows that as soon as the refugee family was in a
relatively better position the traditional norms of the family came back into existence
and women were withdrawn from the work scene. It also shows that the maximum
number of women employed was unmarried, and post-marriage these women often
left their jobs.45 For the development of women in all respects, an advisory committee
was formed with the female members so that they could earn something with their
own efforts. 900 women were deployed in different technical and vocational
institutions to get adequate training for nursery, social works, art of cooking,
maintenance of cleanliness in various areas, ability to perform domestic works,
engage them in cottage industry like handloom, toy making and cane industry. The
period of training was fixed from six months to one year. Training for social
awareness was also imparted. 46 Ideal centres for the training of refugee women were
created with the purpose of enabling them to be self sufficient. 13 centres were built in
this connection. The trained women were recruited from Dhubulia, Bagmari and
Ranaghat refugee colonies. Majority of them hailed from Dacca. Mymensing,
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Faridpur and Jessore. Trained students were awarded stipend of Rs. 25 per month for
their food and lodging.47

During 1954-55, for the rehabilitation of refugees in West Bengal, the central
Government sanctioned Rs. 1 crore and 18 Lac loan for each district. Rs. 28 Lac 4
thousand was granted to the refugees of Government colonies and Rs. 90 Lac were
granted to the refugees who were outsiders and not the inmate of the camp colonies.
For the training of the refugee women through private organizations an amount of 10
Lac 4 thousand was awarded to 250 refugee women.1 Lac 10 thousand was granted to
Belur women Home. 95 thousand was spend f or the technical training of the women
in Assam.48 A report was available from the esteemed news paper Jugantar that in the
urban areas of West Bengal, about 21500 refugees were put up at Government
colonies. Those colonies which were situated near urban localities got more facilities.
In the year 1952, 70,500 refugees were sanctioned trade loans. An amount of 91 lakhs
and 34 thousand were granted for the purpose. More so loans were also allotted to
lawyers, doctors, Ayurveda practitioners etc. In this connection 1,047 families were
benefited. ‗Uday villa‘, a training centre for women played a vital role. Training
camps for the women were established in Habra and Hooghly. 200 refugee women
were trained per session. In Siliguri and in Bongaon new markets were set up.49

‘Coming out of Partition’:

In Asok Mitra‘s ‗Take a Girl Like Her‘……narrates the position of refugee women in
the alien land. The woman who has to take up the burden of the rest of her family, she
who must give up all marriage proposals till her family is in a position to fend for
itself, she who is the one who has to sacrifice her wants and desires to ensure her
family is not deprived of theirs—she is the typical refugee girl50. Mitra poignantly
points out how such women just got entangled in the labyrinth of life and could not
enjoy even a moment for their own sake. Their income was so essential to the dying
family that for many,…‗Whoever takes on the load of responsibility for once gets
stuck with it forever…. Everybody, mother included, took it for granted that the girl
would go about earning the extra money‘.51 Describing the tedious life of a refugee
girl, Mitra writes—
 187

… there is no variation in the theme from day-to-day. She has nothing to look forward
to, she has nothing to plan for, except the short term arithmetic of how much to try to
borrow from which neighbour or school colleague… [brothers would waste away the
money earned by her in expensive restaurants, but she could not] for she was the
leading earner in the family, and the entire salary she meticulously hands over to her
mother. Nobody cares to ask how many saris she has…There is no question of
marriage… you need a minimal glow of health even for divertissements like that. This
Bengali girl is nobody‘s desire… she has nothing to look forward to, spinsterdom,
give or take a few years, is going to set in early…52 Such were the difficult
circumstances of those times which demanded this sacrifice from the women. The
similar view is reflected in many of the interviewees that the country‘s independence
has limited impact women. They actually have not got anything apart from the
unalterable slide towards pauperization. Much more than any of the rest of the family,
the female member of a family is the one who has suffered the most. Yet, there is
certain inner courage in them, that has enable them to sail through the remorseless
process of history much better than the rest of the household.

There persisted some internal class differences regarding the rehabilitation of urban
and rural refugee women. It was observed that the main concern of the State was the
suitable rehabilitation of the urban refugee women. All the production-cum-training
centres were located in the towns and cities. The market for the goods prepared was
also in the city itself. The idea of vocational training was in fact carefully thought out
especially for these women. For the rural refugee women, neither education nor
vocational training was thought out as an option for their rehabilitation. In North
Bengal region, there were some training schools after 1971. Prior to this period
perhaps, the said region lacked such facilities for the womenfolk. They were settled in
the countryside to work on the fields or even if in the city, then they were employed
more often as domestic help. The most visible change brought about by this disruption
was the increased participation of the women in the public sphere. Even though under
the aegis of Gandhi, women had come out in public and participated in the national
movement, yet in the post-partition period coming out of the seclusion was not simply
a matter of choice, but of survival. Often women chose to participate in the post-
partition rehabilitation work because it was in such social work that they found some
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means of succour for their lives which had been torn apart by the violence of
partition.53

A report published by the Directorate of National Employment Service in 1958

reflects on the aspect of marriage taking a backseat in the life of these refugee women.
Partition of India has struck a severe blow to the family life of several millions of
Bengalis in East Pakistan who were compelled to migrate to India leaving behind
their sources of income in land and properties. They had been landed in such a plight
that joint efforts of male and female members were needed in most cases to retrieve
their fallen fortunes. There were numerous families which, in the absence of male
earners, had to depend entirely on one or more of their female members. All these
factors had tended to progressively increase the number of women job-seekers.‘ The
report further mentions the increase in the number of women seeking employment—
‗In 1953 the average number of monthly women registrants with the employment
exchange of India was 4256 per month. While in 1957 it rose to 8563 per month, i.e.
there was a 100% increase during the last five years.‘ Thus, it is evident that the
women began to take up this role earnestly out of the emergent compelling factors.
But once this role was taken up then it became important to set aside the thought of
marriage. This was the most important break from the past for the Bengali women.54

The refugee women from East Pakistan had much to struggle for. It was not a smooth
passage for them as they were often ignored as victims of ‗genuine‘ violence and thus
were blamed for migrating to India without any ‗genuine‘ reason. Refugee women
from Punjab were treated to be the worst victims of violence and were consequently
considered as the responsibility of the state. The State tried to do the most for these
women. The responsibility to recover abducted women rested upon the officials of
both India and Pakistan. Some women volunteers also shouldered the heavy
responsibility to rescue and rehabilitate those abducted women. The young women
from Delhi School of Social Work came forward.55 The rehabilitation strategies
often forced these women to Indians by their penal transportation from homes in
Pakistan to India. Though in the process there were some arbitrary decisions taken up
as well, but the point of consolation was that the rehabilitation of refugees coming
from Punjab was not a matter of struggle between the state and the refugees. Rather,
here the two worked in tandem with each other and this healthy cooperation resulted
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in the successful story of rehabilitation in the West. The Refugee women in West
Bengal asserted their political rights with the same intensity and intent as their
counterparts in the west. The fortnightly reports in the Police Records from Kolkata
had a regular column on the activities of ‗refugees‘, and also of ‗women‘ and that
highlighted how actively the fair sex participated in protests, marches and movements
demanding for the provision of basic necessities in the camps—roofed
accommodation, food, water, cash doles etc.56 The means used by the women were
fasting, participation in mass rallies, demonstrations in front of the homes of
politicians, and submission of memorandums were the means used by women.
Women participated in such processions often of their own accord and in many
occasions, as an expression of solidarity towards their male counterparts.

But what eased the way for the refugee women coming from West Pakistan to assert
themselves was the fact that they were the valid citizens of this country. This was so
because the principle of the exchange of population had been accepted for the western
borders. The borders in the east were however maintained as soft borders, and the
refugee influx was hence regulated strictly. Only a specific category of women were
permitted entry from East Pakistan into Indian Territory. Women would be treated in
much the same way as the other refugee families in the east were being treated, unless
they were the victims of violence, or those who had lost the male guardian in their
family. It was in such circumstances that one observes a greater participation of
refugee women in rehabilitation politics in Bengal. Their role here was therefore, all-
round— economic, political and social. That could be available in the varied personal
memories of the refugees. In Punjab those refugee women sacrificed their lives to
protect family, community and honour of the state were remembered and
immortalized, where as in Bengal, migrants had a silent pride was noticed among the
living folks as they spoke about their women who ably supported their families
sacrificing their own personal desires. The ultimate proof of the lack of adequate State
aid in the East was that the Homes existed for a long period and its inmates awaited
rehabilitation assistance even after many years of partition, which was a stark
reminder of the ‗incomplete‘ job done in the East.
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Experiences of the East Bengali refugee women during the partition:

Many of the abducted women considered the recovery operation conducted by
Governments as a second uprootment. At the same time many of them lodged protest
against the recovery operation and expressed their unwillingness to return to their
parents or relations. They were quiet conscious about their destiny in the days to
come. They were confident enough that their affectionate parents and sweet relations
would not accord their returns cordially. In some cases they were forced to come back
leaving behind their infants. The eternal question of motherhood was left unanswered
by the male protagonists of recovery operations. Instead of protecting the abducted
women, the recovery measures increased their agony and suffering. Those women
were certainly fortunate who have had the opportunity to avoid abduction during the
time of riot or on the way to West Bengal. They also suffered a lot in different
manners. The women in question who had lost their male guardians were tortured and
abused in their dwelling camps and colonies also. Undoubtedly they had the potential
to live a normal life if they were provided with the opportunity. But by the grim irony
of fate some rescued women were sent to Ashrams (homes) as they were not accepted
by their families. A scanty number of women had the opportunity to lead a much
desired family. Sometimes in private Homes, the refugee women were forced to
marry unknown persons from other provinces.57

The women who were attached to their families had to shoulder the burden of
displacement simultaneously with their male counterparts. In Bengal women were
regarded as ‗Annapurna‟, one entrusted with the task of providing food to all family
members. It was nothing but a long standing tradition of Bengali womanhood. Due to
acute scarcity of food the women community had to undergo tremendous
psychological pressure. Many of them committed or attempted to commit suicide for
not being able to perform their expected duty properly. The women in their daily life
and activities and in their struggle for survival and existence with their male members
were nothing but shadow companions of the men. To add to their misfortune, even the
local women looked down upon them. They were treated as untouchables, irrespective
of their caste and creed. The local people thought that the women of East Bengal had
been exploited by the Muslims. The refugee women were denied collection of
drinking of water from the public water supplies. The successive deprival of the
displaced women gradually developed a sense of dignity, self-reliance and capability
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among them. In the long run this helped the refugee women to attain success in the
teeth of healthy oppositions and insurmountable hurdles.

Effects of Partition on womenfolk:

West Bengal was a place where the refugees were badly affected with countless
ordeals in their new place of uncertainty. A sizable section of those refugee families
who took refuge in station and camps were later cramped into shanties in extremely
narrow space. Sealdah station of Calcutta and the adjoining areas got overcrowded
with refugee exodus. Those refugees had to depend entirely on small doles, they were
compelled to stay at station premises for months together till they were shifted to
relief camps.58 As a consequence of this scarcity of space in the slums the strictness of
several orthodox rituals, particularly those stringent customs relating to purity and
cleanliness, became almost impossible to be observed. With the introduction of new
amendments, the long standing belief and customs of the refugees underwent through
a radical socio-economic changes. This gradually altered their personal outlooks and
also brought about change in their mind set. The women could not maintain their
privacy in a single-room apartment. Prior to the Partition, the women could enjoy and
maintain their privacy in spacious rooms meant for them. But after migrating to West
Bengal the scenario changed altogether due to overcrowded population of the
colonies. Following scarcity of space the women had to share ―their space with men,
59
sleeping in the same room with their in-laws and brothers-in law‖ . As the gulf
between the ―private‖ and the ―public‖ narrowed down, the refugee women were able
to expose themselves to the outer world of men. This gesture brought them into
contact with new ideas, including the business and political issues what the men
discussed.60It also strengthened their bonding with the other women in the community
and soon they provided assistance to each other in their struggle for existence.
Generally, the gendered readings of Partition represent the images of rape, violence or
trauma, but this transformation of women‘s lives often remains unuttered in history.
In spite of grim uncertainty, profound sufferings, irreparable wounds, psychological
and emotional injuries; these women did learn to survive and adjust themselves with
new environment in the new destination. Most of the women had no previous
experience of going outside for work and when their professional journey actually
started, they realized that it was not an easy task. And yet these new survival
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strategies, which these women followed for sustenance, brought about significant
socio-economic changes in their lives.61

In the ―post-Partition turmoil,‖ Gargi Chakravarty alludes to a new phenomenon:

―daughters started to be gradually looked upon as sons. In those post partition days
the fathers of many teenage daughters considered their daughters as their ‗eldest son‘.
Indeed, managing different avenues of earning with steadfast hands, the women not
only uplifted ―that impossible crowd‖ in the railway station to organize themselves
―into a cultural and political entity, not merely a population to be brought under
governance‖62.They also contributed in some ways towards bolstering a collapsing. In
this circumstances, many displaced women like kamala Dutta from Dhaka (now in
Bangladesh), for instance, were forced to take up jobs in a small coal shop in West
Bengal along with numerous works like making thonga, stitching kantha in leisure
time to refurbish the appalling condition of their family. The emergence of a new
class of working woman in schools and offices to small-scale industries such as
pickle/jam making, tailoring or weaving was a new phenomenon altogether, as
women were seen for the first time taking on the entire financial weight of the family
on their shoulders and even actively participating in Labor Movements, demanding
their rights. Matching shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts, refugee
women participated whole-heartedly in the agitation. This was a great morale booster
for their male colleagues.A new category ‗refugee womam‘ that owed its birth to the
partition. Now the women were forced into new public and political sphere. 63

Traumatic memories of partition:

The event of Partition has created a lively and vivid scar upon those who were the
worst victims of the Partition. Memories, both horrifying and joyful, have been
consequently handed over to the incoming generations. Partition has managed to
survive in the after generations who had experienced Partition as an after history. The
generations who were not originally or basically linked with East Pakistan, yet the
episode in regard to Partition had a tremendous impact upon their minds also. The
settlement of the migrants in question here in West Bengal more specifically in the
district of North Bengal, was as old as the event of Partition itself. Their memories,
 193

old bonding, sweet tales related to family and relations are still in vogue and
automatically transmitted among the young generations. ―As the nation state create
and preserve its collective memory, the displaced and dislocated create a memory of
their own, that survives in many different forms‖.64 Partition accompanied by terror,
violence and sufferings, left a shadow of torturing memory of life. Such memories of
violence could not restrain themselves of the sweet memories of their deserted days of
childhood of their village. The sweet memories of those days would often flash
suddenly in their mind. The trauma of violence could not shatter their nostalgic
feeling for their dearest motherland. Prafulla Kumar Chakraborty, the victim of
Partition used the term ‗nostalgia for a paradise lost‘ to describe the state of loss.65

It is still possible to trace out those victims after the lapse of successive seventy years
of the attainment of independence. The practical experiences and lived realities of the
survivors of Partition have their impartial observations have elaborately been
discussed and narrated through their oral testimonies and visual description of grim
pictures of those turbulent days. Ranajit Guha, an eminent subaltern historiographer in
an interview published on 15th August, 2007 in ‗The Anandabazar Patrika‘ opined
that ‗Memory‘ itself is liar‘. With the passage of time truth may be totally suppressed
under the debris of lies. On the contrary Guha is of the opinion that ‗memory is an
archive‖. This archive of memory is documented with different observations,
perceptions and outlook of different personalities. According to Guha memory is that
unreliable present that cannot reach to an actual truth.66

On the contrary, Ranabir Samaddar in his book ‗The Marginal Nation‘ prioritizes the
memories as an integral part of human experience. He also expresses his opinion that
in case of Partition historiography while recollecting reminiscences of Partition the
remembering subject often try to attach stress on their political views consciously or
in a subconscious state of mind. It is quite natural and not unusual that memory
follows oblivion. Again Samaddar is of the view that ‗Historicized memory kills pure
memory and becomes another history‘.67 While, Dipesh Chakraborty, an outstanding
historiographer points out in one of his articles that it is more important to a person to
decide what he wants to remember or what not to remember. Truly speaking, a
person can face the bitterness and wounds of his mind in the midst of oblivion. Now a
vital question arises among the historians that how to trace out the wounds of Partition
from the depth of both memory and oblivion. In the midst of for and adverse criticism
 194

regarding memory and oblivion, efforts are being made to draw a true picture of those
uprooted destitute both men and women, and their sufferings during partition and post
Partition period.

Discussing the partition victims of North Bengal so far as the women victims are
concerned the thesis is enriched with stray interviews from the women of different
walks of life. They have retold the narratives relating to Partition from different
angles and different perspectives. A sizable number of women who happened to be
victims of Partition were selected and chosen for interviews. In course of interviews
the victimized women narrated their saga in such fashion that they were not speaking
to the interviewer but was engaging in an introspective monologue with the self.
Amidst the womenfolk a number of women in North Bengal, where such women
victims are invisible who did not venture to retell their stories of exploitation,
humiliation, intimidation and act of atrocities meted out to them through interviews.
Each and every victimized woman had their own stories, but at the same time there
were many women who had no such potentiality to be extraordinary, though they had
their own stories. Their pang and pathos, agony and ecstasy, relentless struggle for
existence, survival and empowerment were in no case less important. Their hard
struggle in the new environment, in a new country as well as in the new abode got a
new momentum when they settled. While interviewing they presented themselves in
different moods. Sometimes their silence and stillness indicated a clear manifestation
of their long cherished grievances. While narrating the violence of the time they
sometimes became impatient, irritated as well as excited too. In many cases during the
course of conversation they were found cheerful while expressing their stories of
triumph after a long battle for dignified existence in the alien country.

Reminiscences of few refugee women during partition and during Bangladesh

war of liberation:

The thrilling stories and tales narrated by Amiya Guha relating to the Partition of
India and subsequent atrocities that broke out during the period upon the Hindu
minorities by the Muslims of the then East Pakistan, those memories are yet fresh and
vivid in the mind‘s eye of the researcher. Her husband was a Zaminder in the village
of Belta popularly known as Guha Belta, situated within a stone‘s throw distance from
the palace of the Maharaja of Santosh of Mymensingh district. The abolition of
 195

Zamindari system and the Partition brought about a tremendous catastrophe in the
family. She narrated her practical experiences of the violence of the majority Muslims
of East Pakistan upon the innocent and helpless Hindu communities, According to the
statement of Amiya Guha her family had possessed three big ponds, two in front and
one at the backside of the house. According to her, taking the advantage of the
insecure position and helpless condition of the family members some Muslim
hooligans who were once the loyal subjects of the zamindars, raided the residence in
broad daylight. They also netted fishes from the ponds without seeking any
permission from the owner. She also narrated that there was an orchard from which
local Muslim hooligans forcefully took away the fruits. The lady also told with a
heavy heart that she had three houses in the life centre of Tangail town. Thereafter
said houses were unlawfully occupied by the Muslims. Moreover, constant threats,
intimidation, humiliation, disrespect towards women, forced elopements and marriage
made the situation more complicated. Finding no other alternatives they decided to
bid adieu. During the course of her narration she sometimes became indifferent,
looked vacant and became speechless. Spontaneous droplets of tears began to roll
down from her eyes. The very pathetic moment had a tremendous impact upon the
researcher.

After coming over at Cooch Behar, a new struggle for survival started. One of the
distant relations accommodated the distressed and displaced family in their residence
for the time being. Her husband was a highly educated person but owing to grim
irony of fate his merits and talents were not duly recognized. His vigorous endeavours
for employment proved abortive. He began to coach students of different classes of
different schools and she began to engage herself in the act of cooking for all the
members of the family. The lady in question who was born and brought up in an
affluent family and who had the financial capacity to engage cooks for her family but
was herself compelled to take cooking to please the distant relation for giving her
shelter. When the distant relation expressed his inability to accommodate the
members of her family in their residence, she arrived to a decision to shift their
residence in a rented house. The researcher have had the opportunity to unveil the
struggle which remained unrevealed, unuttered and untold.68

An interview was recorded of Mrs. Jayanti Ghosh, wife of Shri Santosh Kumar Dey,
now a retired teacher of Bengali language and literature of New Town Girls Higher
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Secondary school of Cooch Behar town. She originally hailed from erstwhile East
Pakistan. She passed her childhood days in her motherland in Chittogong. Her father
was a renowned professor of Mymensing and her Mother Snehalata Ghosh was a
gifted lady. She had played a pioneering role to shift her minor children in quest for
security and safety to India. It was stated by Jayanti Ghosh that they left East Pakistan
at dead of night when the locality was in the grip of silence and the people were in
deep slumber. As her father was a teacher of repute he was equally loved and
respected both by the Hindu and Muslim student alike. The Muslim students came
forward with their helping hands to enable their teacher and his family escape the
borders. It was also stated by Jayanti that her elder sister also accompanied them in
their journey to India. According to the statement by Jayanti, the political instability
of Pakistan, hatred towards Hindu minorities, inhuman oppression on men and
women, sexual abuse, fear of outraging chastity of women compelled them to quit
Pakistan in no time. She recollected the experiences she gathered on the way of her
journey on boats. Her brothers and sisters passed their days in half starved condition.
Some sympathetic people helped them on their way to India.69

Renuka Ghosh of Berabochna village of Tangail district of East Pakistan migrated to

Cooch Behar in 1950. Coming over here at Cooch Behar, she along with her minor
children took shelter in a relative‘s house. It was revealed from her statement, that
most of the uprooted persons of that period who migrated here belonged to upper
castes and they felt no necessity to take shelter in refugee camps because their
relatives and distant relatives provided them with accommodation. The moderate
educated uprooted people could easily be provided in different jobs according to their
ability. But subsequently with the incessant flow of refugees the entire complexion of
Cooch Behar changed drastically. In course of conversation she asserted that from her
very childhood she was inclined towards reading the novels of eminent novelists and
poets which created a tremendous impact upon her tender mind. She had the habit of
writing poems and stories from her adolescence period and some of her writings were
also published. After settling in Cooch Behar she could not resist the temptation of
writing poems and stories. The paucity of fund, acute poverty and other hurdles could
not stop her to fulfill her mission. Sitting on the floor of a mud house when her
children and other family members were asleep, she began to write in the light of
lantern. Some of her compositions were published in the local magazines named
 197

„Meyeder Kotha‟. Pathos of refugee life could not damp the ardour of her creative
mind set, on the contrary it had enriched her poetic fervour70.

‗We first came here as refugees in 1947,‘ says the octogenarian Abha Das, tears were
rolling profusely from her eyes due to smoke that emited from fire of cowdung which
clouded her bamboo- mud room. She recollects that cow dung was used as fuel in her
girlhood days and the same practice is still in vague even after coming over to India,
admitting that nothing has really changed for them. When her family fled from East
Bengal to the district of Cooch Behar in North Bengal 70 years ago she along with
others was allotted temporary tents near Cooch Behar station. For the past 60 years,
she lived in her own house amidst various adverse situations. According to her, most
of the displaced persons who came over to Cooch Behar were allotted lands for
habitation and for cultivation. During the period, women refugees who came to Cooch
Behar did not engage them in any other outside activities excepting domestic and
agricultural works. There might be some exceptions with which she was not
acquainted. She also admitted that the refugee women who came towards North
Bengal after the creation of Bangladesh were more self sufficient. They engaged them
in various works through which they could earn something for maintaining the
livelihood of their families.71

For the first time the researcher met Kamalabasini Ghosh in 2000 when she was 79
years old. She was reluctant to talk on partition. She did not show any enthusiasm
over sharing the experiences of the catastrophe of partition. But due to the keenness of
the researcher for knowing her experiences of the turbulent period she eventually
shared her experiences. She hailed from Khulna district of East Pakistan. She was the
eye witness of Muslim atrocities right from 1946. She was of the view that in the
immediate aftermath of partition, the attitude of the Muslims changed drastically.
They often taunted the girls and young women, sometimes proposing marriages to
them, they reminded their Hindu neighbours that it was their country where minority
Hindus had no alternative but to accept their supremacy. In the context of the
anarchical situation, her family took decision to shift to India. As her near relatives
were in service in Siliguri sub division from pre partition days they moved towards
Siliguri with their small belongings. Their journey towards unknown destination was
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riddled with obstructions. They fled with other villager who accompanied her family
in their way of uncertainty.72

Mrs. Sujata Dutta was interviewed a long before. She was also a partition victim and
shifted to Jalpaiguri district from Pabna after couple of years of partition. Her
statement clearly reveals the inhuman torture as experienced by the Hindu women and
girls in East Pakistan by the Muslim hooligans. The narrator also narrated vividly the
horrible picture of miscreants‘ attack on the houses of the Hindu dwellers and the
subsequent jumping of young women into the ponds to protect their dignity..
Apprehending the attacks of the Muslim miscreants for looting their valuables, the
inmates of the house threw their ornaments, utensils and other essential commodities
into the ponds. Such successive tragic incidents had paralysed the physical and mental
strength of the minority Hindu communities, following which they were compelled to
adopt unanimous decision to leave East Pakistan at any cost. Sujata Dutta with her
kith and kin through Lalmonihat, crossing the border of Gitaldaha, reached Dinhata
subdivision of Cooch Behar district and registered their names in the refugee camps.
After few days, they abruptly changed their mind and proceeded towards Jalpaiguri
town to honour the request of their relatives. From there a new chapter of struggle
began in their new abode in a new country, where Sujata had to sacrifice a lot for the
wellbeing of the family. After coming over as refugee due to acute monetary
stringency, she sometimes kept herself hungry for the sake of her children73.

