Bengali Communities in Colonial Assam
Sanghamitra Misra, Department of History, University of Delhi
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.123
Published online: 23 May 2019
Summary
The history of the Bengali community in Assam, along with many other communities such
as the Marwari traders and the Nepalis, can be dated to the early decades of British rule
in Assam when the East India Company found itself relying on Bengali amlahs (court
officials) for its policing, legal and revenue administration of the newly acquired kingdom
of Assam. The Bengali community grew partly due to the encouragement that the
Company gave the Bengali language by using it in its courts, administration, and schools.
While in 1873 Assamese replaced Bengali as the medium of instruction and language of
the court, with some caveats and exceptions, the province of Assam, which was formed in
1874, brought together four historically distinct spaces in the region, including the two
Bengali-speaking districts (Sylhet and Cachar) of the Barak-Surma Valley. The decades
leading to Partition witnessed various factors, including employment opportunities and
cultural and linguistic belonging, leading to contradictory pulls in Sylhet and Cachar on
the question of whether it should be integrated with Bengal or Assam. Another important
factor was the growth of linguistically based Assamese nationalism whose politics lay in
the articulation of a unique Assamese literary and cultural identity along with the
securing of employment opportunities. The latter would lead to a demand of an Assamese
homeland free of competition from the Bengali middle class. A referendum in July 1947
based on limited franchise led to Sylhet being integrated to Pakistan while Cachar
remained part of Assam and India. Other than the Bengali-speaking communities of
Sylhet and Cachar, a history of the Bengali-speaking communities in Assam involves the
story of peasant cultivators from East Bengal who continuously migrated into Assam in
the early decades of the 20th century. While earlier pre-colonial patterns of migration
were seasonal, the colonial state’s primary aim of acquiring high agrarian revenue led to
specific policies and schemes that encouraged peasant migration into Assam from East
Bengal. This further encouraged an intensification of commercial agriculture especially
jute, changes in the transport network in the Brahmaputra valley, a developed credit
network, and some local elements such as Marwari businessmen and Assamese
moneylenders. However, with time this migration created conditions of insecurity for
Assamese peasants who faced ejection from their lands as a result of the growing
competition for cultivable land and higher rents. The colonial state’s attempt at
regulating the migration—such as through the Line System in the 1920s—became a site
of contestation among many emerging nationalist and political perspectives, whether of
the Congress, the Muslim League or others. The tussle between the preservation of the
rights and claims of indigenous peasants over grazing and forest reserves and those of
Bengali Muslim immigrants over land defined the politics of the 1940s in Assam until
Partition.
Page 1 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Keywords:
Bengali, Assamese, Sylhet, Cachar, cultural nationalism, Partition, migration, the Line
System, Muslim League, migrants, peasant colonization
The Bengali Community in Sylhet and Cachar
The Bengali Community in 19th-Century Assam
After the Treaty of Yandaboo in 1826, which formalized the transfer of the Ahom kingdom
from Burmese hands to the British, the East India Company first established direct control
over Lower Assam (Kamrup and parts of Darrang) and then over Upper Assam in 1836. The
history of the Bengali community in Assam, along with many other communities such as the
Marwari traders and the Nepalis, can be dated to these early decades of British rule in Assam
when the East India Company found itself relying on Bengali amlahs (officials of the court) for
its policing, legal and revenue administration of the newly acquired kingdom of Assam. The
business of the courts during this period was almost entirely conducted in Bengali, making the
1
services of the Bengali community indispensable. This reliance was further strengthened by
the Act of 1837 that allowed the East India Company to replace Persian with any vernacular
language, considered more easily accessible to the local population, for the purposes of
administration. In Assam, Bengali was chosen as this language and, from 1837 to 1873, it
remained the language of the courts and the government schools in Assam. With an exposure
to western education and colonial law, Bengalis emerged as a community that stood to benefit
from these new changes that were introduced in the administration of Assam. This was
obviously a factor that encouraged the migration of Bengalis into the region, seeking jobs as
white-collared employees of the colonial state in the revenue and judicial departments of the
colonial state. The dearth of teachers in the government schools set up by the British in
Assam in the 19th century, with Bengali as the medium of instruction, also had to be met by
2
Bengali teachers from Bengal.
The formation of the province of Assam in 1874 brought together four historically distinct
spaces of the region: the hill districts; the five plains districts of the Brahmaputra valley,
which were earlier known as “Assam proper;” the region of Goalpara where overlapping
linguistic identities made a seamless inclusion into “Assam proper” difficult; and the two
Bengali-speaking districts of the Barak—Surma Valley—Sylhet and Cachar.