A number of interviews taken from the uprooted women who came over to North
Bengal during partition and post partition era expressed identical statement that a
sizable number of migrants took shelter in relative‘s houses or in the houses of
acquainted persons of their own. They initially stayed in the camps purely on
temporary basis. Reports of untoward incidents and harassments in the refugee camps
of North Bengal were not available from those women interviewed in course of the
study. The Hindu refugee women who belonged to educated, elite and economically
sound families did not like to engage themselves in outside activities. Most of them
remained at home in spite of monetary stringency. The women refugees could not
wipe out the age long tradition of remaining indoors but afterwards this attitude had
changed altogether. An important point to be mentioned in this context is that most of
the refugees who migrated immediately after partition to the districts of North Bengal,
 199

engaged themselves in various jobs with Government assistance. They also built their
dwelling houses with their own efforts and initiative. There was another section of
women who had lost their husband in the early age, or who had no male guardian and
were not economically well-off. Sometimes they were compelled to engage
themselves as domestic help. Some of the refugee women used to stitch kantha (a
type of wrapper) and also engaged themselves in making thonga after the completion
of their household works. Sabita Pal, a widow with five children, moved towards
Siliguri at a very tender age. She used to make clay pots and supplied to the sweet
shops as container. Beside this, she made essential domestic articles, clay models and
show pieces with varied ornamentation for commercial purposes. Through adverse
circumstances she reared her children. In the later phase of her life she with her own
initiative started a small pottery industry in her locality. In some refugee families, in
absence of any capable male member, the eldest daughter had to shoulder the
responsibility of a son.74

But a gulf of difference was noticed while interviewing the uprooted women who
came to North Bengal before and after the Bangladesh War of Liberation. During the
afore said period, due to scarcity of land the new migrants in most of the cases were
compelled to stay in camps and afterwards they started living in colonies, both
Government sponsored colonies and forcefully occupied colonies. Minati Roy came
to Cooch Behar in 1971. She once came to Alipurduar in 1950s and returned back to
her village in Jamalpur of East Pakistan with a fair expectation to pass her days
peacefully. But her desired peace was short lived. She was the silent witness of the
brutality of the Pakistani hooligans. She vividly narrated the violence of the period. In
course of dialogue with Minati Roy it was stated Musalmanra lathi sota niya amago
gyarame paray paray bari chhrar jonya humki dito. Taratari na chhairle lash
phyalaner bhoy dekhaito. Emonki maiya gulare nika korar humki dito. Ora tuila niya
jaite pare ei bhoye maiyara ghorer baire jhabar sahas paito na(The Muslims
accompanied by lethal weapons cautioned the Hindu inmates of the locality to leave
the country immediately, if not they were threatened to be murdered. Moreover they
dared to place marriage proposal for Hindu teen age girls. The teenage girls did not
venture to go outside the houses out of fear of elopement.)75
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Mrs. Ilarani Tarafder of Raigunj of West Dinajpur fled from Mymensing after the
Mukti Yudhdha. When her interview was taken in 2013 she was 66 years old. She
briefly apprised about the then political and social scenario of East Pakistan before
and after the creation of Bangladesh. She highlighted that though the Muslims were
not in favour of Hindu community but for their own interests they made the Doctors
captive so that they could not leave the country. As most of the doctors were Hindus
the local Muslims and other citizens were completely dependent upon those doctors.
After her coming over here at Raigunj, she asserted, that though she had no
experience about the colony life, still she had maintained a close association with the
female members of the colony. The inmates of the camps out of poverty would sell
their ornaments, utensils and other domestic articles among the well to do
businessmen, gold smiths and other wealthy families of the localities at a cheap price.
The authenticity of this occurrence was also available in a book authored by Paresh
chandra Das of Cooch Behar. He expressed his experience of displacement and
rehabilitation which followed the Bangladesh war of independence when he along
with his family members came over to Balarampur, in Tufangunj subdivision of
Cooch Behar and they were accommodated in a relief camp in Balarampur. He has
shared identical experiences with that of the experiences of Mrs. Tarafdar.76

Late Prafulla Bala Chanda of Chorkhaoria village of Bakshiganj in Jamalpur

subdivision of Mymensingh district settled in Cooch Behar after 1971. Decades ago
she shared her experience and stored memories of both partition of India and its
successive eventualities with the researcher. From her version, it was revealed that
following partition, she with her family members had made a brief stay in the house
of her relatives at Cooch Behar. But ultimately she returned back to her ancestral
residence. During the course of her conversation she in her own Bangladeshi dialect
presented before the researcher a vivid and living description of the atrocities,
oppression, humiliation and constant threatening to the minority Hindu communities
to leave their country and also forced them to dispose of their properties to the
Muslims at a cheap rate, if not their lives would be at stake. Defying constant
intimidation they had to stay. But when the oppression and threatening reached to its
peak, her family members took an immediate decision over night to leave the
motherland. With the help and cooperation of some of the Muslim neighbours who
were loyal to them and who hired some boats to cross the turbulent river
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Brahmaputra, the family escaped through Mahendraganj towards the state of

Meghalayas. In the state of Meghalaya, Tura was a district where her close relatives
used to reside. From there on her way to Cooch Behar she stayed for sometime at
Dhubri. The lady spent the major portion of her life in domestic works. The word
partition and refugee was quiet new to her. She was quite ignorant of the social and
political turmoil and the saga of victimization through partition and subsequently by
the Bangladesh war of Liberation. The journey of her new life was not a smooth one.
She was compelled to stay in tents with her children. As she lost her husband in East
Pakistan, she had to shoulder the heavy responsibilities of the entire family. Almost
two decades later of her coming over here at Cooch Behar she lamented with tearful
eyes and vacant look about her golden days which remained dormant and silent.
Sweet memories and saga of her motherland were carefully treasured in her neglected
solitary apartment of life which clearly unveiled and manifested during the
interview.77

In course of study, the researcher had to come in contact with female refugee
individuals who settled in and around Malda district. Most of the individuals
expressed their personal experiences of violence and ferocity of the majority of the
Muslims of East Pakistan upon the innocent, helpless and unarmed Hindu population.
Moreover they made it clear that under the pressure of political turmoil and social
instability that prevailed during the period of partition they were forced to migrate.
The Hindu community took it to be a settled fact that they would never be able to stay
in their original homesteads. Some of them opined in different perspectives. Mrs.
shubhra Sarkar of Malda referred that fear and apprehension of impending calamity
forced them to shift from Bagura to Malda. She started her new journey from a
refugee camp in Malda. In her narration, she elaborately stated that initially the
displaced persons were accommodated on a vast vacant land where tents were not
available, supply food was inadequate and scarcity of drinking water became the
regular feature. The local people were deeply moved viewing the pathetic condition of
those displaced persons and out of sympathy and compassion they voluntarily
extended their assistance in all possible ways.78

A good number of migrated female migrants were almost illiterate and had to work as
domestic help. They were also engaged to look after the ailing persons in well to do
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families. Some were also engaged for taking care of the kids of the wealthy. Many of
the interviewees served as female bidi workers after 1971 and onwards. Many female
workers were engaged in cottage industries to prepare different types of baskets made
of bamboo which were specially used for carrying and containing tea leaves in the tea
plantation areas of North Bengal districts. More so, baskets were also used for
carrying vegetables and other commodities from one place to another. The Sital pati
(cool mat) of Cooch Behar is still a well known and reputed industry in West Bengal
and India. Dipali Das of Ghughumari, Cooch Behar interviewed in her residence,
informed that a huge number of women who migrated from Bangladesh have engaged
themselves in the cottage industry of sital pati.79 Those mats are exported to foreign
countries. A huge number of women migrants helped their male members in
preparing the mats. The women also prepared different types of handicrafts with jute.
Sadhana Dutta of Jalpaiguri, a migrant from Bangladesh, took up the profession of
making different types of articles with jute and within a short period she became an
artisan and was the source of inspiration to other women.80 In this respect, the
Government had made suitable arrangement for the women in different training
school. It may also be cited that an individual Mrs. Binata Das of Jalpaiguri, had
proved her worth as a cane artisan. Through her exhibitions in different festivals and
fairs in West Bengal and other neighbouring states, she had made the cane industry a
popular and acceptable industry.81 Last but not the least, there was another section
who were called the vagabonds. They were not interested to involve themselves in
any activity. They preferred to beg from door to door for alms. Latika Das and Jyotna
Roy, two beggars came of Cooch Behar after 1971, approved the authenticity of the
above noted statement.82

There were some fundamental differences between the partition refugees and the
refugees after the Liberation of Bangladesh. The attitude of the migrants who settled
over to the districts of North Bengal after 1947 was sharply different from the
compatriot refugee brothers and sisters who came after 1970. After 1947, a good
number of uprooted persons who set out for safety and security in Indian Territory,
belonged to elite class. But due to changing circumstances, they became habituated to
cope with the new environment. The female refugees at that period of crisis did not
venture to go outside in search of employment or to involve themselves with other
activities. They preferred to remain indoors. They were conservative in nature and
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could not get rid of the long standing traditional mind set of women folk. It cannot be
denied that the refugees specially the female members of the refugee camps, brought
about a magical change in their outlook and consequently their conservative
viewpoint was on the way of gradual decay. As a matter of fact, they could realise the
grim reality of life. Still they could not wholly or fully isolate themselves from the age
long tradition of their predecessor. A number of exceptional cases were also
prevalent. The women who lost their husbands in early age had no other alternatives
but to engage them in various activities outside their houses for the maintenance of
their children who were mostly minors and for the betterment of their future
establishment. Less educated and illiterate women who had no earning male member
in the family or any other sources of income were forced to work as domestic help in
affluent families. Sometimes, the women possessing agricultural lands engaged
themselves in the activities related to agriculture.

A new dimension was opened following the migration of refugees towards North
Bengal for settlement after the War of Liberation of Bangladesh, Due to frequent
political and social changes the attitude of the new migrants also changed drastically.
Most of the migrants in that phase belonged to lower caste strata society. In their own
motherland they had practically no asset of their own. Most of the people were daily
wage earners. A significant number of people were carpenters, gardeners, potter,
masons, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, tailors, ricksow pullers, bullock cart drivers, horse
cart pullers, farmers etc. These uprooted persons from East began to act as per their
profession for survival. The female members of the family did not seat idly like that
of the women refugee who came previously. In the districts of North Bengal the
scarcity of employment was not so acute after partition but with the incessant exodus
the scenario changed altogether and complexities became more alarming. The female
members, putting at bay all sorts of social hurdles and conservative outlook came
forward with undaunted courage and conviction to make themselves financially
sound.

During the period of 1970s, with the political horizon of East Pakistan was clouded
with troubles, the minority Hindus prepared themselves to move towards the
neighbouring state of India i.e. West Bengal, following the footsteps of the refugees
of 1947. Taking the advantage of political uncertainty, instability and turmoil
 204

following the creation of a new state named Bangladesh; West Bengal had to
encounter a fresh burden of new migrants. Different political parties, taking into
account the helplessness of the new migrants came forward to help them in all
respects. They tried to be their friends, philosophers and guides. Different political
parties specially the Left viz. The CPI, CPI (M), Forward Bloc, RSP etc. assured the
displaced persons assistance in fulfilling their demands to the Government. They also
emphasised and requested both State and Central Government to allot suitable lands
for habitation and agricultural land for cultivation. More so the political parties also
appealed to the Government for granting relief with cash and kind for maintaining the
livelihood of the uprooted distressed persons. At the same time the political parties
tried their best to involve the womenfolk in the struggle for legitimate right of the
women. They also tried to make the women politically and socially conscious
regarding their rights and responsibilities. Under the banner of CPI(M), branches of
the Ganatantrik Mohila Samiti were established almost in all the corners of Bengal.
They wanted to bring refugee and other women of the society under the umbrella of
Left parties specially the CPI (M).The Ganatantrik Mahila Samiti not only dealt with
the problems of refugee women singularly but simultaneously they kept their eyes
vigil for the all-round development of the neglected women of our society. The
leaders of the Samiti took sacred vows to make them politically conscious, socially
aware, economically sound and educationally vibrant as that of their male
counterparts. In a word, the erudite leaders left no stone unturned to elevate the
dignity and ability of womenfolk in all spheres of life.

Following the war of Liberation of East Pakistan a political uncertainty and

catastrophe clouded the horizon of East Pakistan and as a consequence thousands of
people from East Pakistan, irrespective of race, colour, caste, creed and religion
preceded towards India for their survival. The people of Rongpur began to move
towards the neighbouring districts of West Bengal like Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri. A
large number of evacuees were from rural background and most of them were
illiterate. The Muslim evacuees of West Bengal who set their foot on East Pakistan
were comparatively accomplished and educated where as the Hindu migrants and
other communities were less accomplished and less educated. The educated Muslim
migrants of India to Rongpur brought good fortune for the people of Rongpur. In the
event of partition of India in 1947 a large number of educated Hindu women left
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Rongpur. The Muslim migrants of West Bengal, specially the womenfolk, contributed
a lot in the fields of female education in East Pakistan. In the meantime the
consecutive movements of East Pakistan became more vibrant and more frequent.
Through movements the people of East Pakistan with the active assistance of
enthusiastic students‘ communities tried to uphold the dignity of Bengali language
and longed for replacing the ‗Bengali‘ to be the state language of East Pakistan
instead of ‗Urdu‘. The Bengali Muslims who came over to West Bengal were Bengali
speaking. They were not well conversant with Urdu. So, the movement for ‗Bengali
language‘ got new dimension with the arrival of East Pakistan Muslims.

The nature of migration in North Bengal in 1947 and again after the war of liberation
of Bangladesh in 1971 was different in nature. The oppression, physical assault and
gang rape upon women were regular features of partition of 1947, whereas, in 1971,
during the war for separate state ‗Bangladesh‘ the women of Hindu minority were
treated brutally which they had already experienced in 1947. In the first phase of
partition the migrants were from elite class societies. They came to India for the
protection and safeguard of their dignity and social identity. But the struggle of the
migrants from Bangladesh in and after 1971 was to some extent different. The
migrated people from Bangladesh to the districts of North Bengal did not suffer so
much like their predecessors.

It is noticed with amazement that the said women had to come out braving all sorts of
obstacles. The most remarkable feature in post-partition of West Bengal was the
coming out of the refugee women from the private domain to the public. Defying the
confinement within four walls they ventured to come out in public domains. Educated
women set out in quest of employment especially in educational institutions, private
firms, government and semi-government offices. Those who were educationally
unsound engaged themselves in various domestic works; Most of them capitalized
upon their training in household activities for commercial purpose. They prepared
pickles, papad, varieties of food items and other cooking articles. A large number of
them were engaged in preparing paper packets and rolling bidis (a type of cigarette).
Some took up a more challenging and unconventional job as hawkers. Some became
wardens in the female wards of the jails in West Bengal. Refugee girls from lower
middle and middle class took up a career in acting in Calcutta film industry and in
commercial theatres. After much struggle against odds and uncertainties, a few of
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them became successful heroines to come out of the trauma of partition. Thus,
partition had some positive effect on Bengali migrant women in North Bengal. The
breaking up of traditional structures might have possibly led to space of greater
agency for women.

After the migration to West Bengal, the refugees became inclined towards left politics
for their own uplift. Under the supervision of RSP and few local Hindu Mahasabha
workers a meeting of about three hundred refugees were held on 7 June, 1950 where
the refugees were exhorted to be united for the fulfilment of their demand. After
couple of day in 9th June almost three hundred refugees assembled near the Kotwali
police station in Cooch Behar. They were accompanied by a good number of women
along with children. They staged demonstration demanding the release of two RSP
leaders who were arrested previously. They paraded on some of the streets of Cooch
Behar town shouting slogan demanding their release.83. At the insistence of local RSP
leaders about one hundred fifty refugees of Alipurduar organised a demonstration
before DC on 30/9/50 to demand rice. A peaceful procession of 200 refugee women
and children entered the Alipurduar court compound on 15/10/50 at 11.30 hrs and
demanded release of Suresh Talukdar and Ganesh Mohanta arrested on 11.10,50 for
staging an anti-famine agitation on 9.10.50. On October 9, 1961 a colossal conference
was held at Andaran Phulbari of Tufangunj subdivision of Cooch Behar district where
more than 700 women took part in. In that meeting Mrs. Renu Chakraborty delivered
a speech emphasizing on the social problems of the women and regarding their
empowerment. She also stressed upon the utility of creating women organizations and
appealed to the women to come forward to face the problems and to solve the
problems of their own. In the said meeting, a sizable number of women, specially the
bidi workers were present. This meeting created a tremendous sensation in that very
locality.84

Food movement at Cooch Behar was recorded to be a heinous crime in the annals of
food movements. Immediately after the attainments of independence on 15th August,
1947 and annexation of Cooch Behar, the erstwhile princely state with Indian union
and the West Bengal state was the most eventful episode. Thenceforth Cooch Behar
was treated to be a district instead of state since its merger. Traditionally, Cooch
Behar was a surplus area in respect of food production. The then princely state joined
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with India on 1 January, 1950. In the month of April 1951 rice was being sold at Rs
60-70 per mound (82 Ibs). A mammoth demonstration of a hungry mob took out a
procession and assembled before the Secretariat (Lansdown Hall) in the western side
of the Sagardighi to voice their demands before the administration on April 21, 1951.
The irate hungry crowd demanded that the district of Cooch Behar be brought under
full rationing system. The police administration, finding no other means, fired
indiscriminately upon the humble ‗hunger marchers‘. Following the agitation people
of all walks of life and the teenagers of both the sexes were brutally assassinated in
broad day light and in full public view at the bank of Sagar dighi. Kabita Bose (18),
Bakul Talukdar (7), Bandana Talukdar (16),Satish Debnath (23) and Badal Biswas
(22)met heroic deaths and became martyrs. 35 people sustained serious injuries and
were admitted to local M.J.N. Hospital in critical condition.

The news of such atrocious incident consequently spread like wild flames in the sub
divisions of Dinhata and Mathabhanga. A martyr tomb was erected in the southern
part of Sagar Dighi known as ‗Shahid Bagh‟. Residents of Cooch Behar
spontaneously protested against the brutal incident. Black flags were flown in every
house, a formidable procession of almost a mile length heading towards Deputy
Commissioners Office. Women participants took prominent roles in leading the
procession. The most remarkable feature of this brutal incident was that out of five
martyrs two were teen aged girls and one girl. This food movement clearly indicated a
monumental valour in social and political consciousness of the people, specially the
women. This was owing to the migrants of East Pakistan developed to a large extent
and it was evident through the food movement. Through the struggle for existence and
survival at Cooch Behar, people silently nourished their social and political
consciousness which were manifested through this movement.

Notes:

1. Ritu Menon (ed.), No Women‟s Land, India: Women Unlimited,2004,p.2.

2. Urvasi Bhutalia, The Other Side of Silence Voice from the Partition of India,
Penguin Books, 1998, p.3.
 208

3. Josodhara Bagchi, and Subharanjan Dasgupta(ed.), Trauma and the Triumph

Gender and Partition in Eastern India, Kolkata: Stree,2006, 2007,p.2.

4. ibid,p.3.

5. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947,

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

6. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, New

Delhi: Bluejay Books, 2005, p.6.

7. Kirankumar Nittali, ―The Partition of India: Through the Experience of Bengali

Refugee Women‖, The Criterion, June 2013.Vol.4 Issue-111

8. Amrita Bazar Patrika, March 23,1950

9. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, New

Delhi: Bluejay Books, 2005, p.85.

10. Asoke Mitra, Economic & Political Weekly, 3 Nov,1993.

11. Kirankumar Nittali, ―The Partition of India: Through the Experience of Bengali
Refugee Women‖.

12. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal,p.7.

13. The Hindustan Standard, November 5,1946.

14. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, p.9.

15. Indian Annual Register, vol.II , 1946. ed. H.N.Mitra & N.N.Mitra ,1990,15
November,1946.

16. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition, pp.18-19.

17. Amrita Bazar Patrika, March 3, 1950.

18. Amrita Bazar Patrika, March 7, 1950.

19. Amrita Bazar Patrika, March 4, 1950.

20. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.112.
 209

21. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition, pp.8-9.

22. Josodhara Bagchi and Subharanjan Dasgupta (eds.), The Trauma and the Triumph
Gender and Partition in Eastern India, p.3.
23. Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Kolkata: Bangiya Sahitya Samsad, 1970,
p.16.
24. Ritu Menon, Kamala Bhasin, Borders & Boundaries: Women in India‟s Partition,
New Dehi: Women Unlimited,1998, p.43.
25. ‗Asoka Gupta Archives‘, School of Women Studies, Jadavpur University,
Kolkata.
26. Reply to the debate in Parliament on the situation in Bengal, 9th August,1950,
SWJN,vol.15.part-1,p.279.
27. Janamat, 14 June,1971.
28. Mukti Juddhe Rongpur, Rangpur Gabeshana Parishad, 2013, pp.77-78..
29. Josodhara Bagchi, and Subharanjan Dasgupta, The Trauma and the Triumph
Gender and Partition in Eastern India, p.3.
30. Note,Dated,1949 by Smt. Rameswari Nehru, Honarary Adviser, Women‘s
Section, Ministry of Rehabilitation, Rameswari Nehru Papers, Report 1, ‗Report of
the work done by the Women‘s Section of Ministry Of Rehabilitation, Rameswari
Nehru Papers, NMML, New Delhi.
31. Pallavi Chakravorty, ―Post Partition Refugee Rehailitation in India With Special
Reference to Bengal 1947-71‖, unpublished PhD thesis, Delhi University,2011,p.269.
32. Josodhara Bagchi, Subharanjan Dasgupta with Subhasri Ghosh(eds.) Trauma and
the Triumph Gender and Partition in Eastern India,vol.2, Kolkata: Stree,2009,p.255.
33. File note dated 28/1/1960 in F No 1(4)/60-BL,Transit Home for Abducted Women
in Dacca,
34. Interview with Tapan Sen,12 March, Kolkata.
35. Letters to High Commissioner of India from MEA, dated 11July,1956, F.No
29/2/56 PSP 1956.
36. Manikuntala Sen, ―Partition: Streams of Refugees‖, in Ritu Menon (ed.), No
Woman‟s Land, p.72.
37. Interview with Joyanti Ghosh,25 April,2018.
38. Letter dated 23rd May, 1955, From Deputy Director (Women‘s Resettlement) to
Smt Asoka Gupta, regarding the ‗Formation of an Advisory Board for Work‘. This
board, as suggested by the minister, would comprise— Ramola Sinha, Asoka Gupta,
Seeta Chowdhury, Planning Advisor (R&R Department), Director (Women‘s
Resettlement) and Deputy Director (Women‘s Resettlement); Asoka Gupta
Collection, Schools of WomenStudies (SWS), Jadavpur University, Kolkata.
 210

39. Earlier the Homes and Infirmaries were directly under the Ministry of
Rehabilitation till 1958. But when talks of winding up the Ministry started doing the
rounds, it was decided to shift the responsibility of these Homes and Infirmaries to the
Ministry of Home Affairs (1958 onwards), and later to the Ministry of Education
(1960). Finally, it was brought under the Department of Social Welfare from 1964
onwards.
40. Pradip Kumar Bose (ed.), Refugees In West Bengal: Institutional Processes and
Contested Identities, Calcutta: 2000,Calcutta Research Group,p.1.
41. ibid.pp.100-101.
42. Ananda Bazar Patrika, November14, 1949(speech of Renuka Roy)
43, Reports of Refugee Relief and Rehabilitation Department, 1989 .
44. Report Submitted by Asoka Gupta and her team after visiting homes in Eastern
and Western region.
45. Ananda Bazar Patrika, November 14,1949.
46. ibid.
47. Ananda Bazar Patrika, January 20,1950.
48. Jugantar, August 30, 1954.
49. Jugantar, July 9,1954.
50. Asok Mitra, Calcutta Diary, Kolkata: Routeledge,1977, p.1.
51. ibid,p.17.
52.ibid,p.19.
53. Information collected from Professor Ananda Gopal Ghosh in course of
conversation, Jalpaiguri, 5 September,2017.
54. Employment Among Women in West Bengal, Directorate of National
Employment Service, West Bengal, November 1958,p.1.
55. Kamala Patel, Torn From The Roots: A Partition Memoir,New Delhi:Women
Unlimited, 2006,pp.15-16.
56. Reports collected from IB Department, West Bengal State Archive,
57. Information derived from Prof. Ananda Gopal Ghosh in course of conversation.
58. Rachel Weber, ‗Role in the Development of Refugee Colonies‘. Journal of
Women‟s Studies, Vol.1, No.1, April-September 1996, p.134.
59. Weber Rachel Re (Creating) the Home: Women‘s Role in the Development of
Refugee Colonies in South Calcutta, Josodhara Bagchi and Subhoranjan Dasgupta
(ed) The Trauma And The Triumph: Gender and Partition in Eastern
India,Kolkata:Stree,2006,p.71.
60. ibid, p.71.
 211

61. Anjali Bharadwaj, ―Partition of India and Women‘s Experiences: AStudy of

Women as a Sustainers of their Families in Post Partition Delhi‖, Social Scientist,
vol.32/NOs 5-6 -June, 2004.
62. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition, p.92.
63. Pradip Kumar Bose, ―Refugee, Memory and the State: A Review of Research in
Refugees Studies‖, Refugee Watch,36, December, 2010,p.8.
64. ibid, p.12.
65. Prafulla K. Chakrabarty,The Marginal Men, Calcutta:Naya Udyog,1999,p.33.
66. Semanti Ghosh, Deshbhag: Smriti O Stabdhata, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2008,p.19.
67. Ranabir Samaddar, ―The Historiographical Operation‖, Economic & Political
weekly,Vol. 41,issue-22,3 June,2006.
68. Written from the stored memory of conversation with Amiya Guha, Cooch
Behar,(long years back)
69. Interview – Jayanti Ghosh, Cooch Behar, 11 January,2017
70. Interview –Renuka Ghosh, Cooch Behar, 5 September,2010
71. Interview –Abha Das, Cooch Behar, 22 December, 2015
72. Interview – Kamalabasini Ghosh, Siliguri. 25 December, 2013
73. Interview – Sujata Dutta, Jalpaiguri.11 December, 2013
74. Interview –Sabita Pal, Siliguri.1 January, 2018
75. Interview – Minati Roy, Cooch Behar,17 August,2016
76. Interview – Ilarani Tarafdar, Raiganj.2 March,2015
77. Interview –Prafulla Bala Chanda, Cooch Behar,1 April,2013.
78. Interview – Shubhra Sarkar, Malda,23 July,2017
79. Interview –Dipali Das, Ghugumari, Cooch Behar.30 July,2018
80. Interview –Sadhana Dutta, Jalpaiguri. 22 October,2017
81. Interview –Binata Das, Jalpaiguri.22 October,2017
82. Interview –Latika Das and Jyotna Roy, Cooch Behar.13 June,2018

83. Reports collected from IB Department, West Bengal State Archive, Reports on
political cativities of refugees on Cooch Behar, dtd.25.6.50.

84. file no, 397/39 ang file no, 1088/G (1), p.1821
 212

CHAPTER VI

Women in Partition literature, films and memoirs

The partition of India is one of the most debatable questions in the South Asian
history. This tumultuous event has shaped the lives of millions of people in many
ways. Popular sentiment and perception regarding partition has been reflected in
different arenas of literature, though some has registered the issue of partition with
anguish or annoyance and profound unhappiness. There are few texts that have
depicted the various psychological, political, economic and social effects of partition.
Partition and its accompanying violence have inspired many creative minds to
generate a literary depiction of such a tragic incident. The historic event of partition of
India‘s subcontinent has enriched Bengali and other literatures to their highest peaks.
It has dealt mainly with two factors: firstly, they have been based on the tales of
tremendous grief and distress of the uprooted people and secondly they have been
represented as the stories of determination and never ending fight of the refugees for
their survival on the foreign land against all odds and riddles. A good number of
rootless persons have also rendered valuable contributions for the enrichment of
Bengali so far as other Indian literatures are concerned. Truly speaking, Partition of
India has been such a revolutionary event that spontaneously produced numerous
masterpieces. While some creations have depicted the massacre during the refugee
migration, others have concentrated more on the aftermath of the partition in terms of
the troubles faced by the refugees in both sides of the borders. Even now, more than
seventy years after the partition, works on fiction as well as films are being made on
that frenzied event of partition. The event of partition along with its prelude and
legacy has been the subject of different scholars.

The word ‗holocaust‘ which is a European term and had a direct relation with history
and the agony of holocaust, was also intimately connected with the history of partition
of India. The euphoria of emancipation buried under the debris of fear, torture, killing,
insecurity and uncertainty. Very recently, a new trend of comparing the partition with
the holocaust has commenced. Apart from it, with the growing importance of
subaltern studies and marginalized languages in history writing, the experiences of
individuals have come to the fore front. With the advancement of this trend, the
 213

separate and sporadic experiences of riots, agony of displacement and the relentless
struggle for survival have intermingled with other fragmented histories of the time. In
reality this history cannot be termed as a totality; but a conglomeration of the pang-
pathos and wound of individuals. All these sagas of sorrow, miserable plight of
individuals give rise to a new definition of history and have brought about a radical
change in the trend of historiography.1 In this periphery of experience based history
the stories related to partition stealthily entered. This paradigm of experience based
history has given a permanent room to fiction. The characters of fictions may be
fictitious, but their pain is not imaginary. It is history and nothing but a history.
According to Anita Desai, ―In India, the past never disappears. It does not even
become transformed into a ghost. Concrete, physical, palpable-it is present
everywhere. Ruins, monuments, litter the streets, hold up the traffic create strange
islands in the modernity of the cities. No one fears or avoids them-goats and cows
graze around them, the poor string up ropes and rags and turn them into dwellings,
election campaigners and cinema distributors plaster them with pamphlets-and so they
remain a part of the here and now, of today‖.

Partition of India was not merely the division of the countries like France and
Germany; it was division of a subcontinent. So the division was among the provinces
also, i.e. Bengal and Punjab. The Indian literature had no separate entity of its own; it
was the accumulation of various literatures of various languages. That was termed as
Indian literature. The Punjabi language and alphabets were to be treated as most
affected one owing to partition. The language of Kashmir was the third victim after
Punjab and Sindhi. It is really astonishing that due to partition Urdu and Bengali
literature became enriched and occupied a healthy position in comparison to other
languages of other states. Following partition another epoch making event took place
and that was the movement for recognizing Bengali literature in East Pakistan. This
movement subsequently led to the birth of Bangladesh3. If we penetrate deep into the
partition literature it would be evident that being the doyens of the Bengali literary
arena some writers exhibited their silence and apathy towards partition literature. The
opinion of Satya Guha was very pertinent in this perspective. In his thought
provoking composition ‗Ekaler gadya podya andoloner dalil‟ he once expressed that
those litterateurs who claimed to be renowned writers or the main path finder for
enrichment of Bengali literature were devoid of any human feeling and sentiment.4 In
 214

the Sealdah station along with other stations and also in the transit camps of India
innumerable civilized people became uncivilized. But Tarashankar, Banaphul,
Buddhadeb Basu or other writers of pre partition era did not pay heed to the matter.
Of course some accounts were there that only expressed the torture on womenfolk,
nothing else. Eminent poet Amitabha Dasgupta made a valuable comment that after
the massive destruction over partition no adequate number of discussion and writings
were available over chaotic issue of partition. Manik Bandopadhyay and Tarashankar
Bandopadhyay were not as vocal in their writings over the partition as expected.5

The Womenfolk occupied a significant position in partition literature of India as well

as East and West Bengal was concerned. The selfless sacrifice of womenfolk in
diverse fields of society, their incessant struggle with new situation and also the
violence they suffered were presented from different perspectives by different
scholars. It was beyond question that this massive holocaust of partition brought about
a radical change in the attitude and philosophy of life of the women. This change was
really different in character. The litterateurs recorded and painted their women
character from their own viewpoint. Not only the partition of 1947, again in 1971
when Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation, from that period onwards a new
perspective of partition literature opened. The memory of bloodshed, violence,
degradation of human sentiment became a scar that was oozing still. Those incurable
wounds of humongous event were vividly represented in the compositions of different
litterateurs of Punjab and both the Bengals. A historical portrayal of the human
tragedy following partition of India through the exploration of short stories, memories
and histories could creatively trespass across the border between fictional and
historical narratives6.

The same spirit was also reflected in contemporary Bengali novels, poems, memoirs
and films. As the effect of partition in Bengal was significantly different from the
sudden cataclysmic division in Punjab due to a number of historical and socio-
political reasons; so the Bengali literature based on partition experience was also
different especially from the point of view of the responses to 1947. The issues
relating the gender, livelihood and ways of struggle had different impetus on the
Bengali novels and stories of partition.7 The outstanding contributions of different
eminent personalities, litterateurs, poet and short story writers of West Bengal,
 215

Pakistan and specially Bangladesh had pioneering roles in depicting sad tales of
displaced persons mainly hailing from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to West
Bengal of India and from West Punjab to East Punjab of Indian Territory. Untold
stories, untold agonies, pathos, mass abduction, genocide, unabated rapes,
molestation, physical tortures, sexual abuses and the helpless conditions of displaced
persons, specially the womenfolk, have been vividly described by those literary
personalities which were distinctly and elaborately presented and revealed through
their valuable creations. The main themes of their artistic explorations were to
represent the fact that the Bengalis though became politically and geographically
isolated but emotionally and culturally were united and indivisible. The realist
discourses of art and literature could not reflect the historical reality of partition.

The voices from different angles viz. the marginalized landless peasants, land owing
middle class Hindu refugee, abducted women etc. constructed a wide range narratives.
Various narratives of Bengal from late 1940 to 1970s ventilated and depicted how
refugees confronted and articulated the violation of social as well as personal space.8
The then volatile political condition created such a situation for the writers of both
West Bengal and East Bengal and later on Bangladesh to revisit the past. Most of the
writers were politically conscious and had composed a number of short stories and
novels about riot and partition, though their works were varied and eclectic in
thematic and artistic content and their responses were elliptical.

Reputed historian Urvashi Butalia in her invaluable contribution in ‗The Other side of
Silence- Voices from the Partition of India‟ has conducted some interviews with the
victimized Punjabi women of Partitioned India and has observed minutely the wounds
of women of Punjab in the event of Partition. The women endured the oppression
silently. Butalia has tried to bring out those hidden wounds of the women in full
public view through her observation and investigation. Many historians who dealt
with and researched with the Partition history considered that the ―Silence became
their main psychological defense‖9. Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin in their book The
Borders and boundaries- Women in India‟s Partition analyze it from the dynamics of
the morality and aesthetic attitude. The uprooted women of Punjab remained silent
and tight lipped. Taking the advantage of Partition, some miscreants belonging to
other communities, religions and states dared to outrage the modesty and dignity.The
 216

troublesome question of women‘s sexuality i.e. impure, polluted etc. insisted on

women‘s silence ‗ through the attachment of shame and stigma to this very profound
violations of self‘.10 Refugees, the women in particular became the silent victims of
oppression, suppression and molestation. During this period of partition the two
nations viz. India and Pakistan experienced unprecedented brutality, bloodshed,
slaughter and travesty of human values that remained in the collective memory as a
‗vivid scar‘ still oozing the blood of millions‘.11

i) NOVELS

The writers of Bengali literature remained silent and dormant when the Partition took
place. However, in due course different novels, poems, films on partition ventilated
the emotion, pang and pathos of rootless people. The hardship and trauma of refugees
were the source of inspiration behind the outstanding creations of the period. Though
history is always accompanied by the male aggression which is in fact overlooked in
the patriarchal set up, still it cannot be denied that the women during partition were
compelled to pay the cost crime as they were the worst victim.12Those trauma of
women community and their relentless endeavour in coping with changing time were
manifested in different fictions which detected various injustice at the heart of the
vivisection.

A sizable number of Bengali novels were written on the back drop of the dreadful
events of partition. In this regard reference could be made of the following novels viz.
Nilkantha Pakhir Khoje of Atin Bandyopadhya; Rani Palanka of Bijan
Bhattacharjee, Jalpaihati of Jibanananda Das; Epar Ganga, Opar Ganga of
Jyotirmoyee Devi, Lal mati and Bidisha of Narayan Gangopadhyay, , Banga Bhanga
O Sampradayik Rajniti of Badruddin Umar, Arjun, Atma prakash , Purva Paschim,
Jyotnakumari of Sunil Gangapadhyay, Jal pare pata nare, Protibeshi ,Prem nei of
Gourkishore Ghosh, sarbajanin Manik Bandapadhyay ; Samudra Hriday of Prativa
Basu; Khandita of Samaresh Basu, Lajuklata of Devi Rajlakhhmi; Elias
Aktaruzzaman ; Garh Shrikhanda, Nirbus of Amiya Bhusan Majumder , Titas ekti
nadir naam of Adwaita Mallabardhan, Keya patar nouka, Nonajol Methemati;
Prafulla Roy, Hasu Banu of Probodh Kumar Sanyal, Badwip of Sabitri Roy, Bangla
desher Hriday hote of Tarapoda Roy etc. Some novels were composed by the authors
of East Pakistan and later on Bangladesh. Those were: Kayes, Ahmed‘s Nirbasito
 217

ekjan; Abu Ishak‘s Surjyo Dighal Bari ; Taslima Nasreen‘s Phera, Selina, Hossain‘s
Katatare Prajapati, Japito Jivan etc.

Following the shocking event of Partition of India in the year 1947, few
academicians, scholars and writers contributed to the development of Bengali
literature both of West and East Bengal. Refugee women and their stigma, their
relentless endeavour to adjust with changing time had vividly been sketched by
authors from different angles. The trials and tribulations of the refugee women had
been differently articulated by innumerable novelists in their own fashion.
Jyotirmoyee Devi‘s Epar Ganga Opar Ganga was first published in 1967 under the
title ‗Itihasey Streeparva‟ in a reputed Bengali periodical called Prabasi.13This novel
was superb in its qualities, it threw light on the character of Sutara, the heroine of the
novel. After being displaced, she is proposed by her intimate friend Sakina to be a
member of Sakina‘s family through the bondage of marriage. Sutara summarily
rejects the proposal with a plea that as Sakina‘s community is responsible for the
deaths of her parents and abduction of her elder sister she is not mentally prepared to
accept the unholy proposal. In the realm of partition literature Jyotinmoyee Devi have
had the courage to break the silence of women through the protest of Sutara. This
fiction composed by Jyotirmoyee Devi on partition is nothing but a representative text
of women‘s experience of social hostility and oppression after being rejected in their
home as well as in their respective communities.14

However, in Sunil Gangopadhyay‘s novel Purbo Paschim, Pratap‘s sister Supriti is

also characterized as a victim of refugee activities. Her husband was killed in the
process of trying to free his land from the refugees who have forcibly occupied it.
Supriti‘s in-laws, who are of West Bengal origin, held her East Bengal roots
responsible for all the problems that fell on the family. She was now forced to lead a
life of penury; restricted to just one single room in the house and denied any source of
livelihood. Eventually, not able to bear this kind of treatment anymore, and specially
to ensure a better future for her daughter, she moved out of the home into her
brother‘s home. Keen to get her daughter educated, she used whatever little she had
been able to bring from her in-laws‘ home and thus refusing to be a burden on her
brother. Eventually, her daughter also started giving private tuitions to earn some
extra money for her education. She grew up to become a successful doctor and settled
 218

in London15. Thus, the similar motifs of primacy to education and to work for a living
are visible in this case of the West Bengal women as well, dispossessed of their lands
by the refugees. This displacement never the less widened their mental horizon and
proceed towards a self- relient identity.16

Amiya Bhushan Majumdar, an acclaimed novelist, composed Garh Srikhanda set in a

time span of four years between the famine of 1942 and the partition of 1947. The
novel presented ‗the lives of the landless, land- hungry, land-greedy and land-
occupants‘. There are many human characters but the protagonist is none but the Garh
Srikhanda (Srikhanda, the fort).17. Unprecedented outbreak of the famine, communal
frenzy and vivisection of India‘s subcontinent were the main sources in depicting the
pathetic conditions of the people of a particular area which was situated near the
border of Bengal. The untold pathos, the suffering of the destitute have become the
main features round which the novelist Amiya Bhusan has sketched neatly, distinctly
and perfectly through the different characters of his masterpiece novel Garh
Shrikhanda Majumdar drew the vivid pictures of the art of livelihood and the
sufferings of the downtrodden humanity belonging to the lower strata of the society.
Moreover, middle class people of the society also suffered a lot. The simultaneous
and successive occurrence of famine, partition, communal disturbances brought about
a dramatic change in the whole atmosphere of the country. The complexion of
society, politics, country and its economy came to a total halt. Availing the
advantages of disrupted condition of the country, a section of opportunists thought
otherwise.

The unfortunate distressed men and women of both the communities brushing aside
their religious bondage and caste system consolidated under the banner of humanity.
They faced the impending troubles united and with firm determination. In season or
out of season both the communities came forward with their helping hands. The tragic
end of abortive amorous affairs between Suro and Madhai ended in frustration. Tepi
was compelled to adopt the profession of flesh trade and Tepi‘s mother was forced to
be the companion of a vagabond traveler or Boiragi. Amiya Bhusan‘s farsighted and
penetrating insight towards human psychology had perfectly been depicted through
the characters of the above mentioned personalities. Here lied the erudition of a great
novelist like Amiya Bhusan Majumder.18
 219

The name of the novel Arjun authored by Sunil Gangapadhyay is worth mentioning
here in connection with the saga of partition. Arjun is dedicated to the freedom fighter
of Bangladesh war.19The novel focuses on the life of the title character Arjun. Arjun,
an educated fellow is compelled to take refuge in the refugee camp of Dumdum after
partition. The agony and ecstasy of the uprooted persons, their incessant struggle for
survival, their plight and pathos, even their frantic attitude puzzle Arjun to a great
extent. Life is nothing but a conglomeration of truth and that truth is the main element
of life. So our claim for true livelihood can at any case be unrealistic. The partition
had snatched away the boyhood of Arjun. He has to undergo the relentless struggle
for existence even in the post partition era. His struggle for livelihood is unending and
continuous. His struggle takes a new shape in his newly settled colony. At that
junction of life Arjun becomes suspicious over the existence of religion. The religion
which is meant for protection of mankind and which escorts human being to the way
of a new consciousness and realization, that very religion absorbs the complexities of
new civilization and due to this complicated and complex evolution of time religion
also fails to convey the message that the ‗Road was not meant for any particular
one‘.20

Famous poet and novelist Jibanananda Das authored one of his best compositions i.e.
Jalpaihati in the year 1948. The novel is based on the lives of the Hindus of the
village named Jalpaihati. The writer highlights on the fact that previously the Muslim
people dared not to enter the house of the Hindus but during the period of turmoil due
to partition the Muslims who were so long considered as underlings do not hesitate to
enter even in the bed rooms of Hindu houses. Even they do not vacillate to ask for
bidi or to give marriage proposal to Hindu women. This novel exposes the socio
religious in cultural practices that was prevalent in the then society which was
attacked by the reversal of rituals. Jibanananda‘s struggle with this cultural problem is
best seen in his inherent identification with the plight of the bhadra mahila.21
Simultaneously, he attempts to resolve the issue through marriage of Wajed Ali to
Hindu girl, Sulekha.

In some of the Bengali fictions of the post partition era marks of disgrace and
disrespect towards womenfolk are aptly reflected. Prafulla Roy‘s Keya Patar Nouka is
 220

a tale of an ill-fated sexually abused lady named Jhinuk, In Atin Bandapadhyay‘s

Nilkantha pakhir khoje Malati attempts to commit suicide out of her utter frustration
and despair.22 However, Kumu, the heroine of Bakultala P.L.Camp writes a letter to
her elder sister that she has summarily rejected the proposal of Abdul Gani to share
his bed and being insulted, she sacrifices her life jumping on the river Dhaleswari.23
Three female characters Anjana, Khanjana and Ranjana of Neel Agun, the victims of
partition, come to Shealdah station as refugees. They belong to three different
families. The novel Neel Agun by Saroj Kumar Roy Choudhury reveals how the
struggle for existence and survival of the refugees that take place in years together.
These above noted girls are ready to go to any extent for their survival. With the
passage of time and due to the coercive milieu of adverse circumstances, for the
maintenance of their livelihood they are unwillingly forced to involve themselves in
the business of flesh trade and ultimately they have to accept the profession as their
means of livelihood. Initially the sufferings of those three ladies are different in
nature, but at the end of the story we see them to be united and surrendered
themselves completely to the profession of prostitution for the means of their bread
earning.24

Atin Bandapadhyay‘s celebrated novel Nilkantha pakhir khoje is a marvelous and

splendid historical document in which pang and pathos, sorrows and sufferings,
frustration and humiliation have perfectly and neatly been depicted by the author
himself. The pathetic situation of the uprooted East Pakistan refugees has been
manifested in a roundabout manner and through allegory. In this novel, the author
Bandapadhyay tries his best not to prioritize the political complexities of the age but
tries his utmost to highlight its appeal towards humanity, towards love and affection,
towards universal brotherhood and sings the song of the triumph of human feelings
and humanism. According to the Puranas, after the completion of Goddess Durga‘s
emersion ceremony a bird known as Nilkontha was appointed to act as a harbinger to
convey the message of arrival of Goddess Durga to the house of in laws at the
Koilash. Following the absence of Uma the whole Koilash becomes pale and lifeless.
Listening to the news of Uma‘s arrival a joyous atmosphere prevailed over the
Koilash. In a similar way the unfortunate destitute of partition victims even in the
midst of profound melancholy still dreamt the sweet dream of reunion of two separate
states into one. The displaced persons have had firm conviction that the fulfilment of
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their sweet dreams was not at all far ahead.25 The sad tale of shattered life of the
uprooted persons through the allegorical fiction was presented by the author very
proficiently. The myth of the Padma Puranas was also available in the aforesaid
fiction. The old Mahendranath said to the wife of his insane son Manindranath ―My
life itself is the Padma Puran. I am Chand Sadagar and you are Behula‖. Insane
Manindranath is the main pivot of the novel. He is a true visionary. He moves
frantically with a vision of to searching his beloved fiancé. He continues his quest for
the dream girl among the flock of the Nilkontha birds, the symbolic representation of
peace and union.26

In the novel Nilkantha pakhir khoje the main female characters Joton, Jalali and
Malati are the symbols of two countries. Joton and Jalali are the symbols of Pakistan
where as Malati and her elder daughter-in-law is characterized as symbols of India.
Jalali‘s life is full of struggle, ups and downs. But when after her demise she gets a
piece of land, Jalali seems to become very happy. She has her rebirth through the kash
flowers on the land of her graveyard.27On the contrary Malati, another tragic character
of the story is abducted and raped by Muslims and then is thrown in jungles,
Returning back to home she becomes so frustrated that she condemned her own body
as her family members consider her dirty and impure. But the divine honour (Pir) is
showered on her. In the Islam the honour of Pir is only rewarded and enjoyed by the
male. But the author intentionally violates the traditional idea by offering the honour
of Pir to Joton, which symbolize the birth of a new nation-Pakistan. Bandapadhyay
has selected Malati and Joton as icons of two nations.28

A number of novelists, writers, poets and essayists have illustrated through their
compositions the differences of the attitudes between the Hindu and Muslim
communities. Prem nei, a remarkable novel authored by Gour Kishore Ghosh, points
out the prolonged religious differences between the two communities. Bilkis and
Togar are two intimate friends. But despite their intimacy Togar throws water from
her pot and refills it if she is touched by Bilkis at the time of procuring water. Bilkis
becomes perplexed and looks at Togar vacantly. Being puzzled, Bilkis has an
innocent look on the water thrown by Togar. The very line of water thrown by Togar
is considered by Bilkis as a line of division between the two communities.29 In Epar
Ganga and Opar Ganga it is found little girl used to play among themselves and
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collecting mangoes together. However, with the onset of the social reality of partition,
a sense of alienation develops in there and the idyllic childhood gets contaminated as
alienation creeps in like a shadow. One Muslim girl warns another Muslim girl to be
aware of behaving with the Hindu girl with the utterance ‗Bhai Ora Hindu, amader
etho disni. Oder Ma bokbe‟ (Brother, they are Hindus, don‘t give them our tested
food. Their mother will scold them). The social distance of real life revealed through
various literary texts of the period. In Nilkontha pakhir khoje, Fatema offers a sweet
to a little boy Manindranath with her hands. The very occurrence makes Isham, a
Muslim by religion, totally perplexed. In the said novel it is witnessed that a Muslim
woman Joton makes all arrangements for the preparation of food for Malati who is
raped by Jabbar. But Joton does not touch the cooked food because Malati may loss
her caste.30 But in the novel Pratibeshi of Gour Kishore Ghosh a character of an old
Hindu lady is sketched who is far from the ambit of caste system. She is liberal in
outlook as she utters ‗Rail-e jokhon uthis tokhan ke kon jat tor songe jachchhe, seta ki
tora bhabis?‟ (When you board at railway compartment then do you think what sorts
of passengers accompanying you?). In the train compartment all the humane is the
only identity that the passenger has and it is beyond the premises of caste and
religion.31

In the novel Bindu bindu jal by Shekhar Das, a gloomy and dark picture of partition is
presented. The novel centered round a mentally retarded lady named Basumoti. She is
the burning example of pathetic saga of riot and partition. During the period of
political turmoil and communal riot, she runs away from her house but instead of
rescuing her son, she carries away the side pillow, mistaking it to be her son. When
she returns back to rectify the mistake, she finds the house was set ablaze. This
pathetic incident and sudden big shock make her totally insane. She searches her son
frantically everywhere. She becomes the prey of some miscreants. She begins pelting
stone out of anger. So everyone call her ‗Dhilani‘(stone thrower). All of a sudden she
meets an orphan boy and she feels the existence of her deceased child Ratul through
the orphan child whom she comes across in her life. Basumoti regains her
consciousness for the time being and encourages the boy ‗Ratul jore chhot re
baba‟(Ratul, run fast baba!).Basumoti becomes the brilliant symbol of oppressed and
depressed womanhood. In the said novel there is no point of ending, it could not be
and hence the ending is elliptical.32
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It is observed that in all literary works the struggle of refugee women are represented
in an artistic style. Acute pecuniary stringency and other prevailing circumstances
prompt them to come out from the confinement braving hurdles and difficulties. They
get themselves involved in different professions and their journey is not at all pleasant
and covered with roses. Their intimate involvement with the outer world and their
efforts for establishing social identity bring about a sacred message of women
emancipation. Some authors, in their works, try to ventilate the self confidence of
refugee women, who in the midst of profound sorrows and sufferings shoulder the
responsibilities like the male members. A novel authored by Narayan Sanyal under
the caption Balmick ventilates the relentless struggle of the refugee women in coping
with the new environment. In the novel Namita is a teacher by profession. She is
associated with many constructive activities of the colony. Her sudden demise brings
about a magical change among the colony dwellers. They become united and
determined to finish the unfinished task of their beloved Namita.33

In the novel Bidisha of Narayan Gangopadhyay a horrible picture of partition is

sketched. The heroine of the novel, Bidisha, had two young sisters. Gangapadhyay
composes the pathetic saga of their troublesome journey from Dhaka. Three sisters in
their way toward India are accompanied by their guardian Suprakash. But suddenly
Suprakash is attacked by a violent mob in the airport premises and is severely injured.
But the three sisters are deprived of the opportunity to cast a last glance on Suprakash
for a single moment.34 Bhavani Mukhopadhyay‘s Kannahasir dolay remind us the
days of turmoil of mid and late forties. The independence of India is a long cherished
dream of Joyanta and Minati and they are the prime characters of the book. The riot,
bloodshed and death of Joyanta in the riot perplex the author no doubt but at the same
time he does not confine the plot within this disillusionment and depression. The
novelist is always in favour of positivism and the novel concludes with optimism. In
Agunmukhar Meye of Nurjahan Bose a vivid picture of post 1950 riot is available.She
has also recollected her own experience where she herself was subjected to different
types of subjugation.35

Satinath Bhaduri‘s story Gana nayak is based on the tension and uncertainty of both
the communities of the border area in Tetulia of Jalpaiguri district. Bhaduri has based
his story on the life of Rajbansi priest of Tetulia police station. The central figure of
the story is Pora Gosai of Bajorgaon who becomes exceedingly glad hearing the news
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of non transfer proposal of Bajorgaon to Pakistan. The priest ultimately decided not to
go to Pakistan. It was unthinkable and beyond his dream to move towards Pakistan.
This nostalgia was visible in Gananayak.36 In Shankha Ghosh‘s superb novel
Supariboner sari, Nilu‘s grandfather uttered with painful heart that the row of beetle
nut trees behind the Kacharibari (outer house) trees were planted by him. Here lies
the tomb of his father, mother and grandfather where evening lamps were kindled by
the women inmates of the house. He laments that how the sweet memories of those
golden days are to be left behind.37 Nirbas by Amiya Bhusan Majumder depicts
nostalgia in the characters for the river Padma and its nearby territories. The
characters of Nirbus have firm conviction that the land where the river Padma flowed,
beyond this, there are unexplored abysses of nothingness but not countries. Through
these partition literatures, nostalgia towards motherland has distinctly been revealed.38

Hasubanu is a novel authored by Probodh Kumar Sanyal, is an important partition

centric fiction. Samaresh Basu, a renowned Bengali writer who writes about partition
in his book named Suchader Swadesh Jatra. Samaresh does not recognize and
approve the partition of India. In the fiction of Shirshendu Mukhopadhyay‘s Jaal,
the references of refugees are also available. The political and social activist
Manikuntala Sen in her Sediner Kotha represents before the readers the untold
miseries of the uprooted personnel.39 Two novels of Sabitri Roy named Badwip and
Swaralipi represented the relentless struggle of refugee women. Swaralipi was
composed in 1952 and its purview of discussion was confined within the period of
1947-51. The fiction stressed on the changing scenario of socio economic and socio
political institutions. It demonstrates the break of traditional ties of both the Bengals.
Swaralipi brilliantly described the agony and anguish of uprooted people in India and
the problems faced by the retainers of Hindu zamindars in Pakistan.40.By the time
when Emergency was proclaimed by Indira Gandhi in 1975, the Naxal movement was
petered out. When the CPI(M) came back to power to form the Left Front and the
euphoria was towering, the Marichjhapi massacre took place. The presence of Left
Front Government could not prevent the tragedy. Shaktipada Rajguru‘s novel Dandak
theke Marichjhapi was written at a time of assessment, after the violence was over. In
the novel the efforts of the Namashudra refugees to change their status and livelihood
is visible.
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Taslima Nasreen of Bangladesh occupies a unique position in the realm of Bengali

literature so far as Bangladesh is concerned. She voices her demands against the
oppression on the harmless and innocent female counterparts of the society by the
male dominated members of the families. For her philanthropic outlook and
humanitarian activities she had to face criticism and was even ostracized from her
own country and community and she was also deprived of citizenship from her own
motherland. Virtually she has been regarded as the citizen of the world. She is the true
representative and mouthpiece of the oppressed and deprived women of the globe. In
alliance with her lived realities she defined the word ‗Refugee‘ from wider point of
view. In almost all her novels she dwelt on this theme, sometimes with regard to
communalism forcing a large number of populations to migrate to the alien lands
where they were constrained to live the lives of refugees, unaccepted and
unacceptable to the native people. Sometimes the women remain homeless in their
homes. The women are not geographically isolated and refugees but from social and
emotional view they remain as refugee.

In Phera, Taslima Nasreen underlines the issues related to religious fundamentalism

and ventilated the fact that how inter-personal relations become affected because of
communalism. Kalyani, the central character of the fiction Phera was uprooted from
her birth place and shifted to Kolkata. Her family shifted to Kolkata for safety from
the threat to honour. In spite of living in Kolkata physically, Kalyani‘s heart and soul
have always remained in her place of birth. Her bosom friend was Sharifa to whom
Kalyani had once promised to return. After thirty years she got an opportunity to
revisit her place where she passed the valuable childhood days. But ironically, when
Kalyani returns to her lost homeland, Sharifa‘s family eyed her with suspicion. They
actually failed to gauge the intensity of the passion of Kalyani for her place of birth,
for her childhood friends and above all her memories of childhood. This fiction is a
tale of one‘s yearning for roots. The writer deftly captures the trauma of a refugee
who at her wit‘s end questions to herself that where her home was, whether in India or
in Bangladesh41.

In his masterpiece Agun pakhi, Hassan Azizul Haq sketches the painful story of
partition from a different angle. He was brought up in Burdwan and he spent his
precious childhood there. Later, he went to East Pakistan. This story carried the
eloquent testimony of Haq‘s own lived realities and reflected his suppressed
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consciousness. It appears that he expresses his own view through the character of an
uneducated old lady of a rural background, who is uneducated and have stayed for her
whole life in West Bengal. In the midst of leading a family centric life she had to
witness some contemporary incidents like riot, famine, Partition etc. From within the
ambit of her small family life she remains mute spectator of the tragic events of the
time. Though she knows it well that Partition of India is a settled fact but she is not in
position to accept the fact from core of her heart. Her near and dears went to Pakistan
but she does not. Every one of her family left for East Pakistan but she stays here in
India alone. However she is not alone. Her son who died in a tender age was buried
here in India. So she was determined to stay here.42

The old lady of the novel raises a question on the utility of the partition. The lady has
had the courage to denounce the Two Nation Theory.‘ She uttered in her mother
tongue “kyane aleda ekto dyash hoyache, ei dyashti kyane amar loi‖ (Why a separate
state has been created? Why the country is not mine?). She also lamented “I dyash
chhere kotha jabo ami kichhutei bhabte parlam na. Amar khali mone hote laglo,
kyane jabo keo amake bujhiye dik. Bujhie delei ami jabo, jekhane jete bolbe sekhane
jabo. Oto Mosolmaner dyash r eto Hiduder dyash bole ar keo amar kachhe par
pabena. U ji michhe kotha, u ji shoytaner kaj ta ayakon mone mone sobai
janchhe”43(I can‘t imagine where to go from this country. Let someone explain to me
why I should go elsewhere. Then and then only I would quit this country, anywhere
they would dictate. I won‘t spare anybody who would advocate this country is for
Hindus and that country is for Muslims. It is a dam lie, it is the plot of demons, it is
known to all). A simple question of an innocent and uneducated woman opens before
us a humanitarian appeal. The whole episode of partition appears to be a matter of
bewilderment in the eyes of the woman. She could not take it for granted that the two
countries having same soil, same language has been isolated from each other simply
on religious issues. Despite vivisection of India the sky overhead remains unaffected
and undisturbed. The author makes this saga of Partition more appealing by his
outstanding and penetrating insight.

Salman Rushdie‘s magnum opus „Mid-night Children‘ occupies a permanent position

in the world of partition literature. Midnight‟s Children waves its narratives based on
the children born with the ability full of magic on mid night. Another fiction,
‗Freedom at Mid Night‘, a non-fiction in character worked by Larry Collins and
 227

Dominique Lapierre that chronicles the events surroundings the first Independence
Day celebration in 1947 The work is for being a noted surrealistic fiction, full of
satirical references to the event of partition and Independence. The ‗Mid-night‘
alluded to in the title is the moment at which partition and independence become a
settled fact.44

Amitav Ghosh‘s celebrated novels The Hungry Tide and The shadow lines represent
Partition of India as black history. Apart from the immeasurable loss of lives and
properties, dislocations and conflicts were also noticed. Ghosh emphasizes on the
plight of the displaced persons who were forced to migrate from known to unknown
destination which were full of insecurity and uncertainty to the migrants. The
historical reality of Partition becomes an integral part in Ghosh‘s creation. Amitav
Ghosh presents partition from the eyes of ordinary characters like Thamma (The
shadow Lines) and Kusum (The Hungry Tide) In The Hungry Tide, the author
sketches the Partition and the subsequent migration of refugees from Bangladesh. The
migrants who could not be accommodated in West Bengal were compelled to settle
down in Dandakaranya of Madhya Pradesh. The West Bengal Government promised
them to be accommodated in West Bengal afterwards. But they failed to keep their
promise. As a result of which the irritated settlers of the region moved out of
Dandakaranya and settled in Sundarbans.45 Ghosh ventilates these unfair treatment of
the Government through his penetrating insightful novel. The character of Thamma
and her trajectory that moved from Dhaka to Calcutta and back to Dhaka again as
Ghosh depicts is identical with the journey of large number women who experienced
the pathetic saga of Partition. Thamma‘s ultimate bitter realization in her revisit to
Dhaka, her birth place is evident from her own lamentation ―Yes, I really am a
foreigner here‘. This lamentation of Thamma is nothing but a symbol of frustration,
disappointments and non-fulfillment of the long cherished sweet dream of all other
uprooted persons about their mother land.

Literature describing the human cost of independence and partition comprises of

Khuswant Singh‘s A train to Pakistan‟ (1956), Bhisham Sahni‘s Tamas, Manhhar
Malgonkar‘s A Bend in the Ganges and Bapsi Sidhwa‘s Ice-Candy Man, Balbant
Singh Ananda‘s novel Cruel Interlude, G,D. Khosla‘s Stern Reckoning, The price of
partition by Rafiq Zakaria, etc. Saadat Hassan Manto, is a talented writer of
extraordinary brilliance. His fiction represents the tragedy of partition and the
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sectarian violence that expressed the hollowness of the morality of the middle class.
Some of his widely criticized touching stories are branded as obscene and he is
accused for propagating pornography. His fictions bring into sharp focus the tragedy
of Partition and the violence that followed. Manto has the courage to present with
utmost authenticity the reality of his milieu.46

The women community also had memories of the events of partition and they were
rather compelled to suppress the fact or to stifle but the literature can somehow
liberate these stories from hiding. As the devastating stigma of 1947 still attached to
some women who were perceived to have been sexually contaminated by men of
‗other‘ community during the sectarian violence that accompanied the partition, it was
unlikely that they would ever testify about their experience. In the face of this silence
it may well be the task of literary historiography to unveil, uncover, liberate from
silence and oblivion, these women‘s stories.47 It is a matter of great pleasure that a
trend was noticed among the budding writers to come out with their writings of
memories and non-fictional contribution on partition. Anis Kidwar‘s In the shadow of
freedom (1955), Urvashi Butalia‘s The other side of silence (1988), Kamala Bhasin
and Ritu Menon;s Borders and Boundaries (19980),Kamala Patel‘s Torn from Roots:
A partition Memoir (2006), Sara Suleri‘s Meatless Days (1989) etc, are worth to be
mentioned in this pretext.