Of the two distinct geographical regions that Cachar comprised of—the Cachar plains and the
North Cachar hills that are a continuation of the Meghalaya plateau—the former allowed
Cachar a historical and geographical contiguity with the Bengal mainland. Unlike other parts
of the Brahmaputra valley, where the migration of the Bengali-speaking community could
often be traced to the beginnings of colonial rule in the region, historical evidence confirms
the presence of this community in the plains of Cachar from the pre-colonial period. Such
evidence also points toward shared histories with the other inhabitants of the region, such as
3
the Dimasa Kacharis. British conquest of the region was formally marked by the 1824 Treaty
of Badarpur, although the East India Company had established its political presence in the
region earlier through its interventions in the affairs of the kingdom of Cachar and
4
neighboring Manipur and Jayantiya. The expanse of the vast cultivable Cachar plains and the
Page 2 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
possibility of accruing revenue from it were ideal conditions for the colonial state to
encourage cultivators from Bengal. The Cachar plains being contiguous to those of Sylhet and
by extension, to the vast plains of Bengal, had at any rate seen some of the earliest Bengali
settlers in the region coming in as cultivators into a sparsely populated region. Thus there
were numerous Bengali villages on the northern side of the Barak bordering Sylhet, from the
pre-colonial period. Many of these settlers had migrated to this region during the years of
Heramba rule into the Cachar plains and were organized into Khels for the payment of land
5
revenue and labor services. With the coming of British rule, there was a more concerted and
regulated policy to attract settlers to the Barak Valley: letters were issued to the district
officers of Sylhet, Dacca, Tripura, and Mymensingh to inform inhabitants about the
availability of rent-free lands, low taxation rates, and easy acquisition of proprietary rights in
6
land in Cachar. This policy of agrarianization through a clearing of land categorized as
“waste,” and “jungle” continued in Cachar for much of British rule as it did in other parts of
the colonial empire in India and Bengali cultivators contributed substantially to the important
7
position that Cachar occupied in the revenue map of the British empire in India.
The inclusion of Sylhet which had historically been an integral part of the Bengal province
within the newly created province of Assam was justified by the colonial state as necessary for
8
making it financially viable. The larger story that unfolded after its inclusion, however, is of
historical significance not merely for what it tells us about the history of the Bengali-speaking
community in Assam but also for its other embedded narratives: of the politics of borders and
the construction of the nation and of the contested nature of cultural identities.
From 1874 until 1947, when Sylhet was “returned” to Bengal, Sylhet’s intelligentsia and
educated elite articulated a politics of identity that was shaped considerably by their
dominant position in the realms of politics, administration, and education in Assam. There was
initial resistance from within sections of these elites to the inclusion of Sylhet within Assam,
perceived as a more “backward” province. Public opinion was mobilized against the inclusion
of Sylhet in Assam through a series of articles published in newspapers from Calcutta. The
influential Hindu Patriot published a series of articles and editorials echoing the sentiment of
the Bengali elites. K. Das Pal, its editor, wrote that Sylhet was the golden calf, being sacrificed
for the new idol, the province of Assam. A memorandum of protest against the transfer of
Sylhet was submitted to the Viceroy on August 10, 1874, by leaders of both the Hindu and
9
Muslim communities. This resistance soon crumbled in the face of the new advantages that
came their way. The Hindu elite of Sylhet accepted assurances from Lord Northbrook that
Sylhet’s education and justice system would continue to be administered from Bengal. The
obvious benefits of the tea industry in the Barak-Surma and Brahmaputra valleys in the form
of clerical and medical appointments in tea estates played an important role in eroding this
resistance. Added economic benefits for the Sylheti community came in the form of a demand
for rice in the tea plantations of Assam; here the Sylheti zamindars profited from the sale of
rice at far higher prices than would have been possible had they been obliged to export it to
Bengal. After 1874 the knowledge of the English language became integral to the process of
the formalization of the administrative apparatus and an essential educational qualification for
10
government jobs. Bengal had a far wider prevalence of English education in the 19th
century than Assam and members of the Bengali community therefore continued to have an
advantage in securing jobs with the colonial administration.
Page 3 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
This advantage, as well as the political position of the Bengali community in Assam, was
reinforced by other auxiliary policies of the British government, such as the introduction of
residential qualifications for government jobs in 1903 which rested on an important clause
that extended the definition of a “native” substantially to include all those who were domiciled
11
in Assam. Scholars have argued that data from the first half of the 20th century reveal an
overwhelming dominance of Bengali Hindus from Sylhet and Cachar in the colonial
bureaucracy in Assam, in different offices in the tea estates, in the medical, legal, and
12
teaching professions, and in the clerical jobs in the railways and post offices. This visible
presence of the Bengali community in the apparatus of the colonial state was complemented
by their presence as the single largest linguistic community in the province of Assam during
13
British rule. In the late 19th and first half of the 20th century this linguistic and economic
predominance was to encounter the growing resentment of the emerging western educated
14
Assamese middle class and intelligentsia.
Cultural Nationalism, the Politics of Language, and the Partition of 1905
The decision to introduce Bengali as the official language of Assam in the mid-19th century
shaped the trajectories of education and literacy among the people of this province. Scholars
have even argued that this language policy was reflective of the colonial state’s politics of
15
space, an aspect of which was the imagination of Assam as an “extension of Bengal.”
Resisting this imagination from the early decades of the 19th century onward, the Assamese
indigenous elite attempted to enter the employment of the colonial state in various capacities
including as dobashis (bilingual) authored texts that focused not only on the long tradition of
written culture that Assamese shared with Bengali, but also on the distinctness of Assamese
16
as a language and the significance of its historical connections with mainland India.
Written in the form of modern histories of Assam, these texts sought to insert the region into a
17
pan-Indian nationalist consciousness. In the absence of a printing press in Assam, these
texts were published from printing presses in Calcutta and in the Bengali language. The
history of modern Assamese, its development as a print language, and its subsequent
transformation into the main site for the articulation of Assamese nationalist identity,
however, begins more accurately from the second half of the 19th century, when American
Baptist missionaries and the Assamese intelligentsia opposed the prevalence of Bengali as the
18
language of administration and education.
In a region with diverse, polyglot cultures, the missionaries chose the dominant language of
the Brahmaputra valley—Assamese—as the language of proselytization. Assamese was also
the lingua franca of most elites and of the peasants of this region. The distinctiveness of the
Assamese language was proved further through the compilation of comparative vocabularies
and grammars. A very crucial force behind these arguments of the missionaries was the
publication of their journal Orunodoi (“the rising sun”), the first journal in the Assamese
language and published from the Baptist mission press in Sibsagar from 1846 onward until
the 1880s. Prominent figures of the Assamese intelligentsia in the first half of the 19th
century included Haliram Dhekiyal Phukan and his son, Anandaram Dhekiyal Phukan. It is in
the writings of the latter, such as the Asomiya Lorar Mitra, that Assamese linguistic identity
came to be forcefully articulated for the first time. Anandaram Dhekiyal Phukan’s deposition
before Judge Moffat Mills and which appears in print as A Few Remarks on the Assamese
Page 4 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Language and Vernacular Education in Assam provided a long vocabulary that underscored
the difference between the Assamese and Bengali languages while providing Assamese with a
19
literary history and genealogy that was older than Bengali. The process of strengthening of
Assamese linguistic nationalism continued through the 1870s and 1880s. In the fecund
intellectual milieu of Calcutta, young Assamese students learned to nurture their language
and literature in journals and periodicals, creating in the process an Assamese literary public
20
sphere.
In the initial decades of the 20th century, this resurgence of Assamese literature and language
took on the form of a cultural nationalism that had as one of its elements a contentious
relationship with the Bengali language.
Assamese finally replaced Bengali in 1873 as the language of the courts and of education in
the Assam valley, while Bengali continued to be the medium of instruction in the Barak-Surma
Valley and English the official language. However, despite the introduction of Assamese as the
medium of instruction in vernacular schools the educational position of the Assamese
21
continued to lag far behind that of the Bengali community. Apart from the lack of sufficient
vernacular educational institutions where Assamese could be the medium of instruction, the
continued redrawing of the borders of the province produced a demographic balance that
kept Assam’s language question a highly controversial one throughout the entire colonial
22
period and beyond. In 1905, East Bengal and Assam were formed into one composite
province through the partition of Bengal. With the addition of the Bengali-speaking region of
Sylhet to Assam, the number of educated job seekers further increased to the disadvantage of
23
the Assamese-speaking population.
Historians have argued that the decision to administratively join Eastern Bengal and Assam
into a province was an illustration of the colonial perception of Assam as a land frontier of
Bengal. The British government justified the move to combine Assam and East Bengal into a
single province on the ground of administrative convenience, providing a maritime outlet for
the industrial products of Assam (tea, oil, and coal) and a space for the expansion of the
densely populated region eastern Bengal. As against this, Indian nationalists were convinced
that “all such administrative arguments were little more than smokescreens for a deep
24
imperialist design of ‘divide and rule.’” The formation of the new province returned Sylhet to
Bengal, albeit briefly, during the intensely political period of the Swadeshi movement that
followed the partition. While the impact of the Swadeshi movement on the rest of Assam was
negligible, its presence in Sylhet was significant. The district figures prominently in lists of
25
Swadeshi volunteers, revolutionary organizations, and nationalist schools. At the initiative of
the Bengali Hindu community of Sylhet, the first Surma Valley Political Conference was
organized in Silchar in 1906, followed by a period of widespread political mobilization for the
26
boycott of foreign goods.
Sylhet and Cachar: Redrawing Boundaries and the Movement for
Reintegration
The annulment of the partition in 1912 witnessed a resurgence of the movement against the
reintegration of Sylhet in Assam. Agitations across urban and rural Sylhet were held in
protest against this reintegration, accompanied by public meetings and petitions signed by
Page 5 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
members of the Provincial Legislative Council. The Sylhet-Reunion League formed in 1920
under the leadership of Brojendra Narayan Chaudhury helped formalize these demands of the
Sylheti community in Assam, including concerns about the continuation of Sylhet’s special
status in education and justice. The politics of articulating a distinct Sylheti identity evidently
caught the imagination of both the Hindu and Muslim elites of the district. At the core of this
27
identity was its affiliation to Bengali ethnicity and to historical connections with Bengal.
These were repeatedly affirmed in the 1920s and 1930s through the “Back to Bengal”
movement and its strident criticism of Sylhet’s inclusion within Assam.
Cachar, the other district in the province of Assam with a large Bengali-speaking population,
was frequently invoked as an analogous case of historical injustice by Sylhet’s intelligentsia in
order to strengthen their demands for a reunion with Bengal. The territorialization of a
Bengali cultural and linguistic identity was at the core of these political claims of the
intelligentsia which sought to subsume Cachar within itself, invoking the apparently shared
linguistic and other cultural affinities of its people with those of Sylhet. As discussed earlier in
this essay the specificities of its history set Cachar apart from Sylhet in many ways. Officials
of the colonial state had repeatedly pointed out that Cachar had not been historically a part of
Bengal. They emphasized that arguments for the transfer of Cachar based on numerical
strength and linguistic affinity stood no ground: Cachar was an integral part of the province of
Assam and the colonial state did not favor its inclusion in Bengal. The discourse of the
resurgent Sylheti identity of the late 19th and first half of the 20th century, however,
continued to lay frequent claims on the Cachari language and identity as integral to this
Bengali homeland. As a regional variation of the Bengali language and culture, Sylheti identity
of course continued to retain its distinctiveness, finding its articulation through regional
cultural associations, a vibrant culture of print and a powerful historical narrative that placed
28
Sylheti identity within a story of Bengali nationalism. Within the realm of regional
nationalist politics too, Cachar continued to be a site of political contention, as the Assam
Provincial Congress Committee and the Surma Valley District Congress strongly disagreed on
29
whether Cachar should be integrated with Bengal or Assam in the decades leading to 1947.