Attia Hossain‘s Sunlight on a Broken Column (1961) is one of the most remarkable
contributions on partition. The plot is centered round a Muslim lady Laila, the
protagonist of the novel, who lives at Ashiana (Lucknow), the family house, with aunt
Abida, aunt Majida, a widow and her daughter Zahra. Babajan, the Grandfather, a rich
land lord belonged to the influential and powerful class of the Muslim taluqdar. From
her very childhood Laila is restless and she resists the conventional system of
livelihood. The personal, social and political divisions caused by partition are
elaborately projected in the novel. She is intolerant of conventional standards. In the
meantime Laila marries Amir, a youth of her choice. Subsequently due to Amir‘s
death, the trauma of partition and division of the family a new Laila emerges. The
personal distress, national disaster fails to dump her courage and energy.48
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The narrative of partition in Khuswant Singh‘s Train to Pakistan was first published
in 1956. Singh‘s version of the partition is a social one providing diverse and detailed
human accounts through the persona of characters where each had unique points of
view, indicating that everyone is equally at fault and the blame was irrelevant.
Woman victimization is one of the evils confronting women all over the world and
this evil is further compounded if they are placed in unstable political societies or
events. Women being extremely vulnerable are easy targets of any form of
oppression, humiliation, deprivation and discrimination. Partition literature explores
the sexual trauma, sufferings and painful experiences of women during and after the
Partition. This in many ways substantiates the fact that inequality of sexes is neither a
biological fact nor a divine mandate but a cultural construct. The novel Train to
Pakistan is certainly about the innocent victims of the Partition where the village of
Mano Majra provides the base for the different social, economic, federal and political
thread work required to illustrate the suffering. The social sufferings such as Partition
from the beloved, the trauma of leaving the homeland have been dramatically
presented. The suffering part of the victims in the train is provided as a cause for the
initiation of the chaos in the village. Partition in entirety is presented to show the
human dimension of the momentous event.49

A renowned novelist Aktarujaman Ilias, in his Khowab nama interrogates into the
prime reasons on the part of the Hindus to quit their motherland and infer their
identities as Zamindars (landlords) while the Muslims as their subjects, Muslims are
the clients where as the Hindus are the advocates, the Hindus are the lender and the
Muslims are the borrowers, Muslims are the students where as the Hindus are the
teachers, Hindus are the doctors while the Muslims are the patients.50 Lajwanti one of
the earliest literary account by Rajinder Singh Bedi, focuses on social stigma while
facing the abducted women after their returning back to home. Bedi‘s version is that
for a long moment the abducted women and their relative looked at each other just
like a stranger. ‗Then heads bent low, they walked back together to tackle the task of
bringing new life to ruined homes…‘ There were some abducted women whom their
husbands, fathers, mothers, brothers and sister refused to recognize. They used to
curse them! Why did they not die? Why did they not take poison to save their
chastity...They were cowards who basely and desperately clung to life‖ 51There is no
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doubt that community responded well to other rehabilitation activities, but there was a
problem to rehabilitate them in heacts52.

ii) SHORT STORIES

The writers from West Bengal composed different short stories that vividly portrayed
the trauma of partition and the after struggle in the new abode with their penetrating
insight. Mention may be made of some short stories written by Manabendra
Bandapadhyay Bhed Bibhed, Satinath Bhaduri‘s Gananayak, Alok Bhalla‘s Stories
about the Partition of India ; Imdad-Ul-Haq Milan‘s Desh bhager po, Debesh Roy‘s
Raktamanir Hare, Udvastu, Tarapada Roy‘s Galpa samagra, Prafulla Roy‘s,
Anuprabesh, Kamalesh,Sen‘s Danga Birodhi Golpo, Ramesh Chandra Sen‘s
Panther Kanta , Dibyendu Palit‘s Alamer nijer bari etc.

In the story Morok composed by Ritwik Ghatak , the central figure of the story Israel
goes to East Pakistan. In this connection it may be mentioned of two Bengali short
stories composed by Ramapada Chowdhury i.e. Angapali and Karun Kanya. The
central characters of those two stories are two abducted women named Sabita and
Arundhuti and both women are recovered along with their illegitimate babies. Both
the women of those two different stories experience the tragedy of partition. Family
members of those two women are not ready to accept the baby. In the story Angapali,
Sabita was the mute spectator when she looks at her mother who is taking bath after
touching the baby because the baby does not belong to their family. In the story
Karun kanya, Arundhuti is advised by her mother to send her baby to the orphanage.
Suddenly Arundhuti met Subimal, her former fiancé. But he is not mentally prepared
to accept her. More so Subimol and his family even did not accept his abducted sister
Madhuri. Finding no other alternative Arundhuti has to return back to her abductor
husband who has no objection to accept Arundhuti. These two stories are nothing but
the reflections of hard realities of that turbulent time. The recovery operations in post
partition period are considered to be as second uprootment of eloped women. Many of
those ill-fated women express their unwillingness to return back to their families
apprehending to be ostracized. Sometimes they are compelled to abandon their
illegitimate issue behind the screen. The universal question of motherhood became
suppressed, concealed and unanswered by the male protagonists in the act of recovery
operation. Ramapada Chowdhury portrays the misfortune of women who are being
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caught in between the crossfire of communal violence.53The most vital point in this
connection is that women have to face abduction not only from the people of the other
communities but the people of their own communities are involved.

Manik Bandapadhyay in his writings elaborately depicts the picture of a Muslim

family who is forced to live for East Pakistan in the event of riot. Manik
Bandapadhyay in his story Upaye (Final Solution) has made a comment that the
predicament of the exile in the hellhole of those transit rehabilitation camps echoes
the appalling life in death situation of the concentration camp in Europe. According to
the author, the Jews in concentration camps were better off than those who take
shelter in the railway platform of West Bengal. Mallika, the protagonist of the story,
her body becomes the only medium through which she can transcend the conditions
of oppression. Her sexuality is no longer confined within the possibilities of governed
transgression through which it can turn into her means of sustenance. Her body has
becomes her final solution to the situation which partition has ushered her into. A
good number of Bengali fictions, short stories and other accounts were composed on
the basis of partition. The rivalry between the Hindus and Muslims are revealed
through atrocious riots. The first story of Narendranath Mitra on the context of
partition is Pataka54 In another story titled Jaibo the writer sketches the character of a
Hindu woman named Sudatta who was raped just before the partition and was not
allowed for abortion because her scientist professor husband Mriganka Majumdar
wants to make a guinea pig of the baby to watch the influence of environment during
conception on the formation of the child‘s personality. The freedom after partition
which the woman is supposed to enjoy in the newly created India appears to be a
nightmare to her. The raped woman of the story considers herself to be an object of a
scientific experiment.55 Narendra Mitra‘s short story ‗Payasangka, projects the
picture of division of Indian territory. The very dialogue is very touchy and emotive.

Narayan Gangapadhyay composed a considerable number of short stories and novels

where the problems and crisis of uprooted individuals hailing from East Pakistan have
an authentic reflection. The saga of partition refugees have been ventilated through
his short story Simanta. The story narrates that the coming of people in flocks from
both sides of the neighbouring borders. Fazle Rabbi, an important character of the
story is in a fix over the grim irony of fate of Doyal Mondal who has sacrificed his
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life for the sake of his country. The vital question comes over the mind of Rabbi that
why in spite of Doyal‘s devotion towards his country he is rendered to become an
outsider in his own county. Samarendra Ghosh‘s superb writing Bhangchhe shudhu
bhangchhe, a story of destruction caused by the turbulent event of Partition. Surajit
Basu‘s Darabar jaiga is another important creation on partition. The writers of both
previous and present generations composed different stories on partition from their
own perspectives. The never ending wounds created following partition still alive in
modern era. Beside the stories mentioned above the stories like Kath Golap of
Narendranath Mitra, Batasi of Atin Bandapadhyay, Epar Opar of Monoj Basu,
Achaya Kripalini Colony of Bibhuti Bhusan Bandapadhyay etc. create a tremendous
impact upon the minds of modern readers that cannot be lost sight of. Apart from
these writers some modern and promising writers had made valuable contribution in
the genre of partition literature. The story Janma bhumi of Asis Sanyal, Bela Obela of
Samir Rakshit, Bhager Ma of Ahana Biswas , Anya Ihudi of Kapil Krishna Thakur
and many others stories of modern writers highlight the event of partition.

Manikuntala Sen finds a sort of struggle for existence and new awakening among the
refugee women. A huge number of women for the sake of themselves and the
livelihood of their families crossed borders and migrated to India, more specifically to
West Bengal. The lives of those women were confined within the four walls till then,
now engage themselves in new assignment56. In the story Mahanagar written by
Narendranath Mitra and directed by Satyajit Ray reveals the fact that the daughter in
law of a refugee family is compelled to engage herself in a job. In the story Pasharini
by Samaresh Basu, Puspa, the daughter a school master named Nirapada, has to sell
self-made dolls in the railway compartments. She is called in an insulting address
Putuler Ma. The episode of partition actually suppressed and shattered the dreams of
thousands of vulnerable Bengali women who are rather forced to sacrifice their dream
of a sweet nest. Their only identities are their profession like Putuler Ma.57In a short
story of Dipankar Das titled Rrin Renuka fails to accommodate herself with a suitable
job. Her father can‘t tolerate the pang of separation following the partition and he
frantically moves towards his deserted place in East Pakistan in quest of his lost
abode. Renuka has to shoulder the heavy responsibility of the whole depressed family
with the act of preparing thonga (a paper made container for carrying things). She is
bound to struggle relentlessly with the ups and downs of the situations and eventually
 233

she is forced to commit suicide. Through the tragic suicidal act of Renuka, the author
tries to represent the whole woman community who become the victims of such tragic
deaths in millions leaving behind no reliable history and evidence.58

There are also a huge number of short stories from the writers of East Pakistan and
afterwards from Bangladesh. Those stories not only exhibit their literary calibre, but
their intense feelings and sentiment over the heart rendering event of 1947. Salam
Azad‘s Desh Bhager Galpo , Akhtar Hasan Hussain‘s Sampradayikatar Biridhi
Galpo, Azizul Haq‘s Rarh Banger Golpo, Syed Walliullah‘s Ekti Tulsigachher kakini
etc. are worth noting in this context. The number of Muslim refugees who crossed
border and migrated to East Pakistan from India was no doubt microscopic in
comparison to the Hindu refugees migrated from East Pakistan to India. The violence
of partition and the trauma is manifested in different wings of literature. The pang and
pathos of partition are vividly portrayed in Gayatri Sandha of Selina Hossain. The
heroine of the story is Pushpita, who flees with her husband to East Pakistan. She is
willing to give birth to her baby in East Pakistan and consequently her son is born in
Rajshahi. He is named Pratik (symbol) Ahmed. The birth of the baby indirectly
indicates the birth of Pakistan. The name Pratik signifies the birth of a new nation
(Pakistan).59 This optimistic attitude is one of the salient features of the partition
literature of East Pakistan.

Ekti tulsi gachher kahini, a short story composed by Sayed Walliulah throws light on
the other aspect of partition. Right after the partition a sizable group of homeless
Muslims from Calcutta occupies a deserted house in Dacca. But, their joy of finding
the new asylum is short-lived. All of a sudden a Tulsi gachh (tulsi plant) is discovered
in the courtyard. The very tulsi plant indicates clearly that a Hindu family had lived
there previously. Surrounding round the tulsi plant a hesitation comes over the minds
of migrated Muslim inmates. Modabber wants to uproot it. But Motin, another inmate
of the house contemplate about the woman who used to light a lamp and prayed
before the tulsi plant stained with blood-red sindoor. In spite of Modabber‘s order to
uproot the plant no one come forward to pull the plant out.60 Ultimately the holy plant
remained untouched, unharmed and conspicuous; moreover someone is found taking
care of the plant because the almost dried leaves began to flourish green. The very
incident shows the religious tolerance and respect of some Muslims towards the
rituals. This story rather questions the very basis of partition.61
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Another story by Hasan Azizul Haq named Atmaja O Ekti Korabi Gachh is a
repository of the ordeal of partition. A helpless penniless aged father has to depend on
the income from flesh trade of his daughter for livelihood. The dependent old father
always keeps the poisonous seeds of the karabi flower with him. He just thinks that
when his pang and pain will cross the limit of tolerance then he will consume the
poison leaving behind the false independence derived from the partition. The dream to
live a trouble-free life in the new abode in East Pakistan from West Bengal has
become a nightmare.62 The bifurcation of India and the miseries followed by Partition
is the central theme of the story Ekti Nirjola Kotha by Hassan Azizul Haq. The lady
of the story bears the scar of partition. She is totally indifferent towards the cause and
effects of partition. In this story the woman is rather forced to come over to a new
territory called East Pakistan which is totally unknown to her. But the heroine of the
novel Agunpakhi‟of Hassan Azizul Haq is obstinate in staying in West Bengal braving
all sorts of eventualities.

According to some scholars, Bengali literature on Partition cannot be compared with

the works of Saadat Hasan Manto. Without ignoring the sheer brilliance of the stories
of Manto it can‘t be denied that Bengali writers have contributed lot on the traumatic
event63. Copious short stories such as Toba Tek Singh by Saadat Hassan Manto, Short
Stories on Partition, edited by Bhallar are the extra ordinary collections. The banned
controversial stories are Cold Meat, Black Salwar and Khol Do (open it). Through the
stories the readers can experience the reality that social transformation demanded,
which include not only the emancipation of female subjects but also the radical
reconstitution of masculinity is concerned64. Kingdom‟s End and Other Stories are a
collection of stories composed by Saadat Hassan Manto. The majority of the stories
by this Urdu writer form Punjab revolve round the end of the Raj, partition and
communalism. ‗Manto was not the only one to whom Independence came packaged
in genocide, necrophilia, ethnic cleansing, massive uprooting and the collapse of a
moral universe65. The stories Thanda Gosht, Khol do, Toba Tek Singh, Iss Manjdhar
Mein, Mozzalle, Babu Gopinath etc have written by Manto . Some of the characters
the author created- become legendary.
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iii) POEM

Poems written by the poets of West Bengal on partition and refugee crisis are as
follows: Bishnu De‘s Hasnabadei, Jal Dao -Shankho Ghosh‘s Gandharva Kabita
Guccha ; Sunil Gangopadhyay‘s Keu Katha Rakheni, Achinta Kumar Sengupta‘s Pub
Paschim etc.. Some poems from East Pakistan and as well as from Bangladesh have
composed poems on partition and refugee problem, viz. Ahsan Syed Ali‘s Amar
Purba Bangla, Sikander Abu Zafar‘s Bangla Chharo, Shamsur Rahman‘s He Amar
Balyo Bandhugan, Taslima Nareen‘s Asvikar, Bhanga Banga Desh etc,

Two distinct streams are found in the poems on the episode of partition i.e. ―the
conscience of the poet paralyzed by an unwarranted retributive justice called the ‗riot‘
or euphoria out of an image of a braver, newer world‖66. The writings of Subhas
Mukherjee, especially his poems like Agnikoner, Ekti kobitar jonya Tallat jure
celebrated the bowing and scraping, while Jibanananda, an outstanding poet and a
man of manifold qualities presents through his classic poems, his ardent love for his
mother land. Jibanananda came from East Bengal and procured varied experiences in
consequence of Partition. His experiences and realization have been aptly reflected in
his superb literary creation. He is rightly adjudged as the greatest Bengali poet after
Rabindranath. The unique creation of Jibanananda is his Rupasi Bangla. During the
war of liberation of Bangladesh the brave fighters of Bangladesh considered the poem
Rupasi Bangla as their source of inspiration and encouragement. Another famous
poem of the poet is Banglar mukh ami dekhiyachhi (I have seen Bengal‘s face). These
two poems give clear indication regarding the beauty, harmony and peace of the
undivided Bengal where the blessings of nature, the myths and legends have been
intermingled.67

The superb and outstanding contributions of some noted poets of West Bengal and
Bangladesh depicting the untold sufferings of East Pakistan Hindu exodus have been
conically analyzed from different purview and from different angles. One of Subhas
Mukhopadhyay‘s famous poems Parapar the picture of undivided Bengal has been
represented. Mukhopadhyay contemplated that, were the two stars in the eyes of
Bangladesh and on the midway there stands a hindrance of corridors and borders. The
poet ventures to cross the borders despite hindrance through his dream and
imagination. He tries to unlock the locked windows removing obstructions of the
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clear views of both the countries of West Bengal and Bangladesh. The cherished
sweet dream of unification between the two countries is represented through his verse
Parapar. It also stresses an emotional attachment rather than physical detachment.

Sunil Gangapadhay, a creative writer and poet per excellence migrated from East
Pakistan and his memory of partition is vibrant in his poems also. Sunil
Gangapadhyay‘s poignant poem Dhatri (Nurse) is one of his saddest poems on
partition. An old refugee woman burdened with overage was found sitting on the
Sealdah railway station stretching her hands for alms. She was a woman of seventy
two. She was seeking helps with her trembling hands from the pedestrians. At the
very sight of the old woman the poet tried to recollect memories of his childhood
days. Just after his birth the woman in question took charge and care of him when his
mother was in a critical condition. The lady in order to quench the thirst of milk fed
the poet with the milk of her own breast. For days together the poet extorted blood
from her body. She used to rub the child with oil sitting upon the sunny morning
under the open sky with care and affection. The poet himself heard the story from his
mother and maternal aunt. During the period of poet‘s illness of profuse vomiting the
woman at dead of night set out in procuring gandhabadali leaves and also promised to
offer amla at Dorga. The tragedy of whole thing is that the poet is searching a ten
paisa coin instead of four anna coin from his pocket. The poet questions himself why
the old refugee woman poured drops of rose water in his eyes to open the eyes to
enable the poet to see the vast and beautiful universe? The poet also laments and cries
aloud why he is allowed to take birth in this world only to see the pathetic condition
of his dear Dhai Ma. The poet accuses the lady for his survival in this world and also
apprehends the impending danger and catastrophe that would come in the way of her
future life.68

Poet Nirendranath Chakroborty has published his book of poems Neel Nirjon in 1954.
In this book there is a poem known as Taimur which is composed in the background
of riot and its impact. Another prolific writer of the period Tarapada Roy in his first
book of poems Tomar pratima(1960) deals with partition. In the second edition of his
book published in 1972, he has made the poems more relevant with reference to the
Bangladesh war of liberation.69 Poet Birendra Chattapadhyay‘s Visa officerer samne
and Mahadever Duar also depicts the stories of sufferings. The Poems of Bishnu Dey,
Shangkha Ghosh, Amitabha Dasgupta, Mongalacharan Chattapadhyay Arun Bagchi,
 237

Biredra Chattapadhyay, Joy Goswami, Shakti Chatopadhyay, Arun Mitra,

Mandakranta Sen , Niladri Sekhar Basu and others contributed deeply towards the
enrichment of partition literature Poems like Subhas ja dekhechhen by Birendra
Chattapadhyay, Jamunaboti, Swadesh swadesh koris kara, Purarbasan , Lamppost by
Shankha Ghosh, Shakha bhanga hat by Anitabha Dasgupta, Satbhai Champa,
Sandiper chor, Jal dao etc. by Bishnu Dey, Ese dekhe jao, Shukno much uskokhusko
chul by Mangalacharon Chattapadhyay, Duswapna by Joy Goswami etc were
composed on partition, violence, riot, genocide and above all the trauma and triumph
of partition.

A few poets of Bangladesh also composed a number of poems relating to the partition
episode and Bangladesh War of liberation. The poets like Bande Ali Miah, Al Masud,
Abdur Rasid Khan, Samsur Rahman, Taslima Nasrin, Rudra Mammad Shahidullah
and others have expressed their grievances, agony, experiences, sentiments and
attachment due to partition. But the numbers of poems exclusively on partition were
not adequate. One of the popular poets of East Pakistan Bande Ali Miah composed a
poem named Bastu bhita. The miserable tragedy of partition was the main theme of
his poem. In the poems of Al Masud the incidents of partition and the war of
Bangladesh liberation were sounded. In the poem Ullapara station poet Abdur Rashid
khan recollected the memories of lost love, partition, war and famine.70 In the poems
of Samsur Rahman the events of partition and independence frequently appeared.
Rahman‘s poems Tomake paoar jonya, hay swadhinata, Swadhinata tumi, Ekhane
Dorja chhilo, Tumi bolechhile carried the message of dignity of mother tongue, revolt
against the autocracy of Pakistan and also independence. The other literary genius and
personality who originally hailed from Bangladesh was Taslima Nasrin. Such
undaunted lady of Bangladesh made a valuable contribution in the Bengali literature
in the event of Partition through her poems, novels, short stories and through other
significant works. The two masterpiece poems by Taslima Nasrin Bhanga Banga
Daesh and ‗Aswikar‘ depicted the cause of Partition and her nostalgic attitude had
been clearly revealed and reflected through her poetic imagination.

It is worthwhile to mention that female writers through their literary contributions

represented the partition from a gendered angle and stressed on the feminine view
point. The prevalent idea was that the women were destined to be the victims of
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sufferings and sexual contravention. This sexual transgression was the violation of
their deepest feminine self. The female writers never characterized the women as the
unassertive progeny of victimhood and instead characterized them as personages of
flesh and blood having with the efficiency in resilience and agency. The veil of
silence over the gendered violence was unveiled and unmasked by the female writers.
Breaking the traditional patriarchal roots, they tried to divulge the hidden truth of real
history of partition In the male narratives however the male personage were
characterized of pursuing action exhibiting an attractive attitude accompanied with
valour and heroism. On the contrary, the views of female narrators and the women
protagonists had the courage to reject the traditional image of ‗self-sacrificing
womanhood‘ and to live a life avoiding the benchmarks or parameters of ‗honour and
shame‘. It was set up under the patriarchal frame. The female protagonists of the
novels by female litterateurs questioned the unbiased and pretended impartiality of
history. Jyotirmoyee Devi, Anita Desai, Baldwin and many others tried to deconstruct
the patriarchal version of history through their powerful and penetrating insight of
woman psychology and their treasured grievances.

PAINTINGS

Celebrated painters like Bikash Bhattacharjee portrayed a sketch named ‗Freedom‘

and another outstanding artist of Bangladesh Bulban Osman in his sketch ‗Divided
Bengal‘ revealed the pathetic saga of displaced persons. Another internationally
renowned artist Somnath Hore of Shantiniketan sketched the portrait under the
caption‘ Udvastu‘. These artists through their emotion, imagination and artistic
excellence painted on the theme of partition from different perspective.

iii) DRAMA

There were only a scanty number of dramas written and staged in Bengal on partition
and refugee problems. In Digindra Chandra Bandapadhyay‘s drama Bastu bhita it was
observed that middle class Hindu affluent people are forced to leave their villages out
of frustration, depression and apprehension. The local Muslim leader Sona Molla
vehemently protests against leaving of the Hindus to Indian Territory. On the other
hand other communal Muslim leader Yasin conspires against the Hindus to leave the
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country. These contrast pictures of two opponent groups are demonstrated through the
drama.71 Tulsi Lahiri, a dramatist, gained fame due to his celebrated play Chhera Tar,
directed another drama Banglar mati. In that drama he dramatized the mass Hindu
exodus from East Pakistan. Ritwick Ghatak, well known film director wrote, directed
and performed in the play Dalil (deed)72. He did never tolerate the most unwise
decision of the partition of India. The immeasurable sufferings of the uprooted and
innocent individuals hailing from East Pakistan always made him perturbed and
perplexed. Its manifestations were revealed through his films and plays. Dalil is not
an exception. The police fired indiscriminately upon the silent female procession in
Boubazar locality of Calcutta resulting in the deaths of three women- Lotika, Pratibha
and Amiyaa. This horrible scene was recorded by the director himself as a theme of
his drama.

Nutan Yehudi (The new Jews) is a remarkable drama which made significant
contribution in presenting the immeasurable sufferings of East Bengal refugees. The
play Nutan Yehudi was masterly composed by Salil Sen. The first performance of this
act was staged in 1951 and it was published in 1957. It was one of the most and noted
plays over the Partition of Bengal. Although it has been forgotten and plunged into
profound darkness of oblivion, today the play still stands as unparalleled owing to its
success and popularity in the fifties. The uprooted, displaced, shelter less, unwanted,
innocent and helpless people of East Bengal has been referred by the author as Nutan
Yehudi. Their relentless struggle for survival and existence, their abject poverty,
apprehension of uncertainty and their agony has been dramatized in a true and
realistic manner.73

,iv) FILM

At the beginning of 1948, a group of talented directors ventilated the crisis, dilemma,
saga and struggle of East Pakistan refugees through their superb creations. A number
of films focused on detailed socio- political tension of the period. Nimai Ghosh‘s
Chhinnamul; Ritwik Ghatak‘s Meghe Dhaka Tara, Komol Gandhar, Nagarik,
Subarnerekha, „Jukti,Takko ar Goppo‟, „Titas Ekti Nadir Naam‟; Sukumar Dasgupta
‗Ora thake odhare‟; Shantipriya Mukherjee‘s Refugee Agradut‘s Bipasha(
Tarashankar Bandapadhyay); Bimal Basu‘s Nabarag. Srijit Mukherjee‘s Rajkahini,
Masi Uddin Shaker and Sheikh Niamat Ali‘s Surya Dighal Bari, Tanvir Mokammel,
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Chitra Nadir Pare, Zahir Raihan Jibon theke neoya, Humayum Ahmed‘s ---------------
------.etc.

Nimai Ghosh‘s Chhinnamul, the first film to have interrogated into the refugees
quotient relating to the partition of India.(cm,73)Author cum director Nimai Ghosh
has sketched a picture of the helpless and pathetic condition of an uprooted migrants
in his film Chhinnamul (uprooted). Unfortunately, the said film remained
unacknowledged to success. Despite the commercial failure of the film, the film itself
is yet considered to be the path breaker, showing a new trend in social realism74.
According to eminent director of international acclaim Mrinal Sen, ‗Truly speaking
Chhinnamul was a marvelous exception in the world of films‘. The main theme dealt
with how a single political decision brought about a shattered picture of Hindu
migrants of East Bengal‘s. That very decision of partition not only created a scene of
chaos and anarchism but also changed the subsequent trend of history. It is a proud
privilege for the readers and the admirers of Ritwik Ghatak that the film maker
himself acted in a vital role. Besides some thespian personalities like Bijon
Bhattachaya, Shova Sen and Charuprokash Ghosh played important roles. Famous
Soviet film director Pudo Vokin and the actor Chercashav observed that Nimai Ghosh
performed a realistic picture in a masterly skill.75

Some creations of outstanding film directors basically based on the partition of India
are very important in this regards. Ritwik Ghatak was an ardent observer of Bengali
culture and it was evident in his films. His films express a unique viewpoint of post-
independence Bengal. It is unique in the sense that he explored ―the fall out of the
1947 Partition of India on Bengali society, and has been influential because he set a
standard with his films for the newly emerging ‗alternative‘ or ‗parallel‘ cinema
directors‖76 Ritwik Ghatak‘s Meghe Dhaka Tara can be chosen as a single film which
depicts the trauma and tragedy of the Bengal partition with unparalleled power of
sensitivity without asking any question. Ritwik Ghatak‘s Meghe Dhaka Tara( The star
veiled by cloud) is a masterpiece and classic creation of Ritwik based on a simple
story. Here the sad tale of an uprooted, young refugee girl Nita has been neatly,
perfectly, skillfully and masterly sketched by Ghatak in an artistic way. Nita becomes
the victim of abject poverty, uncertainty and insecurity, struggling relentlessly for the
survival of her displaced parents. The classical music lover and indifferent elder
brother Shankar and the younger sister Gita are poles asunder in their nature and
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outlook in comparison to Nita. Nita, the protagonist, sacrifices everything for her
family. Braving all adverse circumstances she shoulders the heavy responsibility of
the bread earner of the distressed family. Although partition is never explicitly
mentioned in the film, the plot was set in a refugee camp in the outskirts of Calcutta
and concerns an impoverished genteel Hindu Bhadralok family and the problems they
face because of partition. Nita, the central character of the film, has been presented as
a deathless symbol of Partition. She cares much for the survival of her family and
cares less for herself. The ceaseless struggle of an undaunted lady, who has left
behind everything and also become uprooted which has been skillfully screened by
the director.77 Her piercing cry and dying utterance ―Dada Ami Bachte Chai‖ (I want
to live Brother) still brings tears in the eyes of millions. When Ghatak starts this
aforesaid film he never speaks of political unification. The cultural segregation has
caused by politics and economics is not reconciled by him because he always thinks
in terms of cultural integration.78

Another unique and superb creation is Subarnarekha‟ It is a realistic portrayal of

development in the aftermath of Partition and refugee coping with it. The trauma of
refugee life and its piercing political cry form the basis of the film Subarnarekha. The
film stresses on a further understanding of the neo colonial Indian society after the
transfer of power in 1947. The narrative revolves around Ishwar Chakraborty, a
refugee, who stays in a colony with his sister Sita. Ishwar discovers an abducted boy
Abhiram in the colony and give shelter to him. Ishwar, after getting a job settled in the
bank of river Subarnarekha. Ishwar is conscious of Abhiram‘s lower caste origin, so
he opposes the marriage proposal of Sita with Abhiram. But Sita runs away with
Abhiram. But it is a grim irony of fate that Abhiram gets himself involved in an
accident and is killed by the mob. For the sake of her only son Binu, Sita sinks into
harlotry and finds drunken Ishwar as her first customer. As a result Sita commits
suicide. Frustrated Ishwar started his journey with Binu. The film ruthlessly exposes
the ecological waste of post independent society.79

Apart from Meghe Dhaka Tara and Subarnarekha Ghatak has made tremendous
contribution in the film industry through his creation like Komol Gandhar, Jukti,
takko ar Gappa and Titas Ekti Nadir Num etc. The main theme of the film
Komolgandhar is based on the internal tussle in a group theatre. But the drama
specially revolved around the partition, its distress and agony of the uprooted persons
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who have flocked to West Bengal from East Pakistan. The director of drama
constantly and frantically thought over the partition. Although at present the true
citizen of West Bengal, he, the director believes himself to be the true citizen of East
Pakistan. This characterization of the drama director in the film Komalgandhar is to
some extent identical with Ritwik Ghatak‘s personal life. It has been inferred often
that Komolgandhar is the autobiographical accounts of Ritwik himself.80

Bari theke paliye is one of the renowned films of Ritwick Ghatak. The film is
specially made for children. In this film Kanchan, the son of a village school teacher,
flees away from his house and arrives at Calcutta with a long cherished dream of
constructing a dwelling house But his lofty ambition ultimately proves abortive due to
his refugee status.81 Ghatak focuses on detailed visual and aural commentaries of
Bengal in politically as well as socially turbulent period from the late 1940s to the
early 1970s. Twice during his life time Bengal is physically set apart –first in 1947 by
the event of partition and in 1971 by the war of Bangladesh liberation.82
(Sumit.Sarkar, Sadeshi Movement in Bengal: 1903-8,New Delhi, People‘s
PublishingHouse,1973). Ritwik Ghatak who is known to have ‗gone mad over
partition‘ is perhaps the only one who has attempted to grasp this phenomenon in his
series of films and al of them are popular. A deep study will reveal Ghatak‘s partition
trilogy as the psychological crisis of the uprooted persons residing in different
colonies.