The territorialization of cultural nationalism among the Bengali community of Assam emerged
in tandem with similar trends within contemporary Assamese nationalism as well as in
contestation with the latter. Crucial to the politics of the latter was the appropriation of the
19th-century repository of Assamese literature and language and the securing of a favorable
demographic balance. Sylhet’s Bengali-speaking community upset this demographic balance
and by extension, the roots of Assamese nationalism. It is not surprising, therefore, that
resolutions demanding an exclusion of Sylhet from Assam were passed by nationalist
associations such as the Assam Association and the Jorhat Sarbajanik Sabha, seeking to
secure an ethnic homeland for the Assamese-speaking community. Such resolutions
necessarily excluded not just the several other dialects being spoken in the Brahmaputra
valley in favor of a standardized Assamese language that essentially based itself on the speech
of Upper Assam, but also various other speech practices of different communities inhabiting
the province.
More stridently articulated in the borders of the province, this contentious relationship
manifested itself in the form of a debate over the language of the region of Goalpara in the
western borders of Assam. In the imagined language map of the Assamese intelligentsia, the
“center” or Upper Assam spoke chaste Assamese while the speech of Goalpara, at the
Page 6 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
30
peripheral frontiers, was represented as a pale imitation of the language of “Assam proper.”
Laying bare the cultural inequalities that were lodged in the apparently democratizing aspects
of print and questioning the essence of the standardization of a vernacular—the idea of an
authentic and pure language—several intellectuals from the region of Goalpara resisted the
31
standardization of the Assamese language based on the language of Upper Assam. They
underlined the geographical proximity of western Assam to the northern districts of Bengal, a
factor that allowed its residents a greater degree of mutual accommodation in speech than
the people living in Upper Assam. There were protests through the late 19th and early 20th
centuries against what was clearly perceived as a deliberate choice of the language of Upper
Assam as the criterion of modern Assamese identity.
The slogan of “Assam for Assamese” was hinged on the imagination of an Assamese homeland
32
free of competition from the Bengali middle class. As in the preceding 19th century, the first
half of the 20th century, too, was marked by competition between these two linguistic
communities over jobs with the colonial state and political power, so much so that according
to scholars, the growth of nationalism and the national movement in Assam took place under
33
the constant shadow of the Bengali—Assamese conflict.
The demands of the Sylhet-Reunion League during the 1920s and 1930s had reflected the
shared political and cultural concerns of both the Hindu and Muslim members of Sylhet’s
Bengali gentry. Crucial shifts taking place within the politics of Sylhet during the same period,
however, revealed deep fissures within the Bengali community. As the upper-class Muslims of
Assam and Sylhet became increasingly powerful in provincial politics, a considerable number
of their leaders spoke out against the reunion and questioned whether the Muslims of the
34
districts supported it. Abdul Matin Chaudhury, a former Congressman who had become a
member of the Muslim League and an influential Muslim leader of Sylhet, wrote a letter to
members of the Assam Legislature in 1924 declaring that the Muslims of Sylhet did not want
to be part of Bengal, and argued that the only ones who wanted this were the Sylheti
35
Hindus. An important factor behind the shift in the position of the Muslim elite of Sylhet was
the rise of the Muhammad Saadulla as a powerful political leader from Assam in legislative
politics. With significant political support from European planters as well as colonial officials,
Saadulla made a strong case for the retention of Sylhet within Assam. Through the 1920s,
1930s, and into the 1940s, he succeeded in firmly locating the issue of Sylhet within a
religious frame, arguing that the transfer of Sylhet to Bengal would harm the interests of the
36
Muslims in Assam.
The prospect of partition, however, altered the position of the Bengali Muslim community of
Sylhet yet again; they now argued for the transfer of Sylhet to Pakistan. As for the Bengali
Hindu community of Sylhet, there was a crucial shift in their political position as well. In a
complete reversal of their earlier “Back to Bengal” demand, they now mobilized political
forces against Sylhet’s reunion with Bengal, compelled significantly by their fears of a
marginalization as a result of the increase in the political power of the Bengali Muslims. In the
tumultuous year of 1947, this shift culminated in their demand for the retention of Sylhet
37
within the province of Assam. Sylhet’s Bengali Hindus who had for decades fought a political
battle to return to Bengal now clung to Assam. The British government rejected the appeals
and proposals of people of Surma Valley for territorial and linguistic reorganization of the
38
provinces of Assam and Bengal, preferring to opt instead for a referendum in Sylhet. In the
referendum held on July 6 and 7, 1947, the majority voted in favor of Sylhet’s merger with
Page 7 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Pakistan. Since according to law in the 1940s, only those people who had paid nine annas rent
to the government were eligible to vote, all laborers—agricultural, industrial—were left out of
39
the referendum.
Following the referendum, the Boundary Commission headed by Cyril Radcliffe announced its
decision: most of Sylhet was ceded to East Pakistan; Cachar remained within Assam, along
with a portion of Sylhet district made up of the three thanas of Badarpur, Patharkandi, and
Ratabari, and half a thana of Karimganj. Historians assess the partition and the Sylhet
referendum as a “mixed bag for Hindus and Muslims of Sylhet as well as Assamese speakers
40
of Assam.” For Sylheti Hindus it meant permanent loss of their homeland, though not
without some consolation that came from the retention of a portion of Sylhet in India, while
for a large section of Sylheti Muslims it was the realization of the most desired and cherished
goal of being able to retain their homeland and live amidst co-religionists. For leaders of the
Assam Congress and sections of Assamese people and press, the transfer of Bangla-speaking
Sylhet would, above all, be what they believed to be the first step toward the emergence of a
unilingual and culturally homogeneous Assam.