Another magnum opus of Ghatak is Titas ekti nodir nam though the film is not
directly associated with the event of partition. The film deals with the diverse
problems that accompanied the partition and displacement. The life of a fishing
community and their panic due to change of river course is the main theme of the
story. A civilization grows up surrounding the river Titas. As the river Titas starts
shrinking the fishing community had to face with financial stringency. A section of
landlords, being tempted tried to evict the fishing community but their attempts
initially prove abortive following the unity of the fishing community. Afterwards, the
traders hatch upon a plan by investing an enormous amount to enable the fishermen to
make a voyage to the far rivers for catching fish. In this way they hurled a serious
blow upon their unity and most of the fishermen quit their village.83 The film ends
with a big question mark whether the civilization is really declines? But the prompt
answer is that civilization in no case can be destroyed and can only be transformed.
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After a long period the Titas gets back her lost glory through the growth of green
fields. At the fag end of the story the viewers witness the final tragedy and the grim
irony of this change is witnessed by a dyeing women and a naked child running
through the paddy field playing with a leaf whistle.

Apart from these films of Ghatak, Shantipriya Mukherjee‘s Refugee makes a valuable
contribution in the realm of Bengali movies. Tarashankar Bandapadhyay‘s famous
book on the Partition of Punjab Bipasha is directed by Agradut highly acclaimed.
,Bimal Basu‘s ‗Nabarag‟, Masiuddin Shaker and sheikh Niamat Ali‘s Surja Dighal
Bari and Tanvir Mokammel‘s Chitra Nadir Pare are the leading novels on Partition
have been adapted in the screen.. A popular Bengali film Bipasha was released in
1962. The heroine Bipasha is an orphan who lost her parents during the riot. Crossing
the border she has migrated to Punjab and settled over here. Hero of the film
Dibyendu knows that he is also an orphan. On the very day of their marriage
Dibyendu comes to know a hard reality that he is the son of a whore. Being puzzled
and upset he reaches Allahabad in search of his mother. Gradually he begins to
consider himself as polluted one whose life is totally meaningless.

Alo amar Alo is a popular film directed by Pinaki Mukhopadhyay is based on the
background of partition and refugee evacuation. This film was made during the period
of Bangladesh war of liberation and was released after the war of liberation. The
commoditization of womenfolk during that period of catastrophe is cinematized
through Alo amar alo. Nabarag is another classic film directed by Bijoy Basu, deals
with the frustration and mental anguish of Narayani who comes over to Calcutta from
East Pakistan and gets married with an industrialist. Eventually, however, they get
separated due to the immoral activities of her husband. Narayani hands over the
charge of her son to a teacher who has migrated to Calcutta from East Pakistan. After
a long interval she becomes united with her husband through her son. The most
striking feature of this tale is the frustration of Narayani due to the experience and
sweet memories of her abandoned motherland. ‗Head Master‘, a film directed by
Agragami, based on a short story of Narendranath Mitra, deals with post partition
scenario of Bengal, was released in 1959.

Very recently veteran film director Goutam Ghosh has made one of his masterpieces
Shankhachil. Though the film is not directly involved with Partition but ‗border‘ has
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become the central theme of this film. Goutam Ghosh is perhaps the sole director who
contemplates and executes the theme upon border.84. The film Shankhachil reflects
the dream of free border and at the same time the tale of disillusionment. The teacher
Muntasir Chowdhury Badal lives in the Bangladesh border happily with his wife Laila
and the only daughter Rupsha. All of a sudden the heart disease of Rupsha is detected.
The treatment of the disease is not available in the border area in Bangladesh. Finding
no other alternative the teacher trespasses the border for the sake of treatment of his
ailing daughter. With the assistance of the local relations they proceed to Calcutta for
better treatment after having sold the ornaments of his wife. But their efforts are
futile; his daughter breaths her last in Calcutta. The most tragic end of the story is that
after the death of his only daughter his family members are accused for the violation
of international law on the plea of infiltration and they are arrested by Border Security
Force. Accompanying the dead body of their only daughter they sail towards
Bangladesh border over the Ichhamoti River. The Shankachil is a symbolic
representation freedom. It does not bother about the geographical boundaries which is
totally man made. Ghosh used the allegory of Shanachil in the title remembering
Jibanananda‘s depiction of Shanachil in his poetic acts. Goutam Ghosh does not
directly engage with trauma of partition on screen but in his film border has served as
source of disillusionment to the inhabitants of two adjoining countries.85

A very recent and popular movie Raj Kahini by Shrijit Mukhopadhyay has exhibited a
marvelous performance on border due to partition. Begamjan, the central figure of the
film is actually the owner of a brothel house. Eleven women are under her direct
supervision. Begamjan is quite ignorant regarding country and politics. Her future
revolves round circling the brothel house. In the meantime India attained freedom and
following partition the areas of Debiganj and Haldibari which were identical in status
got separate entity for the resettlements of borders. But due to the border demarcation
of Radcliff the half portion of Begamjan‘s brothel was under India and other half was
in Pakistan. Naturally when the boundary of two countries was being constructed the
brothel became the barrier. Finding no others means the decision to demolish the
brothel house was taken. Then Begamjan stages a massive resistance against the
authority. She is the living embodiment of protest and a symbol of intrepidity86.

Within the ambit of fifteen years from 1947- 1962 at least two thousand films were
made in Hindi and Urdu language. Among the above noted figures only fifteen films
 245

are based on partition. The under noted films deal with the theme of partition- Lahore
of M.S.Anand(1949),Nastik of I.S.Johar(1954), Chholia of Manmohan Desai (1960)
or Dharmaputra(1961). There are other relevant films, viz. Agg of raj Kapur(1948),
Dhul ka phool of Yosh Chopra(1959), Owaqt of Yosh Chopra(1965).Tamas is not
only a film on partition and riot, it is a realistic form of document of the political
situation of undivided Punjab. It can be termed as a political deed. Director Govind
Nihalni tried his utmost to avoid the debatable question that who were actually
responsible for the creation of new states and the subsequent miseries of the people.

From late 1990 onwards more films on the theme were produced including several
main stream films viz. Earth (1998), Train to Pakistan (1998), Hey Ram
(2000),Gadar: Ek prem kotha(2001), Pinjar(2003), partition (2007) and
Madrasapattinam(2010). Concerning a fact of a partitioned Muslim family the film
Garam Hawa of M.S. Sathyu was really remarkable. The outstanding cinema
personality Satyajit Ray expressed his remarks over the film as an honest, strong and
having multifaceted qualities. The film was quiet incomparable. The main theme of
the story dealt with the problems of both the Hindu and Muslim refugees who became
victim of circumstances. Not only the Hindus but also the minority Muslims of India
has to confront such problems of the period.

v) MEMOIRS

Memoirs are an important source for reconstructing the partition history. After
coming over here in India from East Pakistan, a process of construction and
destruction acted silently in the minds of the uprooted persons. If it was observed with
open eyes it would be evident that immense agony, anguish and frustration were
preserved in the hearts of the uprooted persons. A sizable number of migrated persons
being displaced from their ancestral homes stored their experiences and memories
which were vividly manifested in their compositions. A good number of partition
victims, both from West and East Bengal made valuable contribution to the partition
literature by their memoirs. Through those memoirs of partition victims some
undiscovered and unknown facts which remained dormant came into full public view.
Shatabarshe Ashalata by Josodhara Bagchi and Abhijit Sen, Ja dekhechhi and
Udvastu by Hiranmoy, Bandapadhyay, Deshbhager Dinguli‟ by Atin Bandapadhyay,
Chhere Asa Gram edited by Dakshina Ranjan Basu, Jibaner jalchhabi Prativa Basu,
 246

Bhite chhada ,Nirbindu by Nirenbdranath Charaborty, Aji hote shatabarsha age,

Amar debottar Sampatti by Nirad Chandra Chaudhry Srinkhal Jhankar by Bina Das,
Smritimoy Dinguli by Hena Das, Noakhali Durjoger Smriti by Ashoka Gupta, Leaves
From A Diary by Shyamaprasad Mukherjee, Tin kuri dash‟by Ashok Mitra ‘(part II&
III), Ramanthan Athaba Bhimroti Praptir Paracharitcharcha and Banganama by
Tapan Roy chowdhury etc. are works by the writers of West Bengal. There are some
memoirs from the writers of East Pakistan and Bangladesh. In this connection
mention may be made of Ahmed, Amar Dekha Rajnitir Panchas Bachhar‟by Abu
Mansur, Ethinic Cleansing by Salam Azad, Kakhono Champa Kakhono Atasi by
Ranesh Dasgupta, Jeevan Maran by Rashid Karim, Kiranshankar.Sengupta, Challiser
Dekha Dhaka, Jeevan Sangram by Mani Singha; Etodiner Smriti Abul Kalam
Shamsuddin.

An important compilation of essays: Chhere Asa Gram by Dakshina Ranjan Basu

comprised some memories of different villages. The essay illustrated the sense of
tragedy followed by the bifurcation of India. The essays are a nostalgic remonstration
of the childhood days.87The Hindu Bengali refugees were rather forced to start a new
journey for survival in their new abode. The way of their journey in West Bengal,
more specifically in Calcutta was riddled with hurdles. The nostalgia for the villages
they left were sketched in an artistic manner. In the very beginning of the book he
wrote ―I have brought back from our country something of great value, could you
possibly guess what it is? The friend placed a tiny box of earth in my hands….Deeply
ingrained in this earth are the memories of all my ancestors of yore … cried out my
helpless heart.88 Basu remembered nostalgically the Hindu Muslim unity, the joy of
Muslims in Durga puja, the songs of boatmen of his childhood days. According to
Dipesh Chakraborty ‗the nostalgic folksy image of the village never died‘.89 Chhere
Asa Gram, composed shortly after partition, is a testimony of the struggle of uprooted
refugees surprisingly free of animosity. The recollection is fixed on the calm and
peaceful past of the undivided Bengal leaving apart the nightmare. This remembrance
presented with lamentation the termination of the communal harmony that persisted in
prior to the Partition.90 An opinion of Dipesh Chakrababorty is relevant in this regards
―The native village is pictured as both sacred and beautiful, and it is this that makes
communal violence an act of both violation and defilement, an act of sacrilege against
 247

everything that stood for sanctity and beauty in the Hindu Bengali understanding of
what home was‖91

A memoir on partition of India Dayamayeer kotha, has written by Sunanda Sikdar.

The author recollects her childhood days in her ancestral house in Dighapait, a village
of Mymensingh in East Pakistan. She elaborately presents her pleasant experiences
among the Muslim friends and well wishers. It was beyond the purview of her
speculation that she would have to move towards India forever leaving behind her
intimate friends, countrymen and well wishers with whom she enjoyed her childhood
days happily and merrily. Due to political unrest and communal disturbances she
clearly visualized a gradual change come over the locality. She observed minutely the
people in queue proceeding towards India in processions shouting in lamentation ‗O
go, Choli , jammer moto jai, R kono din dyakha hoibo na go. Koto oporadh korchhi
map koira dio‟ (We are going, going forever. We shall not meet again. Please forgive
us for our misconduct‘. On the contrary she also witnessed the people of Hindustan
moved towards Eastern Pakistan especially from Cooch Behar and Malda. Doya, the
central figure of these autobiographical accounts of Sunanda Sikdar asks a touching
question to her mother that why she will have to leave the country. She preferred to
stay here instead of going there. But she had to leave forever and hence surrender
herself to her own destiny.92

Partition is nothing but an offshoot of religious fanaticism which is penned in the

novel Bishad Brikkha of Mihir Sengupta. This religious fanaticism was due to the
diplomacy of political leaders to establish their political supremacy. This resulted in
severe riot. This riot was accompanied by the exploitation on the women by men folk.
The character of Masi in this novel is an abducted by Muslim dacoits and her husband
was burnt alive. Masi then was compelled to take shelter to a Muslim family. The
character of Kuttidi sketched by the author is also the symbol of helpless womanhood
of Bengal who has become the object of male voracity. As a matter of fact, materiality
and the feminine become synonymous and the woman has become an object that can
be portended and exploited from that point of view there is no difference between
Malati and Kuttidi.93.

In a similar way two noted memory-centric novels of Shanta Sen are Pitamohi and
Jonmer mati composed in 1934 and 2007 respectively. The grandmother (Pitamohi)
 248

was fondly called Mago(Oh! Mother). After partition she came from the village of
Moukathi of Barishal in her tender age and died after coming to India. Author Shanta
Sen based the book on the lived reality of her grandmother depicting the mass exodus
during the period of partition. The writer during the period of her maturity again went
to revisit the deserted country to renovate the sweet memory of the bygone days.94 In
her memoir Ujan srote, Nilima Datta heaved the sigh of relief after setting foot on
Indian soil from Burma during pre partition era. But again she became compelled to
quit the country during the partition of 1947.The narrator Nilima Datta cited a story in
this regard. She experienced a terrible experience when a loyal Muslim subject
appeared before them and informed them to quit the house immediately because a
conspiracy had been hatched to torch their house. So the prevailing circumstances
compelled them to come forward leaving behind their valuables and sweet relations.95
Nilima Dutta also narrates the continuous efforts of her family members to arrange an
abode of their of their own. She describes the memories of her by gone days and also
the untiring struggle for existence in alien land.96

Nilkontha pakhir khoje is a reflection and reminiscences of Atin Bandapadhyay;s own

memory. Another memory based novel is Manusher ghar bari which emphasizes on
the inexorable struggle of refugees for their resettlement in different parts of West
Bengal. The central character of the novel is Bilu, the author himself. He along with
his co-warriors is trying to construct their dwelling houses near Bahrampur through
reclamation of jungle areas. The accounts of the struggles of the bangal families are
the main focus of the novel. Hardships of the family members of the novelist along
with his personal depression, disillusionment, identity crisis are represented in a
unique fashion.

Indubaran Ganguli in his book Colony Smriti expresses his reminiscences on the days
of his colony life. Noted artist Prakash Karmakar in his memoirs Ami divulged the
fact that a model of his artist father was Moulavi so he was brutally assassinated in a
gruesome manner before the very eyes of young Prakash. This merciless attitude of
the Hindus left a deep imprint upon the immature mind of Prakash Karmakar.97

Madhumoy Pal in his reputed collection memoirs named Deshbhag- Binash O

Binirman has represented before us the glaring memories of different narrators in post
partition era. In each and every memoirs the pang of separation, memories of
 249

childhood days and relentless struggle for existence and survival was most effective
and remarkable. The living memories of twenty one writers had been presented. Some
of the narrators moved towards East Pakistan and West Bengal. Renowned poet
Naresh Guha, was a poet of nostalgic outlook and in his works he expresses his
doubt that how few lines in the atlas had transformed his motherland to an alien land.
The poet‘s view was that the importance and the valuation of his sweet home was far
more superior in comparison to the Taj Mahal. After having lost the home and hearth
the writer still could visualize the deserted house, his kith and kin, near and dear
relations, hearing the sweet melody of the bird bou kotha kao and could hear the
distinct call of Dukhiram Babu Jage!98(Babu, please get up)

Bishnu Bose left Dacca during the period of independence. He happened to come to
Mouri gram, a remote village in Howrah. The sweet memory of the golden days
glittered brightly in his mind‘s eye. But the memories of Dacca remained deep into
his mind as before. He had unveiled this truth through his memoirs Smriti diye dhaka.
Another reminiscence of partition was Surjyer muhurta kono din by Nagendra Dash
was not merely an individual statement but it reflected the political turmoil, the tussle
between the Hindus and Muslims and thus the riot of Noakhali were projected in his
recollection. He was the inhabitant of both Barishal and Noakhali. Thousands of
people who migrated from Barishal were not humiliated in all cases, but minority
Hindus being apprehended to be the object of oppression decided to leave for India.
He came over to India in the year 1964, and hence he was an eloquent witness of
many ups and downs of East Pakistan and so far as West Bengal was concerned.99

A book on memories of partition compiled by Rahul Roy presented the personal

memories of the refugees who were compelled to move towards East Bengal leaving
behind their sweet home, childhood friends and memories in West Bengal. A line
sketched by Radcliff made a huge number of Muslims of West Bengal uprooted.
Suddenly everything changed within a short period of time. The book consisted of
thirteen articles of noted personalities who were born and brought up in India, more
specifically in West Bengal. Their nostalgia and emotions for place of birth have been
expressed through their memoirs. The articles of Hasan Azizul Haq, Bulbul Osman,
Hussain Mohammad Ershad, Badruddin Umar, Mubarak Hussain, Sharmili Ahmed
etc. highlighted their nostalgia for India, their native country. After so many years of
partition all the memories of their childhood days were vivid in their minds.100
 250

NORTH BENGAL: PARTITION LITERATURE

The influence of the partition on literary sphere of North Bengal is scanty. There is a
vital reason behind it; the refugees who settled over here in North Bengal did not
suffer as much as of those refugees who marched towards Kolkata and were
rehabilitated there and other adjoining areas. The refugees settled in the districts of
North Bengal did not confront any massive problem except monetary stringency. The
more or less peaceful atmosphere of North Bengal immediately after partition might
fail to flourish the affinity towards literary activities. Following which the writers did
not feel any spontaneous urge to write on this unprecedented catastrophe. Among the
scanty few writers and novelists, some established themselves in the arena of partition
literature of North Bengal.

Amiya Bhusan Majumdar is a dazzling star among the star studded arena of Bengali
literature, so far as the domain of North Bengal is concerned. In his copious
outstanding compositions the partition and refugee problem occupy a unique position.
His fictions like Nirbas, Garh Shrikhanda are worth mentioning in this regard.
Discussions regarding his above mentioned fictions have already been mentioned. His
mastery over short stories is really superb in the truest sense of the term. In some of
his short stories the miseries and struggle of the refugees are revealed. In this context
his short story Sanyalder Kahini commands great appeal. Through his other short
story Sada Makarsha he pens down the relentless struggle of the refugees and their
dream to return to their ancestral fatherland to quench the thirst for peace and
tranquility.101The psychological problem of Badan master, a refugee has skillfully
been portrayed in his fiction Dukhiar Kuthi. In this fiction Badan becomes a stoic
philosopher, mute and disinterested about his very existence. This pessimistic outlook
of Badan is also vibrant among the other victimized uprooted persons.102

Narayan Gangapadhyay is an outstanding literary personality and a giant educationist

in the realm of Amiya Bhusan Majumder. Gangapadhyay‘s contribution towards
partition literature of North Bengal cannot be ignored or overlooked. In this context a
question may arise why and how Gangapadhyay has been intimately involved in the
literary domain of North Bengal specially in partition literature. The answer is quiet
simple and authentic. Though the writer hailed from Barishal but he was brought up
in the lap of undivided Dinajpur town. He commenced his professional career as a
 251

professor of Bengali language and literature at Ananda Chandra College of Jalpaiguri.

The major portion of his literary creation was basically based on the history of
Barendra bhumi () The rivers, the scenic beauty, the population of different tribal
areas did not lose sight of the author. The writer in the truest sense of the term was a
bonafied refugee following his matrimonial relation with Asha Debi, the daughter of
Jalpaiguri. The renowned novelist presents the atrocious murder of Suprakash when
the three sisters under the guidance of Suprakash started towards Tejgaon airport with
a view to going India. Suddenly a gang of hooligans armed with deadly weapons
attacked the innocent air traveler Suprakash and subsequently he succumbed to the
injuries. The terrified sisters could not have the scope to see the dead body of
Suprakash.103 The background of the story is based on Malda.

Bimal Ghosh popularly known as Chomang Lama, in his article Ei Alo Ei Andhar
vividly describes the untold sufferings of refugees. During that period of turmoil
following partition countless refugees rushed towards India. The flow became an
unending event. Initially two places were earmarked to rehabilitate the refugees in
West Bengal. They were also provided in Siliguri town also.104 The accomplished
writer Dinesh Chandra Roy, the elder brother of Debesh Roy, in his story Kulapati
narrates the struggle of a refugee family to adjust himself with other families. The
pathetic tale of adjustment has skillfully and artistically being reflected in the said
story. His most remarkable novel concerning the refugees is Sona Padma. It is
undoubtedly one of his best creations.105

After Amiya Bhusan Majumder, perhaps the true representative of partition literature
of North Bengal is Benu Dutta Roy, a poet per excellence. His original name is Dr.
Suranjan Dutta Roy. In the course of his discussions and in his memoirs, in his verses,
in interviews and above all in his writings the untold sufferings of refugees have been
sketched. Benu Dutta Roy in his personal expressions through compositions and
regarding the homeless occupy a major part of his creation. In his reminiscences, the
fond faces of his kin, the blue water of the river Dhaleswari and Meghna, the whistle
of the streamer of the Goalnanda ghat are still alive in his mind. Benu Dutta Roy of
Netrokona subdivision of the then Mymensigh district is the true mouthpiece of the
refugees.106 Dutta Roy in his memoir Jala Kallorer Din discloses that how the torture
of Muslim League compelled the Hindu inhabitants to flee from East Pakistan. The
writer also came to Jalpaiguri as a refugee.107
 252

Shirshendu Mukhopadhyay is one of the brightest stars among the star sprangled
galaxy of Bengal‘s literary horizon. He hailed from the district of Mymensingh and
procured varied experiences during the course of his travel in different parts of Bengal
following the transferable job of his father who was a railway service holder. He
started his academic career at Missionary school of Cooch Behar town. From there he
got himself admitted in the Victoria college of Cooch Behar town. Though he is a
refugee still tied the nuptial ties in Cooch Behar. His celebrated novel Phera, through
this novel the pathetic condition of a refugee girl Bithi has masterly been sketched.
India had just become independent; the author himself was not matured enough. He
happened to come in contact with a raped refugee girl in a dilapidated house of a
cottage. The simple and innocent raped girl Bithi frankly discloses to the author that
as she is a raped girl she has no moral right to dwell with other inmates. She wants to
know from the author the proper place of such a rotten girl. But the author remains
mute and fails to answer the quiry of the raped girl. The sagas of such helpless girls
like Bithi remain buried under the debris of oblivion. The celebrated novelist
Shirshedu has have the efficiency and proficiency to unveil and unearth the treasured
sorrows and sufferings of hundred of girls like Bithi.108 Shirshendu's another book
Madhab O tar Pariparshik deals with partition and its impact on common mass.

Dinesh Chandra Dakua of Mathabhanga subdivision of Cooch Behar district is a

veteran political personality and ex Minister of Left front Government of West
Bengal, his composition Uttarer Golpo gives a clear picture of the pathetic condition
of East Bengal refugees in the soil of Cooch Behar. According to his authentic
statement in his writings it is clearly stated that the Rajbansis of Cooch Behar looks
down upon the refugees of the adjoining districts of East Pakistan like Rangpur and
Dinajpur. The pity of whole thing is that the Hindu Rajbansis of Rongpur and
Dinajpur according to the sentiments of the Cooch Behar Rajbansis were not to be
treated as refugees because they were the feathers of the same bird. More so, the
refugee Rajbansis were considered to be their relatives, their brothers and sisters and
their kith and kin; whereas, the refugees from other districts were treated to be the
refugees, to be the foreigners and also as Bhatiya109.

Professor Ananda Gopal Ghosh, a reputed writer in his book Swadhinatar sat:
Prasanga chhere Asa Mati makes an elaborate discussion about the pre and post
events of partition. Initially he started with the sixty years of completion of
 253

independence and also about the Radcliff line and its impact on North Bengal. He also
made discussion about refugees, their rehabilitation and resettlement in different
corners of West Bengal. He also illustrated and pointed out the gradual development
of North Bengal in all spheres of life. The impact of Partition on the North Eastern
states did not lose sight of his discussion. In another chapter of his book he dealt with
the manifold aspects of partition literature of India. He specially stressed on the
Bengali literature that presented the partition related refugee crisis and the trauma and
turmoil of the period. The author also ventilated the sincere efforts of different people
who in order to satisfy their nostalgic feeling named various places after the names of
their deserted ancestral abodes in East Pakistan.110

Dr. Jyotnendu Chakraborty of Jalpaiguri town is one of the most gifted literary
personalities. Most of his stories and writings are based on Mymensingh, his
motherland. In his widely read short story Bagh O Harini Sambad (Tale of a tiger and
deer) he depicts the miserable condition of a Hindu family. The author in his said
story expresses his agony and anxiety about his teen-aged daughter. He thinks less for
his property but more for his daughter. Taking the advantage of the helplessness of
the minority Hindus the Muslim hooligans targets the house of a Hindu middle class
family Nitai Sarkar. Nitai being worried regarding the fate of his dear daughter comes
at his wit‘s end. In the meantime the Muslim miscreants intimidate the family of Gour
Master. The hooligans demand Rs. Five lacks to the said family to be paid within a
week. At the said moment the daughter-in-law of Gour is just returning from the
bathing ghat. Eying her, the notorious persons change their decision and indirectly
hints Gour that they are ready to forgo their demands in lieu of his daughter-in law
Chapala This remark of ‗Hat kata‘ Munna gives sufficient indication of the future of
Gour. On the other hand Nitai Sarkar with his wife and daughter escapes from
motherland at mid night with the help of agent.111

Barama Brityanta of Jeevan Sarkar is an eloquent testimony of the story regarding the
life and livelihood of refugee individuals. The father of the author still bears the sweet
memory of bygone days of his motherland. Every food item he consumes reminds
him the superb and heavenly taste of different food items of ancestral land. The
author laments that the indigenous people always blame the Bangal for their misery
and inconveniences but they never praise their excellence. The Bangal can produce
 254

consecutive harvest at least three times in the same land instead of one. The book
gives clear account regarding the pain of separation from the ancestral house. To them
this separation is nothing but the synonymous to death. This book is the lamentation
of the displaced evacuees who move from one corner to other like shuttle cock. They
are leading rootless and aimless life for a long uncertain period.112

Jeevan Sarkar‘s noted poem Dhaleswari is a glaring example of nostalgia and urge for
eternal heavenly peace. It also emphasizes his affinity and urge to return back on the
bank of Dhaleswari which is still flowing. He portrays-Swapna Dekhi / Kala Gachhe
Ghera Dhaleswari parer/ Sei Bagan Barite Achhi/ Ilishier Jal Nie/ Dhaleswarite
Bhasie Dei Nao/…Kotakal Shunina/ Jhup Jhap Par bhangar Shobdo/ Biswas Hoina
Na/ Mone hoi / Ajo Dhaleswarir Parei/ Rayechhe Amar Ghar113 (I dream/The
Dhaleswari is surrounded by banana trees/ I assume that I am there/ carrying a net for
catching Hilsa fish/ I float a boat on the river Dhaleswari/…I don‘t hear for a long the
shattering sound of river banks/ I still believe, my nest is on the bank of the river
Dhaleswari). The writer Sarkar is not a popular face in the literary arena of North
Bengal. Yet, his desire to return to the bhita of East Bengal though impossible, still it
survives in his mind‘s eye, which has intermingled with the longing of thousands of
refugees.