The Muslim Peasants from Eastern Bengal
The Migration of Cultivators from Eastern Bengal into Assam
Cultivators from Eastern Bengal formed a distinct section of the Bengali-speaking community
in Assam during the period of British colonialism. The migration of cultivators between the
region of eastern Bengal and the district of Goalpara in western Assam was a feature of the
regional economy from pre-colonial times and had continued into the early colonial period as
well. The pattern of migration had, however, remained primarily a seasonal one, linked to the
41
demand for labor during the jute season. In the period after the annexation of the region
into the British empire, the colonial state’s constant quest for increased revenue successfully
intensified the process of “peasantisation” and “colonisation of wastelands.” Apart from the
more obvious classification of land into the distinct categories of “waste,” “arable,” and
“forested,” colonialism envisaged various inducements for local tenants.
Despite the visible increase in the area under settled cultivation, however, vast tracts of land
continued to be available at the turn of the century, a condition that led to the formulation of
government schemes to encourage the migration of cultivators from neighboring regions to
settle in Goalpara. In 1897, colonial officials identified portions of Bengal and Bihar as the
areas from which these land colonists would be drawn, listing also the necessary markers of
ideal colonists for the unsettled areas of Goalpara: “a sturdy independence, self reliant
resourcefulness, the existence of tribal and village organisation, a small amount of capital and
42
the habit of combination and co-operation.”
The migration of Bengali Muslim peasants from the saturated plains of Bengal into the region
of Goalpara, and then into the other districts of the Brahmaputra valley such as Kamrup,
Darrang, and Nowgong, was a product of such colonial schemes. According to settlement
reports from the period, the margins of cultivation had been reached in most parts of Eastern
Bengal by the end of that first decade; demographic pressure, the subservience of a juteproducing cultivating class to market forces, and the near constancy in the yield from
Page 8 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
cultivable areas created conditions of impoverishment for the Eastern Bengal peasant.
Epidemics, floods, and the devastation caused by the earthquake of 1897 further impoverished
the Bengal peasant. The earthquake of 1897 changed the bank lines surfaces and the courses
of the channels of the rivers in the region, exacerbating the fragility of ecological features and
43
leading to the increasing loss of agricultural land.
The initial waves of migration into Assam primarily consisted of landless Bengali Muslim
peasants from the East Bengal district of Mymensingh, which had a high demographic growth
44
and a situation of rural indebtedness. Bengali-speaking cultivators from the regions of
Tangail and Jamalpur migrated to settle in Goalpara’s riverine island areas of the
Brahmaputra. They were accompanied by cultivators from the Bengal districts of Noakhali,
Pabna, and Bogura. Over 1 million people are estimated to have been involved in this
migration that spread over the first three decades of the 20th century. By 1911, more than
118,000 migrants had moved into the district of Goalpara alone, clearing vast tracts of dense
jungles along the south bank of the Brahmaputra and occupying flooded lowlands all along the
river, leading to a 30 percent growth in the population of the district. This figure increased to
141,000 in 1921, after more than 300,000 cultivators from Eastern Bengal migrated to the
province of Assam. The migration continued on the same scale well into the next decade. The
number of settlers, including children born after their arrival in Assam, was estimated at over
45
half a million in 1931.
This unprecedented migration from Bengal into Assam led to important changes in the land
tenure system in the regions where the cultivators settled. Several zamindars granted
perpetual leases to these cultivators in order to reclaim wastelands and forests, thereby
creating intermediate tenures. Cultivable land was also often sold at highly profitable rates to
the immigrants by the local cultivators. In several parts of western Assam, the migrant
cultivators gradually established themselves as de facto holders of cultivable land over whole
regions, forming villages of settled communities. After the 19th-century colonization of
“wastelands” under British rule, the immigration and settlement of Bengali Muslim peasants
from Eastern Bengal marked another important phase of period of economic and social
expansion. Their labor led not just to a considerable increase of the acreage of cultivated land
in western Assam but also to an unprecedented diversification of the local economy. This was
possible, among other factors, on account of their familiarity with superior and more intensive
techniques of agriculture, including the cultivation of commercial crops such as jute, the
46
growth of a transport network in the Brahmaputra valley, and a developed credit network.
The migrants found financiers in local Marwari businessmen and Assamese money lenders,
enabling them to expand the cultivation of jute, but also ahu rice, pulses, and vegetables. The
conditions for industrial expansion created by the First World War encouraged jute
industrialists to push for further expansion of jute cultivation in the Brahmaputra valley and
by the time of the Second World War, Assam had become the third-largest producer of jute in
47
the country. Historians have, however, argued that despite these apparently favorable
conditions, the majority of migrant families failed to overcome the economic and social
burdens that they used to face in East Bengal. Indebtedness burdened them enormously, and
48
continued until a much later period.