Subhas Choudhury, a retired teacher of Jalpaiguri, composes a book Jalpaiguri

Shaharer Itibritya where he highlights the problem of the refugees hailing from East
Pakistan and their struggle to cope with the alien land, more so their relentless
endeavours to resettle in a foreign land and they decide hastily to reside in the area of
Maskolaibari under Jalpaiguri district. Each refugee family was allotted ten kathas of
land and sometimes 7.5 kathas of land along with Rs, 12,500 only with a view to
constructing dwelling houses.114 The author is also the writer of another book Purba
Banger Korcha. The central character of the book is Vikramjit, a refugee. The writer
narrates the nostalgia of the refugee people through the characterization of Vikramjit.
Despite lapse of several years his dreamy memories childhood days of Pabna is still
vivid in his mind.115 Debashis Chakraborty, a bank officer, is a well known story
writer. He composes a book named Abhijatya. The family members of the composer
migrated from Dinajpur of East Pakistan to the other side of the border. According to
his statement the displaced individuals by the pressure of adverse circumstances were
 255

compelled to sell their belongings in a cheap price.116 Biren Saha, the former director
of Akashbani Kolkata, a poet of repute, settled in Mathabhanga of Cooch Behar
districts. Two of his poems ‗Dhaleswari‘ and ‗Satghoria‘ memorize the reminiscences
of his motherland. Dhaleswari, a river of East Bengal occupies an important place in
many of his compositions.117

Besides poems he authors an outstanding novel known as Shutungar Dotara which

brilliantly narrates the tussle between the local inhabitants and the migrated evacuees.
He reaffirms the fact that how Bhatiya Khyadao movement takes a violent shape.
Through the conversations of the characters of the novel the author depicts his
longing for ancestral place. He is optimistic enough that everything will be as before,
the dark cloud of catastrophe will soon be subsided.118From the writings of Biren
Saha a clear picture of society, social relations as well as picture of social crisis
become evident. The writer also throws light on pre and post partition period in one of
his famous novels Bas Parabas. He sketches the picture of the family members who
are the worst sufferer of devastating riot. The theme of the novel gives a clear
indication that how the ill fated members of a refugee family becomes the victims of
grim irony of fate.119

Kamal Acharya in his story Iswar Nirakhekho presents a remarkable story on

uprooted individuals migrate after partition. Govinda Ghosh, a protagonist of the
story, flees to India for safety and security. At the middle age he is compelled to quit
accompanying Madhab and Shefali. In his tender age Madhab realizes the heinous
attitude of his miscreant Muslim neighbours of East Bengal. To humiliate the Hindu
women in different ways becomes the order of the period.120 An eminent essayist and
poet of Balurghat is Amal Basu, authored a book of poems named Udvastubasi. A
talented poet from Kaliaganj in North Dinajpur in one of his poems udvastu he
represents the sufferings, agony and distress of the displaced persons. He writes-
Amra Udvastu/ Vastu Achhe Tabu Vastuhin/Kul Achhe Tabu Okul/Mul Achhe Tabu
Chhinnamul/Ma Achhe Tabu Matrihin/Amader Nei Kono Sikriti/Amra Prithibib Jaroj
Santan.121(We are refugee/ we possess home, still homeless/We have rim, still
rimless/We have root, still rootless/We have mother, still motherless/We have no
recognition/We are the illegitimate children of the Earth.
 256

The prominent leftist writer and editor of Siliguri Pallab Kirtonia, has composed a
poem Khulnar Madhumoti Nadi where he depicts the character of a refugee who hails
from Chor Shivpur village. The poet synthesizes the remembrance and reality through
this thought provoking creation.122The experience of forceful occupation of the
properties of Hindus, rape, elopement, convulsion and also the painful experience of
displacement have artistically been portrayed by Pushpajit Karmakar in his book
Naya Basat. He has migrated from Rangpur to a village named Sihal in South
Dinajpur district. At the beginning of the book the author writes ‗Kichhu Kotha‘
where he narrates different aspects of Hindu exodus, the intimidation which the
Hindus suffer, rape and molestation on the women along with inhuman torture on
general people in 1965 during India Pakistan war. The author narrates that Mita is
running, she is running undressed, wild wolf like men were following him. It was not
a scene of a film, it is a grim reality.123

A renowned poet and story writer of Malda district, Partha Sarathi Jha, composes a
story Bhitemati where he presents the deplorable condition of the refugees. The lady
character of the story narrates how they flee, how their religious sentiment found
outlet and how they save their chastity. In spite of all these shortcomings the pang of
separation from motherland has not disappeared.124Another veteran poet of Chopra, at
the vicinity of Islampur town of North Dinajpur, Narayan Chandra Mandal writes a
book of poems under the title Mongal Shankha. In one of the poems from this
collection titled Chokher Jol he poeticizes the story of a teenage girl who becomes the
victim of severe injustice of fate. The poet highlights the fact that how the new
foreign country creates a despair in her immature mind.125Other poem of the poet is
worth to be mentioned in this connection is Banga Bibhajan that represents communal
frenzy, genocide, bloodshed experienced by the Hindu community in East Bengal.
The poet throws the question that why such a catastrophe takes place, why these
ordinary people are compelled to traverse a long way riddled with hurdles of
insecurity, uncertainty and disillusionment? Nayayan Chandra Mondal laments with
his deep insight about the barbaric attitude of violent Muslim mob through every line
of his poems.126

The nostalgia for motherland has been expressed in the poem Setu of Arabinda Kumar
Maji. He writes Radcliff chhuri diye kete phelte parbe /Amader eki rokter
 257

prasraban?/Anarir chhuri diye korechho angachhed,/Satchallishe Padma, Ganga,

Meghna Rupnarayane/Bhasiyechho bhatrityer raktakta lash.127(Radcliff, can you
vivisect the blood circulates within us?You have immersed the dead bodies of blood
wet brotherhood in the rivers of Ganges, Padma, Meghna and Rupnarayan) A note
worthy writer Dr. Brindaban Bagchi, migrated from Pabna to Royganj as a refugee.
His momentous work Char dashaker Ganit portrays a vivid picture of atrocities
during the period of turmoil. His emotional representation is really heart rendering.
When the bulk of Hindu population is moving towards India- all of a sudden some
Muslims armed with deadly weapons forcibly come into the train and let the Muslim
passengers to get down. But the Hindus are not allowed to vacate the train. The
terrorists shout Tum log kapher hain (you are the enemy of religion), a fierce tussle
takes a violent shape. The whole train is flooded with blood.128

A noted writer of rhymes and also a well known actor of Yatra (a type of theatre)Ajit
Roy settled at Jalpaiguri district as a refugee. Through his unparalleled numerous
rhymes he memorizes sweet memories of motherland. In one of his rhymes Bastuhara
the poet makes a rhythmic presentation of the refugee exodus and their subsequent
struggle for survival.129In another poem under the caption Bastu Bhite poet describes
his urge and passion for the lost homeland. The poet writes- Sahar theke anek
dure/Chhotto ekti gram/Shanta shital sabuj prantar/ Moyna tar num/Sat purusher
vastu vita/Chhilo sei grame/Swarane tahar dunoyane/Asru dhara name130.( Far away
from the town there was a small village named Moyna with full of cool peaceful
green meadows –there was the ancestral house of seven generations. The
reminiscences of that olden days cause tearing. Atit Kotha Bole, in that rhyme writer
Ajit Roy artistically mentions different food and fruits of East Bengal with which the
poet has an emotional attachment, as he mentions in the lines –Jawar bela hoye
elo/ghaniye ase sanjh/Atit diner koto kichhui/Porchhe mone aj/Pangsha gramer
nokshi kodma/Kumar khalir khaja/Phatullapurer chirar sathe/Lagto khete
moja...131(The time of farewell is fast approaching. The sweet stories of bygone days
flash in memory. Naksi Kadma i.e. one kind of sugar made product of Pangsha
village, Khaja i.e. one kind of sweet made of wheat of Komarkhali was delicious and
palatable with chira i.e. one kind of pressed rice of Phatullapur).
 258

Meenakshi Majumdar, a teacher by profession resides at Alipurduar town, has writes

a poem named Desh, which is based on the memory of motherland. Sitting on the
verandah of a flat Sarama the protagonist of the poem finds herself within a cage.
There was no pomp and gaiety in her ancestral home but still the memoirs of those
golden days are vivid in her mind. Though the houses were ordinary and not well built
and not luxurious but happiness persisted. The very question of Khoka -Desh ki
Ma?(Mother, what is country?) shakes the very existence of Sarama.132Lal Pagri of
Asit Ranjan Dutta is a different type of composition. The author after completion of
his job as a police officer in East Pakistan joined in University of North Bengal as a
security officer. He represents his experiences as a police officer in this aforesaid
book. What he writes is derived from his own practical experience, nothing fictitious
has been written. He elaborately discusses the ruthless assassination of the Hindus in
East Pakistan and the Hindus were forcefully driven out at the point of guns in 1950.
In this way the Hindus were ousted from Dacca and other parts of the country.133

Khitish Mukherjee, an octogenarian resident of Sivmandir, in the vicinity of Siliguri

town, expresses his reminiscences in his memoir Kanna Hasi. He articulates the
pathetic helplessness condition of the refugees who left their bhita in Pabna and
Tangail which were enriched with many charming memories.134 Poet Bipul Saha in
his illustrious poem Jeevan Jua symbolizes the emotional attachment towards the lost
territory of deserted Bengal.135Prolific writer and poet Rana Chattapadhyay spent his
childhood days at Cooch Behar. In his memoirs Bangla Amar Bangla he frankly
confesses that he does not find any communal attitude among the local residents and
migrated individuals of Cooch Behar during the period 1952-53, which is unthinkable
in Calcutta and its surrounding districts. This universal brotherhood is really praise
worthy.136 Ratan Das settled in Balughat from Barishal. In his memoirs Album a clear
picture is available of his journey towards uncertainty and struggle for survival
leaving behind all the lost memories of golden days. He is leading a life of a displaced
and merged with the main stream of refugee exodus.137

Mani Bhusan Roy, a resident of pre partition Jalpaiguri divulged many unknown
incidents of the time in his reminiscences Ei janame ghatale mor jonmo jontantor‟.
He used to live at Debiganj of Jalpaiguri before partition. By one stroke of pen of
Radcliff five police stations of the district fell in the territory of East Pakistan. But the
 259

grim injustice of fate was that the house of the writer was no longer within the Indian
Territory. Then the author started his struggle to cope with the environment of new
country and he began to consider himself as the citizen of that country. In his memoirs
he uttered that once he was sentenced capital punishment on the plea of advocating
anti Islamic view in school. The allegation levelled against him was that he taught a
story from Sita Ram written by Bankim Chandra. This incident along with others
prompted him to leave his motherland. This memorization was nothing but becoming
foreigner in his own land.138

Mukta simanter sesh rat, a memoir of Satyendra Prasad Biswas of Alipurduar was a
unique composition. The author stated in his article with a confession which he made
in The Anandabazar Patrika on 14 August, 2005 that he was repentant of leaving
wounded Nami in Darshana station, and then the writer moved towards Barnpur by
Dhaka mail. Namita or Nami was a co passenger of the author. She requested the
author to guide her towards Ranaghat camp. When the writer was in a deep slumber
the train had already reached to Dashana, the last station of Pakistan border. After
awaking he found that Nami was not there. When he enquired about Nami to another
co passenger the reply was Ansar ra niye gechhe (Ansars had taken her away). The
train left but Nami did not come. But what was a matter of great astonishment that
after fifty years Nami being alive came across the confession note of Satyen Biswas
and wrote a letter to him at the address of the Ananda Bazar Patrika that she was alive
because that day by mistake she was thrown to the mail train loaded with dead bodies.
After many ups and downs of life she was in an old age home. This memory of
Satyendra Prasad Biswas bore a living example of the tremendous crisis of the
period.139

Hemanta kumar Roy Barma, a local resident and a high official under Royal
administration has penned his memories of 1947, is a valuable document for the
construction of the history of refugee exodus in Cooch Behar and adjoining regions.
Amar Jeevan O Amar Rajnity, a memoir by the leftist politician of Dinhata
subdivision of Cooch Behar Kamal Guha, is intimately related to the life of the
refugees. He was not a refugee but his book is an important document of refugee
resettlement.140 An auto-biographical work named Jeevan Nadir Bake Bake of Amar
Roy Pradhan, a renowned politician, has discussed the communal fury in different
 260

parts of East Bengal that resulted mass exodus of uprooted persons.141Manarnjan Das
of Alipurduar made an autobiographical work Swadeshe Porobasi highlights on the
ill-fated refugees from East Pakistan and also expresses his personal feelings for their
own motherland.142

Shubhasish Das of Dinhata subdivision of Cooch Behar composed a poem Udvastu

where the poet laments how the displaced persons following partition compelled to
change their names, address and also their very existence. The independence has
gifted them with the title udvastu.143 A veteran poet of Royganj Kallol
Bandapadhyay‘s rhyme Ek Brinte Duti Kusum is an imperative composition. He
writes-Epar Bangla Opar Bangla/ Modhyikhane Kantatar/ Phele Asa
Chhinnamuler/Swapne Ghera Smritibhar.144( A fencing in between Bengal of this
part and Bengal on the other side of fencing. All these are wrapped with the dream of
memories of uprooted persons)This nostalgia towards motherland also available in a
book of poems named Nirab Prithibi by a poet Niranjan Dey Sarkar, a resident of
Dhupguri of Jalpaiguri district. In one of his poems Udvastu Jantrana he utters -He
Kolam Itihaser Smritite phire Jao-/Dekhini Deshbhag, Dekhini Udvastuder
Jantrana./Parechhi Itihas,Shunechhi janma theke Gurujonder jantranar
145
Smriticharan/…Ajo lahkkha lakhkhaa pran nribhite kande atmadogdhotay. ( Dear
Pen please go back to the memory of history. I‘ve never seen partition, never
witnessed the agony of uprooted. I‘ve read history, heard the memorization of pain
from elderly persons…Till today lakhs of uprooted soul weeping silently in self
affliction.)

Biswanath Roy in his story Bahe Chole Madhumati presents the oppression of the
Muslims upon the Hindu minorities through the utterance of the character of
‗Kakima‘.146 Professor Dr. Prakash Adhikari is the author of many verses on the
partition of India and refugee life. In this respect his Swadhinatay Harano Gram is
worth to be noted.An accomplished educationist of Alipurduar Dr. Shipra Sen Dhar
composed a poem named Desher Barir Lok.147 The other writer of Alipurduar, Arati
Kahali Goswami writes a story in the name Basati where she deals with the struggle
for existence of a namashudra uprooted family of Netrokona in their alien
land.148Ranajit Kumar Sarkar hailing from Rajshahi settled at South Dinajpur. He
writes two poems titled Janmastan and Swad.149 Santosh Basu of Cooch Behar writes
 261

an essay ‗Sharanarthi Shibire Tindin‘ in his book Phire Dyakha. He portrays a picture
of incessant refugee inflow towards India and the subsequent harassment and
sufferings of the uprooted people.150

Parul Mandal of Dinhata subdivision of Cooch Behar in her novel Sonar Bangla deals
with the displaced persons following the India-Pakistan War of 1965.Professor Arun
Kumar Mukhopadhyay in his essay ‗Desh Bibhag, Swadhinata: Phire Dyakha‘ also
represents the inhuman torture on the minority Hindus on their way to
India.151Debashish Chakraborty, a writer and essayist of Siliguri, has composed
innumerable stories and essays on partition of India. Among those mention may be
made one of his stories Mati Daser Shunani.152 Chakraborty in his story Saral Satya
presents a reverse picture of Muslim refugee exodus from India to East Pakistan. The
writer tries to describe that the disillusionment of Indian Muslims are identical in
comparison to their Hindu refugees.153 Mandira Bhattacharya, retired professor of the
University of North Bengal in Oi Dyakha Jaye Bari Amar ushers light on her
childhood days in East Pakistan, on the sweet bonding of Hindu-Muslim neighbours,
about partition and also on the memories of deseted ancestral abode.154

The Rajbansi community of North Bengal does not lag behind in composing the
chronic problem of refugees of East Pakistan in their own Kamtapuri language. The
name of Mani Bhusan Roy, an educationist of Rajbansi community is worthwhile to
be mentioned. Much information is available from his various writings. Param Lal
Singh, composes the biography of Kalindra Nath Barman where copious valuable and
authentic information are available relating to partition and refugee resettlement.155
Harimohan Barman in his article ‗Rajbanshi Samajer Sei Kal Ar Ei Kal‘ highlights
the fact that the Rajbansi community comes forward with their limited resources to
help the destitute refugees of East Pakistan who came over to North Bengal for safety
and security and to have a peaceful abode.156 The above noted writers, poets,
essayists, novelists with some special exceptions are not familiar in the wider Bengali
literary world. Still their authentic, realistic and practical experiences help us to a
great extent in accumulating the valuable information of the uprooted individuals of
East Pakistan.

The partition of India had created a massive impetus upon Bengali literature and
Bengal literary personalities from the very down of separation. On the contrary, the
 262

Bengali literature and its literary personalities had no remarkable contribution in

narrating and analyzing the pang and pathos, sufferings and humiliation of the
displaced individuals hailing from West Bengal to East Bengal which subsequently
converted into Bangladesh in 1971. According to an eminent research scholar and
critic Rafikul Islam the huge number of Bengali Hindu minorities who was compelled
to abandon the country was much more less in number in comparison to Muslims who
left West Bengal and moved to Eastern Pakistan, instead of, a large number of non-
Bengali Muslims entered into the territory of West Bengal. As a result the problems
of humanity remained suppressed and lost its gravity and utility.157 The academicians
and the elite community of Bangladesh did not deem it fit to ventilate the grievances
of the displaced persons of eastern Pakistan. Truly speaking, the refugees of East
Pakistan were virtually free from all sorts of hurdles relating to the partition and
rehabilitation. They had not to face any problem as the evacuees of East Pakistan
confronted in India and so far as West Bengal was concerned. So, the men of letters of
East Pakistan as well as Bangladesh did not have the opportunity to think seriously
about the lives and livelihood and other activities of the displaced. Majority of the
evacuees of East Bengal were financially sound and well to do in status. They had
enormous valuable assets which they left behind before leaving the country forever.
As a result the Muslim refugees of East Bengal were greeted with ready
accommodation providing all sorts of facilities. In a sentence it may be asserted that
the problem of migrants of both the countries were poles asunder.158

Sixty years ago the women migrants of East Bengal moved towards Calcutta and
other districts of West Bengal as evacuees after being throwing out by the Muslims of
East Bengal. The lives of the unfortunate women were plunged into profound
darkness of uncertainty and insecurity. The writers and academicians of both the
Bengals considered it to be their sacred responsibility in writing about the displaced
women. They tried their level best to manifest their grievances, pang and agony. The
bifurcation of country was a blunder in the truest sense of the term, which had a
tremendous effect upon the lives of the East Bengal migrants, particularly the women
were concerned. The women who remained ignored and neglected in the realm of
novels and fictions became the central figures of discussion by the authors of both the
Bengals. In the event of the partition, the women, especially the uprooted women of
East Bengal had to confront irreplaceable loss in their own social arena. The partition
 263

literature brought about a magical and radical change in the lives and activities of the
depressed women. Partition literature concerning women paved a new trend of
representing women in order to cope with the new changed circumstances.

Partition was a significant event and had a significant role in the lives of the uprooted
women. It was not only a historical event, nor a social event, but was a challenge of
the woman community to adjust themselves with the prevailing circumstances
occurred by the aftermath of partition. Women of all walks of life were more or less
affected by the partition. After the total destruction of the peaceful nests of East
Bengal they were striving hard to reconstruct their disturbed nests and to revive the
lost glory and dignity of their previous lives. Following partition women had to face
several hurdles, physical and mental hardship, carnage, rape, molestation, humiliation
and outrage of modest had become a regular event by the neighbouring inmates of
`our country. Successive oppression, consecutive depression and brutal assassination
transformed the woman community to be vocal and vibrant. Fight, fight and fight was
the true idealism which inspired the women to a great extent. Those activities,
determination, conviction, self reliance and intrepidity of womenfolk had been
skillfully depicted by the authors of both the Bengals. It was undoubtedly a wealthy
treasure and asset of Bengali literature.

It may be ascertained with certitude that none of the partition litterateurs of Bengal
could have had the ability like Sadat Hossain Manto to portray the lively documents
of the pathos, tragedies and the untold sufferings of millions uprooted individuals
from both sides of the borders. It was a matter of great misfortune on the part of
Bengali literature that it was deprived of availing the magical touch of any writer like
Manto. In actuality, the Bengali literature and film on partition brought about a
continuing human consciousness. So the event of the partition cannot be historicized
as an event of past. There is no denying the fact that ‗past‘ is eternally digging into
present. The characters of different wings of literature are also history. The characters
in fictions so far as partition literature is concerned give a clear picture on intricate
relationship between individual and history. Within this relationship the individual is
nothing but an ethical subject of a history that cannot be comprehended nor denied.
 264

Notes:

1. Ghatak Suchandra, ―Sahitye dhora pore Itihaser Satya‘.Bitarkika, Kolkata: Setu,

October, 2013, pp.110-111.

2. Anita Desai, Attia Hossain, Sunlight on a Broken Column, Penguin India, 2009, (in
introduction)

3. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, ―Bharat Bibhajan O Bharatiya Sahitya, Uttarer Hawa,

Sharadiya, 1406(BS), p.28.

4. Satya Guha, ‗Ekaler Godya Podya Andaloner Dalil‘ cited in Ananda Gopal Ghosh,
―Bharat Bibhajan O Bharatiya Sahitya, and p.28.

5. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, Swadhinatar Shat: Prasanga Chhere Asa Mati, Kolkata:
Sahitya Prakashani, 1416 (B.S), p.78.

6. Ayesha Jalal, The Pity of Partition; Manto‟s Life, Times and Work Across the
India-Pakistan Divide, Harper Collins India, 2013, p.4.

7. Debjani Sengupta (ed.), Map Making: Partition Stories from Two Bengals, New
Delhi: Amaryllis, 2011, p.188.

8. ibid, p.188.

9. Urvasi Bhutalia, The Other Side of Silence Voice From The Partition of India, New
Delhi: Penguin Books, 1998.

10. Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin, Border and Boundaries- Women in India‟s
Partition, Women Unlimited, Kali for Women,1998, p.58 .

11. Rumpa Das, ―The Quest for the Nest in Attia Hossain‘s On a Broken Column and
Tahmima Anam‘s A Golden Age‘ in Rumpa Das and Sreyasi Sen Gupta (eds.), Re-
Thinking The Partition of India Historical & Literary Perspectives, Kolkata: Avenel
Press, 2014.p.66.

12. Josodhara Bagchi,‖Freedom in an Idiom of Loss‘ in Josodhara Bagchi and

Subharanjan Dasgupta (eds.).The Trauma and Triumph Gender and Partition in
Eastern India, Kolkata,Stree,2006,2007.p.21.
 265

13. Manijinder Kaur Wratch, ―The 1947 Partition of Indian Subcontinent; Literary
Nrratives and Gendered Telling of ‗The Great Divide‘ in Rumpa Ds and Sreyasi Sen
Gupta (eds), Re-Thinking The Partition of India Historical & Literary Perspectives,
Kolkata: Avenel Press, 2014.p.66.

14. Jyotirmoyee Devi, Epar Ganga Opar Ganga, vol-1, Rachana Sangkalan (ed.),
Subir Roy Choudhury,Kolkata:Dey‘s Publishing and School of Women‘s Studies,
Jadavpur University,1991.

15. Sunil Gangapadhyay, Purva Paschim, Kolkata: Ananda,1988.

16. Gargi Chakravarty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal,New

Delhi:Bluejay Books,2005,p.72.

17. Sahitya Akademy, meet the author-Amiya Bhusan Majumdar, 21

November,1995-sahitya academy.gov>meettheauthor.

18. Amiya Bhusan Majumdar, Garh Shrikhanda, Kolkata: Aruna Prakashani,1957.

19. Debjani Sengupta (ed.), Map Making: Partition Stories From Two Bengals,p.190.

20. Sunil Gangapadhyay, Arjun, Kolkata: Ananda, 1971.

21. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.175.

22. Prafulla Roy, Keya Patar Nauko, Kolkata: Karuna Prakashani, 1996.

23. Narayan Sanyal, Bakultala P.L.Camp, Kolkata: Bengal Publishers, 1955.

24. Srikumar Bandapadhyay, Banga Sahitye Upanyaser Dhara, Kolkata: Modern

Book Agency Pvt. Ltd. 1996, 97-98,2000-2001,pp.545-546.

25. Atin Bandapadhyay, Nilkantah Pakhir Khoje, Kolkata: Karuna Prakashani, 1986.

26. Abira Sengupta, ―Nilkantha Pakhir Khoje‘ Ek Hataman Janajatir Anusandhan‖, in

Rumpa Ds and Sreyasi Sen Gupta (ed.) Re-Thinking The Partition of India Historical
& Literary Perspectives, Kolkata: Avenel Press, 2014.p.146.

27. Salma Bani, ―Desh O Nari: Bibhajaner Abhijnan‖in Manan Kumar Mandal (ed.),
Partition Sahitya Desh-Kal-Smriti, 2014, Kolkata: Gangchil, p.94.
 266

28. ibid,p. 98.

29. Goukishore Ghosh, Prem Nei, Kolkata: Ananda, 1981.

30. Ashru Kumar Sikdar ‗Bhanga Banglar Sahitya‘ in Semanti Ghosh(ed.), Desh
Bhag Smriti Ar Stobdhata, Kolkata: Gangchil,2008,2014,p.202.

31. Gour Kishore Ghosh, Pratibeshi, Kolkata: Ananda, 1995.

32. Tapadhir Bhattacharya, Deshbhag Nirbasiter Akhyan, Kolkata: Sopan, 2016,

p.101.

33. Srikumar Bandapadhyay, Banga Sahitye Upanyaser Dhara, pp.711-712.

34. Narayan Gangapadhyay, Bidisha, in Narayan Gangapadhyay Rachanabali, vol. 9,

Kolkata: Mitra and Ghosh, 1985.

35. Nurjahan Bose, Agun mukhar Meye, Kolkata: Ananda Publishers, 2011.

36. Satinath Bhaduri, Gananayak, in Sadhan Chattapadhyay (ed.), Deshbhangar

Galpo Raktim Bedana O Smriti Alekhya, Kolkata: Gangchil, 63-85.

37. Shankha Ghosh, Supariboner Saree, Kolkata: Aruna Prakashani, 1990.

38. Amiya Bhusan Majumdar, Nirbas, Amiya Bhusan rachana samagra-3, Kolkata:
Dey‘s Publishing, 2005.

39. Manikuntala Sen, Sediner Kotha, Kolkata: Naba Patra, 1982.

40. Sabitri Roy, Swaralipi, Kolkata: Ratna Prakashani, 1992, pp.293-303.

41. Taslima Nasreen, Phera, Kolkata: Ananda, 1993.

42. Ashru Kumar Sikdar, ‗Bhanga Banglar Sahitya‘ in Semanti Ghosh(ed.), Desh
Bhag Smriti Ar Stobdhata, p.194.

43. Hasan Azizul Haque, Agunpakhi, Dey‘s Publishing, 2008.

44. Collins, Larry and Dominique Lapierre. Freedom at Mid Night, S.A: Larry Collis
and Preessinter1975.
 267

45. Jenneifer Dkhar, ―Partition- A Divide in Amitav Ghosh‘s The Shadow Lines and
The Hungry Tide‖ in Rumpa Das and Sreyasi SenGupta (eds.), Re-Thinking The
Partition of India Historical & Literary Perspectives,pp.54-55.

46. Manijinder Kaur Wratch, ―The 1947 Partition of Indian Subcontinent; Literary
Nrratives and Gendered Telling of ‗The Great Divide‘ in Rumpa Ds and Sreyasi Sen
Gupta(eds), Re-Thinking The Partition of India Historical & Literary Perspectives,
p.77.

47. Jill Didur, ―Lifting the veil: Reconsidering the Task of Literary Historiography‖,
Interventions, vol-3.No.3, 2001, p.447.

48. Attia Hossain, Sunlight on a Broken Column, London: Penguin, 1961,1988.

49. Khuswant Singh, Train to Pakistan, Roli Books, 1988, 2006.

50. Aktarujaman Ilias, Khowabnama, Kolkata: Naya Udyog, 1996.

51. Rajinder Singh Bedi, Lajwanti, Contemporary Indian Short Stories,vol.II, Bhavani
Bhattacharya (ed.), Delhi: Sahitya Academy, 1967,pp.211-225.

52. Pridarshini Dasgupta and Dibyabibha Roy, ―Re-covering Women: Reading Two
Partition Stories‖, The Criterion,Issue 12,February,2013.

53.Ramapada Chowdhury, ‗Karun Kanya‘, in Manabendra Bandapadhyay.(ed) Bhed

Bibhed, vol.1-2, Calcutta: Dey‘s ,pp.292-306.

54. Abhijit Mitra, ―Sahitye Deshbhag: Narendranath Mitra‖ in Bitarkika,

October,2013, p.128.

55. Narendranath Mitra, ‗Jaibo‘, Golpomala 2, Kolkata:Ananda publishers.

56. Manikuntala Sen, Sediner Kotha.

57. Anindita Chakraborty, ―Narir Dui Bhuvan: Desh Bhag O Ekti Atmabishleshan‖,
in Monon Kumar Mandal (ed.) Partition Sahitya, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2014, p.319.

58. Basabi Faser, ―Parapar O Bibadbhumi: Deshbhager galpo Anatmabodh‖,in Monon

Kumar Mandal (ed.), Partition Sahitya, Kolkata: Ganchil, 2014, pp.67-68.