The migration from East Bengal with time created conditions of insecurity for the Assamese
peasants, who now faced ejection from their lands as a result of a growing competition for
cultivable land and higher rents. As floodplains in the western part of the valley were slowly
Page 9 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
reclaimed by peasants who migrated there from the lower reaches of the river and had very
different agrarian practices that were centered on jute production, they found themselves in
49
conflict with Assamese peasants over resource use. By the second decade of the 20th
century, the colonial state was beginning to put some measures into place to regulate the flow
of migrants by setting apart areas for their settlement, confining the transfers of land
holdings to local cultivators, amidst fears that the Assamese peasants were losing their land,
and would ultimately have no land for themselves. Instances of conflict over wasteland
resources and common grazing areas in villages added to these fears. Seeking to subsume
these conflicts within the structures of colonial law, the colonial state enacted the Line System
in 1920 in order to formalize the boundaries between natives and migrants. According to this
system, a line was drawn in the districts under pressure in order to settle migrants in
segregated areas, specified for their exclusive settlement. As an illustration, in the district of
Nowgong, wasteland grants were divided into three categories: those made available
exclusively to immigrants; those made exclusively to local people; and those available to both.
No land settlement could be made with an immigrant family beyond a ceiling of sixteen bighas
50
(a bigha was about 1/3 of an acre).
However, allegations of violations of the Line system, enabled frequently by the corruption of
local revenue officials, poured in from various districts of the Brahmaputra valley, and were in
turn articulated strongly by several Assamese members of the Legislative Council. In July
1927 a significant resolution moved in this council by Mahadev Sharma recommended the
appointment of a committee to provide a district-wise assessment of the availability of
wastelands, the need of reserving adequate area for future development, and the impact of
51
the immigration policy on grazing, fuel and forest reserves. Colonial Assam during this
period included a spread of mixed economies of settled cultivation as well as shifting and
foraging ones. The presence of plough cultivation did not exclude others forms of production;
rather shifting forms of cultivation and timber felling, settled agriculture and hunting and
foraging techniques were practiced alternately, frequently within the same community, as
among the Koches, Hajongs, and the Rabhas.
Though Mahadev Sharma’s resolution was not passed in a council that was divided sharply
along communal lines of Hindu and non-Hindu, revenue considerations of the state continued
to determine the proposed policy of land colonization. Under this colonization scheme, blocks
of land were settled with members of the same community, with each family being given about
twenty bighas of land on the payment of a premium. Beginning with the district of Nowgong,
this colonization scheme was introduced in the subdivisions of Barpeta and Mangaldai; in all
these areas, between 1930 and 1936, as many as fifty-nine grazing, forest and village reserves
were thrown open to settlers from Eastern Bengal, leading to important changes in land
ownership patterns in the region. In the district of Nowgong the effects were visible: in 1936,
37.7 percent of the occupied land was in the hands of immigrants while 62.3 percent was still
52
in the hands of indigenous people.
Nation, Nationalisms, and Migrants
Through the 1930s and 1940s and particularly in the rather tumultuous years leading to
India’s independence from British rule, this issue of land and its separation between
immigrants and indigenous people continued to be a source of immense political turmoil in
Page 10 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
the Brahmaputra valley and in Bengal. Historians argue for a close intertwining of economic
and cultural concerns in the attitude of the Assamese-speaking population toward the
migrants. Some scholars have perceived a consensus regarding the status of the Eastern
Bengal migrant that as long as there was evidence of attempts by the migrants to adopt the
Assamese language and culture, he was to be allowed to hold and occupy land without any
opposition. This emphasis on “assimilation” is evident to an extent in records of the colonial
state as well.
Assamese nationalists from this period appear to have responded with considerable anxiety,
however, to these perceived threats to their linguistically based nationalism. This nationalist
anxiety was articulated very powerfully in the speeches and writings of prominent Assamese
nationalist figures such as Ambikagiri Raychoudhury, Nilmoni Phukan, and Jnanath Bora. In
many ways, the Line system—the question of its retention or abolition—remained the fulcrum
of Assam’s politics during this period. In 1937 on behalf of the Asamiya Sanrakshini Sabha,
formed in 1926 by Ambikagiri Raychaudhury, some of these leaders petitioned to Jawaharlal
Nehru, the then President of the Indian National Congress, against the Muslim League’s
resolve to abolish the Line System. The petition, which alleged that the question of
immigration had been given a communal color by the Muslim League, also stated that “as a
means of saving the Assamese race from extinction, a considerable section of the Assamese
intelligentsia had even expressed their minds in favour of the secession of Assam from
53
India.”
It has been argued that indigenous Assamese-speaking Muslims welcomed migrants in
general, with the hope that they would be “Assamized” in due course and numerically
strengthen the base of Muslims. Despite a shared religion with the immigrants, this section of
the population appears to have continued, however, to retain a strong emphasis on the
distinctiveness of their shared cultural practices with other sections of the Assamese-speaking
54
population. This distinctiveness was marked by the absence of practices and symbols that
marked the Muslim community in many other parts of the subcontinent; it was further
accentuated by the differences in the economic conditions of migrants and Assamese-speaking
Muslims. Accordingly, there was little interest evinced in the political destiny of immigrant
Bengali Muslims in the associational politics of Assamese Muslims. As an illustration, the
Assam Valley Muslim Political Conference held in Guwahati on September 8, 1935, espoused
much concern for the protection of the economic and political rights of Muslims against
perceived threats. The resolutions in this Conference included one that emphasized the need
for reservation of jobs for Muslims in the Brahmaputra valley. The interest in the rights and
claims of immigrant Muslims remained perfunctory at best, however, and sought to repose
responsibility for this community in the hands of the newly formed Assam Settler’s Welfare
55
Committee.