59. Selina Hossain, Gayetri Sadha, Dhaka: Samoy Prakashan, 2003.

 268

60. Syed Waliullah, ‗The Tale Of A Tulsi Plant‘ ,(translated by Rani Ray),in Debjani
Sengupta (ed.),MapMaking Partition Stories From Two Bengals, New Delhi:
Amarylus,2011,p.109.

61. Syed Waliullah, ‗Ekti Tulsi Gachher Kahini‘ in Sadhan Chattapadhyay (ed.),
Deshbhager galpo –Rakta Bedana O Smriti Alekhya, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2016.

62. Hasan Azizul Haque, ‗Atmaja O Ekti Karabi Gachh‘, Sahitya Prakash,2007.

63. Josodhara Bagchi, Subharanjan Dasgupta with Subhasri Ghosh (eds.) Trauma and
the Triumph Gender and Partition in Eastern India, Kolkata: Stree, 2009, vol-2, p.xi.

64.Manjinder Kaur Wratch, ―The 1947 Partition of Indian Subcontinent; Literary

Nrratives and Gendered Telling of ‗The Great Divide‘ in Rumpa Ds and Sreyasi Sen
Gupta (eds.), Re-Thinking The Partition of India Historical & Literary Perspectives,
p.77.

65. Debjani Sengupta (ed.), MapMaking Partition Stories from Two Bengals, New
Delhi: Amarylus, 2011, p.xi.

66. Manika Mondal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.169.

67. Das Jibanananda, Rupashi Bangla, Kabya Sangraha, Kolkata, 1993.

68. Sunil Gangapadhyay, ‗Dhatri, Amar Swapna, 1972.

69. Manika Mondal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.171.

70. Sujata Bandapadhyay, Deshbhag O Bangla Sahitya Bartaman prekkhite,

Kolkata: Bangiya Sahitya Sangsad, 2015, p.35.

71. Digindra Chandra Bandapadhyay, Bastu bhita, Kolkata: Bengal Publishers,

1948.

72. Ritwik Ghatak, Dalil, Kolkata: Jatiya Sahitya Parishad, 1952.

73. Salil Sen, Natun Yehudi, Kolkata: Indiana, 1957.

 269

74. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming Out of Partition - Refugee Women of Bengal, New
Delhi: Bluejoy Books,2005, p.99.

75. Chandi Mukhopadhyay, Cinemay Deshbhag, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2017, pp.77-78.

76. Manika Mondal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.176.

77. Ritwik Ghatak, Meghe Dhaka Tara, 1960.

78. Manika Mondal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.178.

79. Ritwik Ghatak , Subarnarekha, 1965.

80. Chandi Mukhopadhyay, Cinemay Deshbhag, p.135.

81. Manika Mondal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal, p.182.

82. ibid, p.176.

83. Rritwik Ghatak, Titas ekti nadir nam, 1973.

84. Chandi Mukhopadhyay, Cinemay Deshbhag, p.114.

85. Film Shankhachil, directed by Goutam Ghosh,2016.

86. Film Rajkahini.directed by Srijit Mukhopadhyay,2015.

87. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, p.28.

88. Dakshinaranjan Basu, Chhere Asa Gram, Part l, Kolkata: Bengal Publishers,
1360(B.S), p.1.

89. Dipesh Chakraborty, ―Remembered Villages- Representations of Hindu Bengali

Memories in the Aftermath of the Partition‖, Economic and Political Weekly, 10
August, 1996.

90. Dakshinaranjan Basu, Chhere Asa Gram, Part l.

 270

91. Dipesh Chakraborty, ―Remembered Villages- Representations of Hindu Bengali

Memories in the Aftermath of the Partition‖.

92. Sunanda Sikdar, Doyamoyeer Kotha, Kolkata: Gangchil,2009, p.19. .

93. Salma Bani, ―Desh O Nari: Bibhajaner Abhijnan‖.p.95.

94. Sujata Bandapadhyay, Deshbhag O Bangla Sahitya Bartaman prekkhite, p.48.

95. Ashrukumar Sikdar, ‗Bhanga Banglar Sahitya‘ in Semanti Ghosh (ed.), Desh
Bhag Smriti Ar Stobdhata, p.203.

96. Nilima Datta, ‗Udvastu Colony‘ in Madhumoy Pal (ed.), Deshbhag – Binash o
Binirman, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2011.

97. Ashrukumar Sikdar, ‗Bhanga Banglar Sahitya‘ in Semanti Ghosh,(ed), Desh Bhag
Smriti Ar Stobdhata, p.193.

98. Naresh Guha, ―Chhere Asa Gram, in Madhumoy Pal (ed.), Deshbhag – Binash o
Binirman, Kolkata: Gangchil, 2011.

99. Bishnu Basu, ―Smriti Diye Dhaka‘, in Madhumoy Pal (ed.), Deshbhag – Binash o
Binirman,pp.21-38.

100. Rahul Roy, Paschim Theke Purba Banga – Deshbhager Smriti, Kolkata:
Gangchil, 2015, p.102.

101. Rama Prasad Nag, Swatantra Nirmiti: Amiya Bhusan Sahitya, p.77.

102. ibid, p.74.

103. Shantanu Lahiri (ed.), Bholka Samachar, Sharad Sankha,1404 B.S, Barabisha,
Jalpaiguri.

104. Chomong Lama, E Alote E Andhare, (name of publisher and year of publication
not found)

105. Dr. Bijoy Bhusan Roy (ed.). Ek Bingsha Shatabdi, 1406 B.S‘(name of publisher
and year of publication not found)
 271

106. Chikrashi: Kabi Benu Dutta Roy O Kabi Tushar Bandapadhyay sangkalon.(ed.)
Amit Kumar Dey,Dhupguri.

107.Benu Datta Roy, ‗Jalakallaler Din‘, Atma Smritite Uttarbanga,ed. Ajitesh

Bhattachaya,p.14.

108. Shirshendu Mukhopadhyay,Phera, Kolkata: Ananda,1992,p.25-26.

109. Dinesh Chandra Dakua, Uttarer Golpo,p.47.

110. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, Swadhinatar sat: Prasanga chhere Asa Mati, Kolkata:
Sahitya Prakashani, 1416 B.S,p.78.

111. Jyotnendu Chakraborty, ‗Bagh O Harini Sambad‘, Galpo Ponchis,vol.1.p.235-

237.

112. Jeeban Sarkar, ‗Barama Brityanta‘,p.52-53.(collected from an unpublished

article of Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh)

113. Jeeban Sarkar, ‗Dhaleswari‘, Teesta –Torsha-Mahananda (ed.), Sanjib

Sarkar,p.18.

114. Subhas Choudhury, ‗Jalpaiguri Shaharer Itibritya‘ , p.14 (name of publisher and
year of publication not found)

115. Subhas Choudhury, Purba Banger Korcha.p.51-52.

116. Debashis Chakraborty, ‗Abhijatya‘, Mallar,11th year, 1st issue (ed.),Shubhamoi

Sarkar, Siliguri,p.93-94.

117. Biren Saha, ‗Dhaleswari‘, ‗Satghoria‘, Pata Jharar Din.p.43,p.51.

118. Biren Saha, ‗Shutungar Dotara‘ , (collected from an unpublished article of Dr.
Ananda Gopal Ghosh)

119.Biren Saha, ‗Khandita Manchitrer Smriti Satwa Niye‘,Titir, Subject:

Partition,(ed.), Sanjoy Saha, Mathabhanga, Cooch Behar, June, 2008,p.103.

120. Kamal Acharya, ‗Iswar Nirapekkho‘ in Sangbartika, Sharad (Durga puja)issue,

(ed.), Manabendra Saha , Siliguri, 2014.
 272

121. Mancha Ekushe, 4th issue, Kaliaganj, North Dinajpur, 2004-2005.

122. Tathya Kendra, Sharadiya 1415 B.S.Siliguri, Uttar Banga Sambad Publications,

123. Pushpajit Karmakar, ‗ Naya Basat‘ , (collected from an unpublished article of Dr.
Ananda Gopal Ghosh)

124. Bhitemati, Naba Parjay, First issue, 1398,(ed). Hari Charan Sarkar Mondal,
Kaliachak, Malda,p.11.

125. Narayan Chandra Mandal, ‗Choker jal‘, in Mangal Shankha, Islampur: Unicorn
Publishers,2016, p.501.

126. Narayan Chandra Mandal, ‗Banga Bibhajan‘, Mangal Shankha, p.58-59.

127. Arabinda Kumar Maji, Setu, in Bhitemati Patrika, Puja issue,1403 B.S. (ed).
Hari Charan Sarkar Mondal, Malda.

128. Dr. Brindaban Bagchi, ‗Char dashaker Ganit‘, p.63.

129. Ajit Roy, „Bastuhara‘, Panchmisheli, p.39. (Name of publisher and year of
publication not found)

130. Ajit Roy, ‗Bastu Bhite‘ , in Panchmisheli, p.23.

131. Ajit Roy, Atit Kotha Bole, in Panchmisheli, p.20

132. Meenakshi Majumdar, Desh. Mandir, p.6-7. (Name of publisher and year of
publication not found)

133. Asit Ranjan Datta, Lal Pagri, Bhumistha, p.143. (Name of publisher and year of
publication not found)

134. Khitish Mukherjee,‗Kanna Hasi‘, p.10-11. (Name of publisher and year of

publication not found)

135. Bipul Saha, Jeevan Jua, Bholka Samachar (ed.), Shantanu Lahiri, Sharad (Durga
puja)issue,1405 B.S.

136. Rana Chattapadhyay, ‗Bangla Amar Bangla‘, Dadhichi Banglar

Mukh,1410B.S.4th issue,Balurghat,p.161.
 273

137. Information collected from Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh

138. Mani Bhushan Ghosh, ‗Ei Janame Ghatale More Janma Janmantar‘, Madhumoy
Pal,(ed.).Desh Bhag: Binash O Binirman,Kolkata: Gangchil,2011,pp.101-111.

139. Satyendra Prasad Biswas, ‗Mukta Simanter Sesh Rat‘, Madhumoy Pal (ed.),
Desh Bhag: Binash O Binirman,pp.112-116.

140. Kamal Guha, Amar Jeevan Amar Rajniti,vol-1,Kolkata:Dip Prakashan,2002.

141. Amar Roy Pradhan, Jeevan Nadir Bake Bake , in Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh &
Dr. Kartik Chandra Sutradhar(ed)

142. Dr. Manarnjan Das, ‗Swadeshe Porobasi‘ Sayanhe, (ed.),Banabihari Dutta,

Alipurduar Prabin Nagarik Sangstha, 2016.

143. Shubhasish Das , ―Udvastu‖ in ‗Amake Bolte Dao‘(ed.),Ramendra Narayan Dey,

Dinhata, Cooch Behar, Sharad Arghya,1414 B.S.

144. Kallol Bandapadhyay, ―Ek Brinte Duti Kusum‖,Chayan(eds.),Arun Chakraborty

& Souren Choudhury, Raiganj, Uttar Dinajpur, Baishakh,1422 B.S.

145. Niranjan Dey Sarkar, Nirab Prithibi, Dhupguri,Jalpaiguri, 2015.

146. Biswanath Roy, ‗Bahe Chole Madhumati‘ ,in ‗Aritra‘, Sharad Sangkha(ed.),
Subhas Dutta, 1418 B.S.

147. Dr. Shipra Sen Dhar, ‗Desher Barir Lok‘ , in Hey Hiranmoy,p.23-24.

148. Arati Kahali Goswami, ‗Basati‘,in Sahara, Baishakhi issue, ed. Biresh Chandra
Dutta, Alipurduar,1408 B.S.

149. Ranajit Kumar Sarkar, ‗Janmastan‘, in Smpriti‘, p.39 and ‗Swad‘, in Sampriti
,p,36, Kushmandi, South Dinajpur.

150. Santosh Basu, ‗Sharanarthi Shibire Tindin‘ in Phire Dyakha, Cooch Behar.

151. Arun Kumar Mukhopadhyay, ‗Desh Bibhag, Swadhinata: Phire Dyakha‘,in

Uttardhwani‟, Sharad issue(ed.) Biren Chanda,1404 B.S.
 274

152. Debashish Chakraborty, Mati Daser Shunani, in Aranyer Alo (ed.) Sayed
Mustafa Siraj,Galpo Sangkolon.

153. Debashish Chakraborty, Saral Satya in ‗Prabaha‘,Teesta Torsha, Sharadiya (ed.),

Krishna Deb,Dhupguri, Jalpaiguri, 1412 B.S.

154. Mandira Bhattacharya,Oi Dyakha Jaye Amar Bari,Kolkata:Dip Prakashan,2017.

155. ‗Khatra Andolon O Karmabir Kalindra Nather Sangkhipta Jeevani‘ (ed.), Param
Lal Singh.

156. Harimohan Barman, ‗Rajbanshi Samajer Sei Kal Ar Ei Kal‘ in Degar-2 (ed.),
Nikhilesh Roy, Sivmandir, Darjeeling.

157. Ashru Kumar Sikdar, ‗Bhanga Banglar Sahitya,in Semanti Ghosh(ed.),

Deshbhag: Smriti R Stabdhata,Kolkata:Gangchil,2008,p.191.

158. Rahul Roy (ed.), Paschim theke Purbabanga:Desh badaler smriti,

Kolkata:Gangchil,2015,p.23.
 275

CHAPTER VII

Conclusion

―There is a big certainty, that the excessive loss of the Hindus and Muslims of India
caused by the partition, whether be compensated with the next hundred years‘,
Louis Fisher.

The British Raj created severe scar sowing the poisonous seeds of communalism and
abandoned India forever dividing it into two independent countries. The partition of
India is the unavoidable outcome of the conflicting antagonism between the Hindus
and the Muslims. In 1947, with the transfer of power there was a great holocaust.
From East and West Pakistan and from India to the two wings of her new neighbours
flared a two-way trail of blood which mounted monstrous angry dimension.
Following the division of India the problem of refugee population of West Pakistan
were settled and integrated into the mainstream of Economic life in India. It is
doubtless to say in this context that the irreconcilable religious outlook of the Hindus
and the Muslims was one of the major obstacles on the way of their peaceful
coexistence. Ranabir Samaddar is of the opinion that the Hindu communalism came
into effect probably from 1930 onwards. The political set up in the 1940 was
proceeding towards a deadlock in haste.1 It was a long debated question which was
the guiding force behind the vivisection of Indian subcontinent. A lot of criticism and
debates have been made upon this Himalayan problem. Different critics and debaters
view the problem from their own perspectives. But none could have reached to a
definite conclusion about the persons who could be accused or blamed for the
partition of India. It had destroyed our lives, robbed our liberty and shattered our
unity. Mr. Penderel Moon rightly said that ―the dawn of Indian independence was
marred by massacres and migrations in the Punjab on a scale unparalleled in world
History in time of peace‘. Noted personality and historian Frank Morace expressed
similar view regarding the Partition of India. According to him ―The freedom of the
country brought partition as well as a holocaust of blood and fire‖.2
 276

The ‗Divide and Rule‘ policy of the British administrators was the principal weapon
which they initially applied it in the year 1905. Due to the pressure of adverse
circumstances the evil design of the British Raj proved abortive. In a word, their
attempt to divide Bengal failed miserably. The British rulers with a view to ease their
smooth running of administration created a mysterious hostile attitude between the
two communities. It was crystal clear that the main objective of the British was to
divide Bengal in 1905 and at the same time they decided to curb the spirit of
nationalism and sentiments of the Bengali elite class. The policy of the British
Government widened the gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims, which was next
to impossible to be bridged. In the meantime some unavoidable circumstances made
the situation more complicated. None could try to get rid of the prevailing
circumstances and at the same time taking the advantage of their indifferent attitude
the British applied their secret skill and became triumphant. Mahammad Ali Jinnah,
the uncrowned leader of the Muslim League, wanted to translate into action the ‗Two
Nation Theory‘ of Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan. Jinnah placed a demand claiming for a
separate state entirely for the Muslims which ultimately came into force through the
formation a new independent country known as Pakistan. Finally on 3rd June, 1947
Attlee, the British Premier declared the decision of the British Parliament to leave
India within ten weeks. Attlee hurled a departing kick through the execution of
partition of the Indian subcontinent. Before the transfer of power a committee under
the chairmanship of Sir Cyril Radcliff was entrusted with the heavy responsibility of
demarcating the borders of India. But the impartiality, ability and efficiency of
Radcliff were not beyond question and out of criticism. He chalked the boundary line
of 2,736 kilometer without any practical experience and knowledge about India.3 The
people of both the countries after achieving freedom are still paying their
compensation for the hasty, immature, inhuman, undemocratic, unethical and
arbitrary decision of Radcliff. The lives and prospects of countless persons of both the
countries remained buried under the debris of uncertainty and ambiguity.

The surging tide of exodus following partition lashed the shore of both India and
Pakistan. The episode triggered off large scale cross border migration in West Bengal
and Punjab. Due to geographical proximity bulk of refugees from East Pakistan
migrated to the adjoining districts of Calcutta, 24 Parganas, Howrah, Hooghly, Nadia,
Murshidabad including the districts of North Bengal. Most of the uprooted persons
 277

were migrated and settled in the border districts. It could undoubtedly be asserted that
the majority of the displaced persons made their flow of journey uninterrupted
towards Calcutta which was treated to be the major recipient of uprooted individuals
hailing from East Pakistan. Following the tumultuous event almost 15 million people
were recorded to be migrated in Indian Territory and it was also termed as the greatest
mass exodus as recorded ever.4 The Hindu minorities anticipated that the communal
turmoil of Noakhali and Calcutta gave a clear indication and a clear signal of
impending danger and catastrophe that might make their future lives miserable and
uncertain. They also foresaw and heard the sound of bugle of approaching misfortune.

In the first phase of migration the so called wealthy personalities of East Pakistan who
were mentally prepared to protect their dignity, wealth, honour and identity took
ready decision to move towards metropolis. Subsequently, in the later phase, the
Hindu minorities both lower and middle class delayed their movements due to several
factors behind. They were not economically sound so they did not venture to move
towards other safer places in empty hands. More so, they were not well conversant
with the new environment and new associations. They also had no previous
experience of camp life and tent life. So they were at their wits end. Putting at rest all
speculations, they finally decided to move towards safer destinations ignoring
inevitable obstacles and uncertainty. The lower middle class Hindu families who had
practically no asset of their own in East Pakistan were in a dilemma. As the majority
of the people of East Pakistan belonged to lower class and they used to maintain their
livelihood through manual labours and a good section of people depended upon their
heir family trade and family professions. So they took unanimously the brave decision
to move toward India.

The refugees of the northern districts of East Pakistan preferred most to move towards
North Bengal districts due to geographical propinquity and linguistic similarity. The
other factors that lured and inspired the refugees of border districts of East Pakistan to
the different districts of North Bengal were their social likeness, religious affinity and
cultural resemblance. Just after the partition who migrated from East Pakistan to West
Bengal were more or less educated and well established personalities, so they had not
to face much more disadvantages in procuring jobs and other employments and also
permanent settlement for their habitation. Another vital point may be added in this
 278

connection that primarily the migrants of East Pakistan were not cordially received by
the local inhabitants of North Bengal. A movement popularly known as ‗Bhatia
khyadao‘ (Oust the ‗Bhatia‘ means the East Bengal refugees) started. But gradually an
astonishing change was noticed over the attitude of the local people.

Most of the inhabitants of North Bengal belonged to Rajbanshi community. A lion

proportion of cultivable lands were under their possession. From 1950s a
revolutionary change in the demographic scenario of North Bengal was visible. Due
to rapid increase of population the equilibrium of agricultural economy shattered
altogether. The scarcity of land became a chronic problem. During this time the
slogan Langal jar jami tar became very popular. Apart from it the religio-cultural
tussle took a complicated shape. The socio-religious movements gradually
transformed in to a political movement. The reason for the rapid growth of population
was different from other regions. The first step towards economic change was visible
in post-independent period through the abolition of Zamindari system in 1953. In
these circumstances some Government high officials and some affluent people
occupied the places of landed gentry. The Rajbanshi community had no other
alternative but to surrender to the sweet will of the outsiders. Naturally North Bengal
inundated with new and a radical change in the realm of agriculture.

From 1967 a new horizon was opened in the land reform movement in North Bengal.
The land reform movement ruined the supremacy of the landed gentry. In the socio-
economic spheres of the region this period was marked as a period of transition
because land reform movement was in vogue and on the contrary the period also
witnessed the outbreak of Naxalite movement. ‗Operation Barga‘ in 1977 was another
epoch making event of North Bengal. To get peasants (Bhag chasi) registered and to
convert excess private lands in to khas land were the prime objectives of the land
reforms movements. The said movement had an adverse effect upon the Rajbanshi
communities. They started movements relentlessly to acquire economic right and
stability and at the same time to elevate their social dignity. In order to eradicate the
long standing economic deprivation and discrepancies the Rajbanshi communities set
up their first ethnic based organization to fulfill their desired objectives. It opened a
new vista in the political movements of North Bengal. In major cases the movement
originated in urban areas and it had to spread like wild flames in each and every
 279

corner of rural areas. The Uttarakhand movement was such a movement which was
basically originated from rural areas based on economic as well as psychological
conflict.5

It is worth noting here that the Rajbanshi communities started losing their social as
well as political hegemony due to the influx of refugees from East Pakistan. Studying
the dynamics of Rajbanshi societies we found that with the migration of East Bengal
refugees in the region of North Bengal, the Rajbanshies lost their economic control.
This ultimately led to the Khatriyaisation movement. The Rajbanshis had developed a
kind of social integrity through the social reform movement conceptualized as
Khatriyaization6 Migration of the uprooted persons from East Pakistan to West
Bengal, more specially in North Bengal naturally created a pressure on land and
agriculture. More so, establishment of different tea gardens had created pressure on
agriculture. As a consequence many Rajbanshi peasants were compelled to work as
agricultural labourers on their own lands. Some of the Rajbanshi peasants had no
other option but to sell their own lands to the people who came over here after the
tragic event of partition, It was a grim irony of fate that some of them became
labourers of those lands which were once under their possession.7

Since 1967, under the guidance and leadership of the left front Government of West
Bengal land reform movement started initially. In the event of the land reform
movement socio-economic backbones of the landed gentry were at shattered
condition. The simultaneous and joint movements sponsored by the Land Reforms
Act and the Noxalite movement were undoubtedly a period of transition in the annals
of West Bengal state. In 1977 a new phase of movement started with renewed vigour
and encouragement. ‗The Operation Barga‘ was a historical event in the socio-
economic scenario of West Bengal. From that time onwards a trend towards upward
mobility with a view to securing economic stability through the attainment of political
supremacy grew up among the deprived Rajbansis of North Bengal. A movement
known as Uttarakhand was cropped up in the rural and urban sectors of North Bengal.

The War of Liberation of Bangladesh was an epoch making event in the global
history. Even before 1971 due to military rule of Pakistan 10 million people crossed
border for shelter in India.8 Fear of maltreatment, harassment and violence were the
justified reasons behind the fresh refugee migration over India and more specifically
 280

in West Bengal from 1970s and the districts of North Bengal were flooded with
Bangladeshi Hindu evacuees. As most of the evacuees were economically
handicapped, were compelled to occupy the khas and vacant lands for constructing
their dwelling houses in a particular area which was known as ‗jabar dakhal‟ (forced
occupation) colonies. No Government approval of the lands was accorded instantly.
But in the long run in, 1987 those colonies got Government approval. From that time
onwards the Government took active initiative to train male and female uprooted
persons simultaneously with a view to enabling them to support themselves and their
families through their earnings. The objective of the Government was to train the
uprooted individuals specially the women to make them self sufficient. Thence forth,
it could minutely be observed, the womenfolk had the tendency and aptitude to earn
with their own initiative and at the cost of their own endeavours. This was stated to be
the greatest achievement of the refugee women. This positive spirit was found among
the generations to come. Hence, refugees in the West Bengal were categorized as
‗infiltrators‘, ‗Pakistani minorities‘ and ‗fugitives‘. Such categorization was made
with the assumption of the State regarding the nature of this migratiton. The State
believed it was temporary phenomenon and with the contemplation that the normalcy
would soon be restored and pave the way of their return back. Nehru himself had firm
conviction that the situation in East Bengal had not created severe and permanent
danger to its Hindu minorities.9 From the Government‘s point of view it was stated to
be a ‗psychological‘ fear or phobia of the migrants which would not be entertained or
indulged.

In East Punjab, the State took up measures for rehabilitation of the refugees on a war-
footing, while in West Bengal, the picture was quite reverse. They were also advised
to go back to their respective homeland. Since 1950 the Government of West Bengal
began to draw the attention of the Central Government towards the burning issue
concerning refugees. Thereafter, the rapidity of rehabilitation slackened and was
stopped after 1958, until a fresh communal violence broke out in 1964. The modern
conception of a state was not in favour of the continuing influx of migrants. Naturally
the migrants from East Pakistan were taken to be the responsibility of Pakistan and
not of India. The migrant in the West Bengal wanted stubborn protests and mass
movements as the only remedy to their predicament. That anti-State attitude of the
refugees completely outshined the constructive role of the migrant in the process of
 281

self-rehabilitation. Without taking any financial assistance from the Government the
migrants set up colonies and initiated other developmental works i.e. setting up of
schools, colleges, libraries, clubs, health care centres, parks etc within the premises of
the colonies under their united efforts and guidance. As mentioned in the dissertation,
the Government at first did not recognize these colonies and when they finally
recognised they made it clear that regularization would not entail any development
works herein. Thus, much was left upon the shoulders of those migrants. Not only the
residents of colonies exhibited their resourcefulness, even the camp residents were
also made to work in various State-sponsored development projects. The projects like
construction of roads and dams, clearing of forests, reclamation of waste land etc.
were executed with their assistance. A sizable number of migrants were sent out of
West Bengal and recruited in the difficult regions of Dandakaranya, Marichjhapi and
to the islands of Andaman and Nicobar. Hiranmoy Bandopadhyay in his noted book
‗Udvastu‟ clearly indicates that the refugees who returned back to West Bengal during
this phase have to depend upon themselves for their rehabilitation and resettlement as
they did not get any Government assistance.10 Such unique contribution of the
migrants failed to get recognition and appreciation from Government level and it was
not officially approved and no official records were available.

The gender sensitive history on partition is a recent phenomenon. The women were
absolutely neglected chapter in the partition historiography. But with the passage of
time the old conception regarding the fairer sex changed in a phased manner. In the
initial stage of gender based history of partition the refugee women were projected
from the point of view of victimization due to partition but in the later period scholars
stressed more upon the constructive role of the refugee women for the cause of their
settlement, survival and above all the empowerment. Urvasi Bhutalia played a
pioneering role in depicting the untold sorrows and sufferings of women who were
the worst victims of partition. Her path breaking book „The Other Side of Silence‟
unearthed the bitter experiences of those refugee women that were plunged in the
profound darkness of oblivion. In the subsequent years Ritu Menon and Kamala
Bhasin produced an epoch making composition on the greatest human tragedy of
partition from women perspective in their book ‗Borders and Boundaries: The
women‟. The question, do women have a country? Is often followed by are the full
fledged citizens of their countries? Recent feminist research has demonstrated how
 282

‗citizen‘ and ‗state subject‘ are gendered categories by examining how men and
women are treated unequally by most states but especially post-colonial states -
despite constitutional guarantees of equality. The integration of women into modern
‗nationhood‘ epitomized by citizenship in a sovereign nation-state somehow follows a
different trajectory from that of men.11

The impact of partition and the violence was extreme on womenfolk. They had to pay
the cost of independence giving up their chastity and also through sacrificing their
lives silently. During the period of turmoil the women became the common target of
all attacks. Sexual assault, abduction, forced marriage, intimidation became regular
feature. The women came over from East Pakistan to West Bengal as well as in North
Bengal, were humiliated and tortured in every possible way in their ancestral place
and also in their new abode. To protect their chastity and to uphold their dignity their
family members forced to leave their motherland. Coming in contact with many
victimized women the researcher has come to know that each and every woman left
the country following the communal violence. It cannot be ascertained with certitude
that all of them were the victims of direct violence but a psychological fear also
played a vital role behind their migration.

A good number of women engaged them in various activities for the wellbeing and
betterment of their family and family members. In East Pakistan the female inmates of
the family could not even think of going outside for outer activities but under the
pressure of circumstances their old conception and attitude changed abruptly. In the
meantime with a view to fulfilling their requirements some women made them
socially and politically aware in meeting the challenges ahead. They set exemplary
evidence before the inhabitants of North Bengal to move forward with a view to
establishing their social dignity and to ameliorate the condition especially of the
womenfolk. The new entrants in West Bengal in the event of war of liberation of
Bangladesh were more upright, more energetic and more practical in their outlook. As
a matter of fact, as the previous migrants hailed from East Pakistan mostly belonged
to elite class, the female members of those families did not feel it deem to earn
something for their families besides a few exceptional cases. On the contrary, most of
the new migrants from the newly created Bangladesh belonged to lower strata of the
society. They were physically and mentally prepared to face the new challenges they
 283

were going to encounter. They preferred to honour their family professions. As a

result they did not hesitate in performing their works as their predecessors performed.
A sizable number of the women who came after 1971 engaged themselves as
domestic help and lady attendant in hospitals and in financially affluent families to
look after the kids and ailing persons.

The Partition of India, with all its ramifications, for more than seven decades
remained as central point of discussion for historians and social scientists of all
possible shades.The partition meant mass migrations but the women reacted from the
depths of their being at the idea of leaving home. Many literary narratives brought out
this agony. Demolishing the tussle between personal and political and also
demonstrating it in the experience of women, the feminist historiography has
validated the significance of experiential dimension in analyzing the event of
12
partition. In the patriarchal system of India the women were always confined to
domesticity and it perhaps symbolized their world of living and the outer world was
prohibited for them. Due to that reason the womenfolk reacted sharply to the idea of
leaving home. In the normative structure of society, a woman was complexly
identified with the home and woman fixed her identity securely within the framework
of her family confined to the four walls of house. If displaced from such a format of
existence, she was shorn of the basic marker of her identity and with that she dies an
unnatural psychic death. Women were certainly affected by the partition though their
experiences varied. Amidst forced migration, violence, abduction, recovery and
readjustments, most of them lost their identities, which were subsumed by identities
like community, religion and nationality. In their memory, the predominant picture
was one of confusion, dislocation and severing of roots, as they were forced to reckon
with the implication of Independence, which to them meant partition.13A number of
women could never recover themselves from partition, where as some women viewed
this rapture as a moment of unexpected liberation for womenfolk.14

Partition was a tangled event that changed the lives of millions of people in different
ways. The event of partition not only compelled the evacuees to leave their home and
hearth but also made them politically isolated, socially degraded, economically
crippled, morally weakened and psychologically paralyzed. Their pang, pathos, agony
as well as ecstasy, trauma and ultimate triumph made a tremendous impact upon the
 284

outstanding creative thinkers. Their penetrating insight depicted the untold sufferings
of the refugees specially the women who were the worst suffers and victims of
partition in both Bengal and Punjab. The women had occupied an important position
in the domain of partition literature. The litterateurs like Saadat Hossain Manto,
Khuswant Singh, Attia Hossain, Jill Didur, Rajinder Singh Bedi etc. have recorded
and pictured the characters of the women victims of the partition. They attached less
importance upon sentiments and emotions but more importance upon the genuine
struggle of the women against violence, atrocities, bloodshed, ferocity and inhuman
torture upon the innocent armless and helpless depressed women, the holocaust of
partition had created incurable wound that still oozing.

The literature of Bengal did not lag behind in portraying the pathetic saga of displaced
individuals both male and female from East Pakistan to West Bengal. A number of
promising writers, poets, novelists and dramatists contributed a lot in the arena of
partition literature. Their writings offered detailed and elaborate narration of partition,
refugee exodus, violence, suffering of womenfolk, physical and mental torture, abuse,
sexual harassment and above all their struggle for resettlement and empowerment. A
good number of Bengali novels, memoirs, short stories, poems, films have presented
the refugee women as true representatives of social injustice and deprivation bearing
the eloquent testimonies of human sufferings from gendered angle. The female
characters of the partition literature of Bengal reveal their determination and tenacity
for combating the evil designs of the anti- social elements and established their social
identity despite their deprivation to avail the legitimate facilities of the society, which
was considered to be their greatest achievement. But at the same time it was also
noticed that majority of women who remained within the periphery of four walls
could not venture to come forward to snatch their legitimate right. They remained
contented accusing their own destiny. It was the true picture of common uprooted
women who made selfless contribution silently for the well being of respective
families.

Hiranmoy Bandopadhyay, a high ranking Government official of the period, acted in

different districts and different capacities, laments that the valuable efforts of talented
personalities were not deployed for the all-round development of the state. According
to him it was nothing but the lamentable wastage of talents. The heavy loss they
 285

incurred could not partially been compensated that made them perplexed. The
migrants could not adjust themselves with the unpleasant situation they were in. They
could not keep away their nostalgic reminiscences from their life. So, truly speaking,
the uprooted people could not accept whole heartedly the suicidal attitude of the
immature politicians who brushing aside the hopes and aspirations of the Hindus and
the Muslims bifurcated the country. The famous poem of noted poet Annada Shankar
Ray projected before readers through his poem ‗Teler shihsi bhanglo bole‟ through
which he held responsible of the leaders who divided the country. He also tried to
ventilate the grievances, anger, frustration, agony and hatred of the common people
over the unprecedented and unpredictable episode of partition of India.
Teler shishi bhanglo bole
Khukhur pore raag koro
Tomra jei sob buro khokha
Bharat bhenge bhag koro.
Taar bela!
(As the little girl breaks a bottle of oil, you scold her .You the veteran persons when
divide the country, what of that?)15

The vital reason behind the creation of a separate state was nothing but the
manifestation of protest of the local Rajbanshies against the supremacy of the
outsiders. The successive movements of Khatriyaization, sanskritization and
Hinduization wanted to strengthen the Rajbanshi movement but the above noted
movements failed to produce any permanent effects upon the Rajbanshi communities.
They also demanded Kamtapur state and voiced their demands to give prompt
recognition of the Kamtapuri language. Subsequently in 1987 a party known as
Kamtapur People‘s Party (KPP) came into existence. They were plunged with
profound darkness of illiteracy, superstitions and were quiet indifferent to
advancement of other countries. Initially the uprooted migrants were not cordially
accepted by the local population. But with the passage of time the Rajbanshi
community realized it whole heartedly that the presence of refugee population would
bring about more benefit for their life style. The people of North Bengal especially of
rural sectors and women in particular became indebted to the refugee women. They
were indebted to their female counterparts of East Bengal for promoting their political
 286

consciousness, social awareness and necessity of education. The displaced refugee

women tried their level best to elevate the social positions of the Rajbanshi women.

To know the unknown, to see the unseen, to visit the unvisited, to explore the
unexplored were beyond the range of their imagination and in this respect the
initiative of refugee women were really praise worthy. In previous years major rural
population of North Bengal absolutely depended on agriculture and agricultural
produce. The modern technique of production and different superior qualities of seeds
of crops were unknown to them. They blindly followed the traditional technique of
production. Few limited crops were available in the market in specific season. But
with the advent of refugees the whole complexion of situation changed in phased
manner. The local farmers were encouraged to be acquainted with the modern
scientific technique to grow unfamiliar crops of various types. Now-a-days variety of
fishes, vegetables and fruits are available in the market in all seasons throughout the
year. More so North Bengal districts have had the ability and capacity to import
surplus commodities in different neighbouring districts and states which were
unquestionably a fair indication of economic growth of respective districts.

From academic point of view the people of North Bengal lagged behind to a
lamentable extent. With a view to educating the uneducated people in North Bengal
mainly in the rural sectors schools of different categories, primary, secondary, higher
secondary, colleges and universities for higher education were established. They also
advocated for vocational training schools, technical schools to make the boys and
girls technically sound. The Hindus of East Bengal were homeless in a Muslim
dominated nation in the truest sense of the term. Refugee rehabilitation was
considered to be a national responsibility by the postcolonial Indian government.
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made it clear in a public meeting that the welfare of
the displaced was not merely a humanitarian responsibility on the part of the state
alone, it was a pragmatic one on which the future and welfare of India depended.16
But the primary object of the Government was make arrangement for the resettlement
of refugees from West Pakistan. The national leadership was ambivalent regarding its
responsibilities toward East Bengal refugees. They were unwilling and unable to
block migration altogether, but afraid of ―inviting‖ millions of East Bengali Hindus
into the country and alienating Pakistan as a result, undermining India's foundational
principle of secularism, and burdening the fragile economy.17
 287

A bulk of population of East Pakistan had to struggle a lot along with their male
counterparts. But their efforts for survival and attempts to cope with the new situation
were not given due importance. The history of displaced persons and their quest for
new shelter in the districts of North Bengal is almost untouched. North Bengal was
flooded with exodus from the pre-partition period. The migrated people afterwards
mingled with the local people. It was evident from various census reports that from
1901 some people from East Pakistan came to the districts of North Bengal. The
number rose to an alarming extent after the partition. These migrated people
ultimately strengthened their position in various spheres of life after a long strife. The
migrated womenfolk from East Pakistan gradually involved themselves intimately
with various activities with the local people.

It is worth noting in this context that after hailing from East Pakistan to North Bengal
those displaced women also served as a source of inspiration to those non immigrant
women who were long been deprived due to lack of education. It would not be out of
place to mention that a sizable number of women enjoyed the privilege of education
even long before the partition. But it was concentrated among the limited few hailing
from upper class. Exodus of displaced women, their trauma, their long struggle and
ultimately their success directly or indirectly helped the local backward people to
establish themselves keeping at bay the age-old prejudice and blind conception. The
uprooted persons infused upon the innocent, simple and uneducated people of North
Bengal the sense of self consciousness. The wave of migration continued until the
Bangladesh war of liberation in 1971and even after.

The partition of India dismantled the difference between public and private sphere of
refugee women ushering into an epoch of modernity. Practically, the violence
followed by partition contaminated the sanctity of private arena of womenfolk which
actually evoked their emancipatory possibility. The opinion of Partha Chatterjee may
be cited in this regards. In his work Nation and Its Fragments illustrates the
hegemonic nature of Indian modernity and nationalism. He opines that though the
Bengal Renaissance brought about a new era of modernity but still the difference of
18
andar and bahir was to some extent compromised. Partition as a historical
phenomenon had altered the trajectory of Indian modernity as it dismantled the
sanctity of private life to a considerable extent.
 288

The women question was to be found in keeping with framework of the traditional
values of the indigenous culture in Bengali society.Chatterje notes a distinct
reluctance on the part of the nationalist and social reformers to allow any colonoial
intervention specially in the domain of socio-cultural reforms and more specifically
the position of women in colonized society, by the end of nineteenth century.
Education was encouraged as a mark of cultural refinement of women because they
were considered as the embodiment of cultural values and sentiment.They were
entrusted with the responsibility to keep intact the sanctity and inner purity.Actually
the Bengal Renaissanace talked about the emancipation of exterior subjects giving the
female members the necessary education but without compromising the persona of
feminine self. The de sanctification of private life due to violence was never the less
responsible in dismantling the binary of the sacred interior and the trivial outside.
Economic emancipation of the womenfolk was one of the visible characteristic of
partition. Coming out of the age long tradition they became economically self
dependant. The displaced persons more specifically the women were rather compelled
to work outside the purview four walls. From this period some women were entrusted
with the responsibility of eldest son.This process of ungendering is an important
phenomenon of post partition Bengali society. This tendency to shift from traditional
stereotype set up opened a new horizon in partition studies.

Notes:

1. Joya Chatterji, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-

1947, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, p.228.
2. Kali Prasad Mukhapadhyay, Partition, Bengal and After -The Great Tragedy
of India, New Delhi : Reference Press, 2007, p.xiv(Introduction).
3. Gargi Chakravorty, Coming out of Partition: Refugee Women of Bengal, New
Delhi: Bluejay Books, 2005, p.5.
4. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West,
New Delhi: Monohar, 2011, p.79.
5. The Statesman, January 25, 1948.
 289

6. Rup Kumar Barman, Partition of India and its Impact on the Scheduled Castes
of Bengal, New Delhi: Abhijeet Publications,2012,p.225.
7. Interview with Kusum Barman, Tapan, West Dinajpur, 1 January, 2018.
8. Monika Mandal, Settling the Unsettled: A Study of Partition Refugees in West
Bengal,p.112.
9. Joya Chatterji, The Spoils of PartitionL:Bengal And India,1947-1967, New
Delhi: Cambridge University Press,2007,p.129.
10. Hiranmoy Bandapadhyay, Udvastu, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1970, p.430.
11. Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin, Borders & Boundaries: Women in India‟s
Partition, New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2000, p.251.
12. Ritu Menon (ed.), No Woman‟s Land,New Delhi: Women Unlimited,
2004,p.3.
13. Anjali Bharadwaj, ―Partition of India and Woman‘s experiences,Social
Scientist,Vol.32,Nos 5-6 May-June,2004,p.85
14. Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin, Borders & Boundaries: Women in India‟s
Partition,p.19.
15. Annadashankar Roy, Shrestha Chhara,Kolkata: Impression House,2003.
16. The Statesman, January 25,1948.
17. https://swadhinata.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/chatterjeeEastBengal-
Refugee.pdf.
18. Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments:Colonial and Postcolonial
Histories,Princeton, New Jersy:Princeton University Press,1993.
 290

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 303

INDEX

A 101, 102, 108, 115, 125, 126, 127, 132,

152, 154, 166, 167, 177, 181, 187, 188,
All India Congress Committee (AICC) 13,
189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 207,
16, 18, 44, 52, 56, 123, 124, 163, 184,
239, 241, 263, 273, 291, 292, 297
186, 189, 190, 193, 195, 206, 217, 242,
Banga bandhu 4, 22, 24, 35, 36, 45, 58, 99,
251, 273, 287, 292, 298, 299
200, 228, 230, 234, 249, 252, 262, 274,
All India Muslim League ................. 5, 299
295, 296
All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC)
Barujibi Scheme ...... 11, 26, 53, 73, 95, 96,
......................................................... 299
122, 153, 184, 200, 205, 232, 233, 240,
All India Women Congress (AIWC) .... 41,
241, 245, 250, 263, 265, 266, 267, 269,
76, 134, 222, 232, 244, 299
271, 272, 274, 291, 294, 296
Ansar 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 15, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26,
Basu, Dakshinaranjan.... 2, 3, 7, 11, 13, 16,
27, 51, 57, 60, 71, 72, 90, 92, 96, 97,
20, 27, 34, 36, 38, 39, 40, 43, 45, 55, 68,
100, 124, 131, 148, 149, 177, 178, 179,
77, 82, 85, 87, 88, 98, 100, 102, 103,
180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187,
108, 110, 114, 115, 123, 124, 125, 126,
188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195,
129, 130, 131, 150, 152, 154, 157, 160,
196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203,
162, 163, 166, 168, 182, 186, 188, 189,
204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213,
190, 200, 202, 206, 207, 208, 209, 221,
214, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229,
223, 225, 239, 240, 242, 246, 247, 249,
232, 233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 239, 240,
252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 260, 263, 268,
242, 248, 249, 253, 254, 257, 266, 273,
270, 272, 286, 287, 288, 291, 292, 293,
274, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297,
295, 296, 298
298, 299
Basu, Prativa ... 23, 39, 168, 170, 223, 225,
Attlee.. 3, 4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 16, 18, 26, 33,
233, 267, 295
38, 42, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61, 68, 69, 72, 73,
Basu, Subhas Chandra....... 8, 16, 212, 260,
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 85, 93, 94, 96, 99,
261, 295, 299
101, 103, 111, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
Bayanama Scheme .....2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 13,
127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 147,
14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28,
149, 150, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162, 164,
34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 46, 49, 50, 51,
165, 166, 179, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189,
52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 68, 69,
191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201,
70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 81, 84, 89, 92, 93,
203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212,
95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 107, 109, 113, 115,
213, 222, 229, 231, 232, 237, 239, 248,
120, 122, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130,
252, 258, 264, 271, 290, 291, 293, 294,
131, 132, 134, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152,
295, 296, 297
154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163,
Awami League ..................................... 297
165, 166, 169, 171, 178, 179, 180, 181,
B 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190,
191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 199, 201,
Bandapadhyay, Atin... 2, 70, 105, 123, 297
202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209,
Bandapadhyay, Surenrdanath . 2, 8, 15, 16,
210, 211, 212, 213, 223, 225, 227, 229,
18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 50, 52, 55, 56,
231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238,
57, 60, 68, 77, 78, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 96,
239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 247, 251, 252,
 304

253, 254, 255, 258, 259, 260, 262, 263, 180, 182, 188, 194, 198, 200, 208, 211,
264, 266, 267, 269, 272, 273, 286, 288, 214, 217, 222, 226, 228, 232, 246, 248,
290, 292, 294, 295, 296, 298 254, 255, 261, 262, 265, 267, 268, 270,
Bhadralok ...1, 2, 52, 53, 60, 115, 258, 263, 287, 289, 290, 292, 293
270, 272, 292, 295, 298 Chakrabarty, Nirendranath ................... 299
Bharat Sevasram Sangha10, 12, 14, 21, 32, Chatterjee, N,C ... 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
37, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 52, 54, 59, 60, 76, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
84, 85, 87, 88, 126, 128, 133, 146, 147, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32,
149, 182, 196, 213, 214, 221, 234, 247, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43,
249, 255, 257, 269, 295, 296 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54,
Bhatia ........... 203, 226, 231, 260, 272, 295 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65,
Bhattacharjee, Bijan .. 1, 17, 22, 26, 27, 42, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77,
48, 53, 59, 91, 95, 104, 130, 168, 191, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88,
209, 228, 229, 235, 242, 247, 255, 260, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99,
262, 272, 292, 295, 296 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,
Bombay Congress ..3, 7, 18, 24, 50, 51, 52, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115,
53, 57, 68, 69, 70, 73, 76, 79, 81, 82, 90, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
93, 94, 99, 100, 101, 102, 112, 129, 148, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134,
150, 151, 152, 155, 156, 159, 160, 163, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143,
165, 168, 169, 180, 182, 185, 186, 196, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151,
199, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159,
214, 237, 250, 273, 289, 291, 292, 294, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167,
296, 297 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 177, 178,
Boundary Commission.. 12, 27, 35, 57, 75, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186,
83, 100, 109, 159, 166, 190, 193, 206, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194,
209, 223, 224, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202,
244, 247, 254, 260, 261, 263, 295 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210,
211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218,
C 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
Cabinet Mission2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 22, 23, 24, 25, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235,
26, 34, 35, 51, 54, 68, 69, 78, 90, 91, 92, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243,
97, 99, 101, 102, 105, 108, 112, 119, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251,
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 129, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259,
130, 131, 134, 138, 155, 157, 158, 160, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267,
162, 163, 164, 169, 177, 180, 184, 185, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275,
186, 190, 191, 194, 199, 200, 201, 204, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 286, 287, 288,
205, 206, 209, 210, 212, 213, 260, 261, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296,
262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 272, 283, 297, 298, 299, 300
288, 289, 290, 291, 293, 297, 298 CMDA1, 19, 60, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88,
Calcutta riot..11, 14, 25, 32, 39, 41, 45, 46, 90, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105,
47, 48, 51, 57, 60, 75, 76, 77, 79, 82, 86, 106, 107, 109, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118,
88, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 101, 102, 108, 120, 121, 127, 128, 189, 192, 197, 198,
112, 114, 125, 128, 132, 133, 134, 145, 206, 252, 291, 292
146, 156, 157, 159, 160, 166, 167, 169,
 305

CPI 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 18, 19, Das, Jibanananda . 20, 31, 66, 74, 104, 130,
21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 132, 135, 136, 138, 141, 165, 172, 174,
36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 202, 203, 204, 217, 218, 219, 226, 231,
51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 233, 236, 237, 241, 245, 246, 247, 249,
63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 250, 254, 261, 263, 266, 275, 276, 277,
77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285
90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, Desh bhag 3, 21, 23, 25, 26, 38, 41, 42, 44,
101, 102, 103, 106, 108, 109, 111, 112, 47, 50, 68, 76, 97, 144, 147, 148, 149,
113, 114, 115, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 154, 155, 157, 161, 162, 164, 165, 169,
129, 130, 131, 132, 136, 138, 141, 144, 186, 201, 207, 208, 211, 212, 228, 245,
145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 246, 247, 252, 253, 266, 291, 294, 298
153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, Devi, Jyotirmoyee ..... 51, 60, 97, 124, 166,
162, 164, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 190, 199, 204, 206, 230, 231, 235, 236,
177, 180, 182, 183, 184, 186, 188, 189, 244, 246, 270, 292, 293, 298
190, 194, 195, 196, 199, 201, 202, 203, Direct Action Day ... 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 21,
204, 205, 206, 208, 210, 211, 212, 214, 26, 27, 37, 43, 53, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 65,
223, 224, 225, 226, 230, 231, 233, 234, 66, 71, 74, 76, 90, 138, 144, 145, 146,
235, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 150, 164, 170, 171, 172, 179, 193, 195,
244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 252, 253, 255, 196, 197, 202, 212, 213, 215, 221, 222,
256, 257, 259, 260, 262, 263, 265, 266, 223, 224, 225, 226, 229, 234, 240, 241,
268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 278, 242, 244, 245, 247, 250, 253, 256, 257,
286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 260, 261, 263, 272, 273, 274, 280, 281,
294, 295, 298 287, 295, 298, 299
CPI (M) 2, 6, 19, 23, 24, 25, 27, 53, 54, 55, Divide and Rule8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20,
69, 71, 74, 77, 81, 93, 95, 104, 105, 109, 21, 29, 31, 35, 41, 42, 78, 139, 157, 177,
120, 123, 130, 138, 148, 150, 151, 152, 178, 179, 200, 207, 225, 233, 234, 246,
153, 154, 155, 161, 165, 171, 185, 191, 253, 256, 258, 259, 260, 263, 264, 265,
203, 205, 208, 209, 212, 242, 243, 246, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 292, 293
253, 256, 259, 265, 266, 267, 269, 287, DVC (Damadar Valley Corporation) .... 52,
288, 298 55, 75, 100, 105, 113, 130, 155, 166,
186, 246, 259, 264
D
E
Dalil 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 19, 20, 29, 34, 35, 36,
39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 56, 58, 59, East India Refugee Committee ( EIRC)
60, 68, 70, 76, 78, 89, 92, 95, 96, 101, .......................................................... 247
129, 130, 131, 132, 146, 148, 154, 157, Eviction Bill.......................................... 246
159, 168, 183, 200, 202, 203, 207, 223,
227, 228, 229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, G
237, 239, 240, 241, 242, 244, 245, 246, Gandhi, M.K 24, 25, 45, 68, 100, 109, 113,
247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 133, 155, 157, 158, 162, 167, 202, 207,
255, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 208, 237
264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, Gangapadhyay, Narayan ..... 33, 41, 76, 83,
272, 292, 296, 299 100, 124, 130, 160, 182, 184, 187, 193,
199, 205, 247, 291, 292
 306

Gangapadhyay, Sunil .. 226, 234, 235, 245, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153,
247, 277 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161,
Ghatak, Ritwik ..................................... 247 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169,
Ghati..................................................... 237 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177,
Ghokle, G.K1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185,
13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193,
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201,
38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210,
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219,
61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228,
77,곰78, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236,
92, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244,
105, 106, 108, 111, 113, 114, 115, 122, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252,
123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260,
131, 132, 133, 134, 145, 146, 147, 148, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268,
149, 150, 151, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276,
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 277, 278, 279, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290,
168, 169, 170, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298,
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 299, 300
191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, Ghosh, Shankha .. 1, 34, 54, 74, 75, 90, 91,
199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 122, 159, 164, 165, 196, 206, 212, 236,
207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 238, 289, 295
219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, Gupta Saibal ......................... 237, 257, 264
228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, Gupta, Asoka ........ 6, 22, 60, 181, 237, 263
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 245,
247, 248, 249, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, H
257, 258, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265, 267, Hazrat bal ........... 3, 15, 160, 238, 289, 295
268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 286, High politics ................. 237, 238, 278, 295
287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, Hindu Mahasabha ........................ 238, 254
295, 296, 297, 298, 299 Hoque, Hasan Azizul .... 22, 102, 224, 238,
Ghosh, Amitabha1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 242, 247, 249, 252, 253, 256, 261, 272,
11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 292, 296
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33,
34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, I
45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, I.N.A (Indian National Army) . 1, 2, 5, 7, 8,
56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22,
68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 23, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
79, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 57,
92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 58, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 78, 79, 81, 84, 92,
102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 96, 98, 99, 101, 104, 108, 109, 112, 122,
110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 118, 120, 123, 129, 130, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150,
121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 151, 152, 155, 177, 178, 179, 180, 185,
129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 186, 189, 192, 194, 196, 198, 199, 200,
137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 201, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212,
 307

213, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, Migration Certificate (MC) .................. 235
228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, Mitra Asoke..... 5, 21, 58, 59, 89, 100, 181,
236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 182, 205, 235, 247, 269
244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, Mitra, Narendranath ............................. 236
252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, Mountbatten .. 27, 221, 222, 226, 230, 234,
260, 261, 262, 263, 266, 269, 270, 271, 235, 236, 237, 261
272, 273, 274, 286, 287, 288, 290, 292, Mukhapadhyay, Bhabani Prasad . 1, 26, 58,
293, 294, 295, 296, 298, 299 73, 95, 101, 103, 118, 124, 125, 130,
Iqbal ............................. 224, 235, 237, 258 131, 148, 149, 156, 178, 185, 186, 188,
192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 199, 201, 202,
J 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 210, 226, 227,
Jabar Dakhal .... 1, 9, 13, 14, 24, 32, 47, 70, 231, 235, 238, 240, 242, 243, 251, 254,
87, 95, 114, 147, 154, 155, 194, 198, 255, 258, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266, 271,
201, 202, 210, 211, 214, 217, 222, 223, 288, 293, 294
227, 235, 250, 256, 260, 261, 273, 274, Mukhapadhyay, Shirshendu ...... 1, 99, 107,
286, 294, 299 128, 134, 188, 224, 235, 236, 295
Jinnah ........................................... 235, 240 Mukherjee, S.P ..................... 166, 180, 236
Mukti Yuddha ..... 199, 202, 203, 231, 235,
K 238, 246, 256, 257, 259, 260, 265, 269,
Khas Mahal ....33, 38, 41, 85, 98, 223, 226, 272
228, 230, 231, 235, 236, 237, 241, 251, Muslim League .... 200, 235, 240, 242, 273
258, 265, 266, 267, 271
N
Khilaphat Conference .......................... 236
Komol Gandhar9, 20, 28, 31, 32, 150, 225, Naidu Sarajini 2, 11, 36, 53, 59, 61, 69, 73,
235, 236, 237, 238, 247, 263 95, 99, 101, 111, 113, 115, 161, 167,
KPP (Kamtapur People‘s Party) .. 208, 236 169, 180, 189, 191, 194, 201, 207, 208,
209, 227, 228, 235, 236, 237, 251, 253,
L 260, 265, 268, 269, 271, 286, 288
Labour Party ........................................ 236 Nari Seva Sangha 31, 73, 90, 93, 126, 127,
League of Nations ..8, 9, 14, 15, 19, 22, 28, 186, 211, 235, 246, 253, 261
29, 30, 33, 46, 48, 63, 64, 66, 135, 142, Nasreen, Taslima . 1, 3, 6, 7, 20, 21, 23, 24,
144, 157, 236, 244, 294 25, 26, 32, 48, 51, 55, 69, 76, 92, 97,
131, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151,
M 152, 154, 155, 156, 161, 162, 163, 164,
165, 169, 170, 174, 177, 199, 201, 204,
Mahila Atma Raksha Samiti (MARS) .. 25,
206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 223,
73, 79, 83, 85, 105, 111, 168, 235
224, 226, 228, 234, 237, 243, 245, 246,
Majumdar, Amiya Bhusan .... 35, 100, 170,
247, 248, 252, 253, 254, 256, 272, 273,
233, 236, 269
291, 294, 298
Manto, Sadat Hossain . 177, 202, 205, 233,
Nehru-Liaquat Pact ...... 235, 260, 264, 295
235, 241, 242, 251, 257, 268
Nikhal Banga Bastuhara Karma Parishad
Marwari Society ................................... 235
(NBBKP)... 1, 10, 48, 87, 125, 131, 178,
Meghe dhaka tara ...... 28, 56, 72, 204, 206,
183, 232, 235
235, 253, 260
Noakhali Riot ..... 10, 54, 68, 235, 253, 286
 308

O Rushdie, Salman 28, 46, 99, 200, 224, 225,

236, 245, 248, 250, 255, 260, 261, 265,
Oxfam .................................................. 236
295
P
S
Patel, Sardar Ballavbhai . 60, 234, 236, 298
Saxena, Mohanlal .... 24, 34, 37, 39, 41, 46,
position...13, 23, 42, 90, 91, 109, 112, 151,
50, 74, 88, 159, 164, 168, 196, 202, 205,
192, 193, 201, 222, 223, 234, 235, 236,
207, 208, 223, 237, 247, 255, 260, 267,
260, 295, 298, 299
286
Prasad, Rajendra ..... 24, 72, 100, 146, 171,
Sen, Salil ........................................ 39, 237
184, 193, 228, 231, 233, 236, 237, 240,
Shakhachil .................................... 232, 237
245, 246, 247, 253, 257, 266
Singh, Khuswant ..... 5, 44, 49, 72, 91, 170,
R 177, 179, 223, 224, 230, 237, 273, 290,
299
Rajkahini ..... 1, 44, 49, 193, 202, 233, 236,
Subarnarekha 232, 237, 243, 251, 255, 258
239, 264, 295
Ramkrishna Mission ............................ 236 U
Redcross ............. 17, 45, 49, 159, 165, 236
Uday Villa ....5, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20,
Refugee Central Rehabilitation Council
(RCRC) ... 2, 24, 95, 149, 188, 194, 208, 177, 200, 222, 238, 292, 294
234, 236, 266 United Central Refugee Council (UCRC)
.............................. 4, 130, 207, 209, 237
Roy, Prafulla .................. 64, 236, 275, 277
United Nations (UN) ............................ 237
RSP .............................................. 236, 249
 Appendix - A
Map of India before and after Partition
 Appendix – B
Map of Bangladesh
 Appendix - C
Pictures of two refugee families