From the late 1930s onward, ignoring overtures by the Bengali Hindu community, the Bengali
Muslim community began to coalesce around the figure of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan, a man
56
from their midst. Called “Bhasani” after the char (floodplains) on the Brahmaputra that he
had settled on, Maulana Bhasani over the course of the next decade succeeded in mobilizing
the immigrant Bengali Muslim peasants and organizing them for their land rights against
landlords and money lenders. During his campaigns, Bhasani extensively used the religious
57
idiom of Islam to spread his message. In 1937 he became a member of the Assam Legislative
Council, a position that he retained for the next ten years and used, along with other members
Page 11 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
58
of the Muslim League, to consistently push for the abolition of the Line System. Within the
Assam Legislative Assembly, the first attempt at securing a legislative action to abolish the
Line System had been made in 1936 but the motion was lost by seven votes to twenty, with all
Hindu members voting against the abolition. The second attempt at the abolition of the Line
System was made in 1937, through a motion brought up by Munnawar Ali, a prominent
Muslim League leader from Sylhet which found active support from Abdul Matin Chowdhury,
a prominent Muslim League leader.
After the resignation of the Bardoloi government in November 1939, the new ministry under
its premier Syed Saadulla of the Muslim League sought to balance the demands of the
indigenous people with that of the immigrants’ demands for land. The May 1940 resolution
passed by this government put a ban on all settlements of wastelands by immigrants entering
Assam after January 1, 1938 and thereby afforded some protection to the grazing and forest
reserves. But the clause within the resolution that allowed the settlement of flood-affected
59
people inhabiting government reserves effectively negated this ban. This instance of
contradictions within government policy was symptomatic of several such policies that were
initiated, critiqued, and abandoned by successive ministries headed by Bardoloi and Saadulla
until 1947. Maulana Bhasani himself broke ranks over time with all important regional parties
over the issue of the abolition of the Line System—he disassociated with the Muslim League
and also opposed Saadulla’s Assam United Party, as well as the Indian National Congress,
accusing the latter of being proponents of narrow class interests. The political disaffection
was particularly evident in the April 1944 provincial Muslim League conference held in
Barpeta, a region where Bhasani commanded considerable popular support. Speaking at a
public rally before thousands of people, Bhasani offered a powerful critique of the Saadulla
government’s land settlement policy for immigrant Bengali Muslim peasants; the meeting also
60
saw a cogent articulation of Bhasani’s support for a separate state of Pakistan.
The tussle between the preservation of the rights and claims of indigenous peasants over
grazing and forest reserves and those of Bengali Muslim immigrants over land therefore
continued to define the politics of the 1940s in Assam, including the crucial issue of whether it
61
could be integrated with Bengal to form East Pakistan in 1947.
Table 1. Decadal Growth of Migrants in Brahmaputra Valley, 1911–1921
Increase 1911–1921
% of 1911 population
Assam
929,725
+ 13.2
Brahmaputra valley
748,650
+24.1
Surma Valley (with North Cachar hills)
98,323
+3.3
Hills
82,752
+8.2
Source: The Census of India, 1921, Volume III, Assam, Part 1:7.
Page 12 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Discussion of the Literature
The historical literature on the Bengali community in Assam brings them into the purview of
discussion in the context of broader histories of nationalism, language, and political economy.
Amalendu Guha’s work provides a rich historical narrative of the British colonization of Assam
62
and its lands and the cultural nationalisms spawned therein. The methodology is avowedly
Marxist, retaining its focus on changes within the political economy. The story of the Bengali
community in the Brahmaputra and Barak-Surma valleys, including that of the migrant
peasants of Eastern Bengal, surfaces at several moments in Guha’s history of the region as
the text goes on to acknowledge the centrality that their economic claims comes to occupy in
the history of electoral politics of Assam. The increasing pressure on a fast shrinking arable
land space in Eastern Bengal and the resultant migration of Bengali peasants into Assam is an
important element strand in Guha’s thesis. It is therefore important to acknowledge other
connected works on this area such as Keya Dasgupta’s monograph on the colonization of
63
wastelands and Sugata Bose’s book on agrarian Bengal. Exploring the history of migration
of peasants from Eastern Bengal into western Assam and its implications for the regional
political economy (changing demographic patterns, land holding structures, and property
rights) and the domain of law is the chapter titled “Colonial Spaces: Land, Law and Migration”
64
in Sanghamitra Misra’s monograph. Critiquing the communal and racial undertones inhered
in the figure of the Bengali Muslim peasant in the writings of colonial officials Binayak Dutta
takes apart this figure by exploring the historical imperative behind the migration of Bengali
65
Muslim peasants to the Brahmaputra valley.
Extending the concerns of political economy into the domain of cultural nationalism and
identity are the works of Sanjib Baruah and Monirul Hussain, tracing, however, very different
lines of argumentation. Hussain’s narrative contested the causal connections sought to be
drawn between the migration of Bengali Muslim peasants and the perceived threat to
66
Assamese identity in the post-colonial period. The book includes a critique of the sociologist
Myron Weiner’s hypothesis: internal migration and ethnicity, created by modernization, are
necessarily antagonistic processes. Sanjib Baruah’s exploration of the contemporary politics
of subnationalisms in Assam, on the other hand, returns to the period of profound economic
and political change that was colonialism to find the roots of Assamese cultural nationalism in
67
British policies. In his strident prose, Baruah argues that the colonial policy of encouraging
large-scale immigration from Bengal into Assam and the introduction of Bengali as the official
language in the 19th century were reflective of a colonial geography that imagined Assam as
an extension of Bengal. These policies were to have historical implications for the cultural
politics of Assam which found its expression in the assertion of the autonomy and
distinctiveness of the Assamese language and culture.
In recent years there have been several important additions to the historical literature on the
partition of India and its impact on Assam and Bengal, all of which engage with the history of
Bengali communities in Assam. Udayon Misra untangles the web of identity politics in the
crucial decades of the 1940s in Assam to recover a history of communities embedded in
68
contestations over political economy. Looking afresh at a range of historical sources relating
particularly to the decades of the 1930s and 1940s, Misra finds the fulcrum of “high politics”
of pre- and post-Partition politics in Assam in the dense debates around arable land,
migration, indigenous rights, and grazing reserves. More specifically on the Sylhet
referendum, nationalism, and identity, Anindita Dasgupta’s essay on the Sylhet referendum
Page 13 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
analyses the complex and fast changing political considerations involved in the decisions
taken by the Muslim League, the Assamese intelligentsia, and the intelligentsia of Sylhet
69
about the Sylhet referendum. Dasgupta’s other essay focuses on the post-referendum
experience of the people of Sylhet, and the voices of the Hindu and Muslim communities who
70
were relegated to a condition of “refugee-hood” without the experience of direct violence.
Ashfaque Hossain’s essay offers a point of departure in the literature on Partition and the
Sylhet referendum as he attempts to recover the excluded histories of the “pro-Pakistani”
dalits (lower-caste Hindus) and madrasa-educated “pro-Indian” maulvis, who he argues
71
emerged as crucial players in the referendum of 1947.
Primary Sources
The British Library in London is a repository of a wide variety of colonial records that can be used by researchers
working on this subject. These include files of the Bengal Political and Secret Department, the Home Department,
Judicial Department, Revenue Department, the Proceedings of the Assam Legislative Council, and Proceedings of the
Assam Legislative Assembly. The library’s catalog of vernacular publications in Assamese and Bengali from the 19th
and first half of the 20th century included several texts, newspapers, and periodicals, all of significance to explore
linguistic identities during the colonial period. The British library also houses a rich collection of private papers, to be
found under the Mss.Eur. section.
The National Archives of India in New Delhi is another rich repository of documents from the colonial as also from the
period after 1947. The records that are available for consultation include files classified under the Foreign Department,
Foreign and Political Department, and Home Department records. The National Archives of Bangladesh, too, has
Home Department files as also several volumes of the papers and records of the governments of Bengal and Assam,
various District Collectorate Records, and the Sylhet Proceedings from 1874 to 1947. The National Archives of
Bangladesh has newspapers holdings and private paper collections, which should be of interest to researchers.
The State Archives in Guwahati has a large collection of published and unpublished documents on this subject.
Reports published by the colonial state that pertain specifically to the issue of immigration of Bengali Muslims and the
administrative history of Bengal and Assam, such as the Report of the Line System Committee and along with
Resolution on the Land Revenue Administration of Assam (various years), Report on the Administration of Eastern
Bengal and Assam (1906–1912), and census reports of various years, are available. The Archive in Guwahati also has a
long catalog of associational papers that relate to the history of the Bengali community in Assam. These include the
Papers of the Assam Domiciled and Settler’s Association and the Papers of the Assam Sanrakshini Sabha.
The Record room in Dhubri in the Goalpara district of Assam has useful collections of papers of various local
associations, village directories, and memorials and representations made by landlords and peasants to the British
state in the first half of the 19th century. Immigration from Eastern Bengal and the subsequent changes in the regional
political economy are frequently the primary issue of concern and debate in these papers.
The Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (New Delhi) has a very useful set of collections which include the private
papers of some of the key individuals associated with the modern history of Sylhet and Assam. Some of these
collections are as follows: the All India Congress Committee Papers, the Gopinath Bordoloi Papers, the Bishnuram
Medhi Papers, Papers relating to the Reconstitution of the Provinces of Assam and Bengal (1906), the Syed Saadulla
Papers, and the Shyama Prasad Mookherjee Papers.
Primary sources also include a substantial amount of print literature in Assamese and Bengali languages. These
include the writings of Assamese nationalists such as Lakshminath, Bezbaroa, Ambikagir Raychaudhury, Jnananath
Bora, and Nilmoni Phukan in various Assamese newspapers and journals such as Awahan and Banhi. Jnananath
Bora’s Srihatta Bisched (Calcutta, 1935) and Asomot Bideshi (Guwahati, 1928) and Benudhar Rajkhowa’s
Page 14 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Notes on the Sylhetee Dialect, showing its relation to Assam (Sylhet, 1913) and Nilmoni Phukan’s “Notes
on the Domicile Question” (Assam Tribune, October 6, Guwahati) were polemical explorations of language and
identity that had Sylhet as an important concern. The theme of Bengali and Assamese linguistic nationalism through
the colonial period was the subject matter of several articles in the following Bengali-, Assamese-, and Englishlanguage periodicals and newspapers as well: Amrit Bazar Patrika; Asam Bandhu; Asamiya; Assam
Bandhav; Assam Sahitya Sabha Patrika; Probashi; Rangpur Sahitya Parishad Patrika; The
Orunodoi, Sulabh Samachar; The Hindoo Patriot; The Statesman; and The Star Of India.
Further Reading
Ahmed, Rafiuddin. The Bengal Muslims, 1871–1906: A Quest for Identity. Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1981.
Baruah, Sanjib. India Against Itself. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Bhattacharjee, Jayanta Bhusan. Cachar Under British Rule in North East India. Delhi: Radiant,
1977.
Bose, Sugata. Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919–1947. Cambridge,
U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Dasgupta, Anindita. “Remembering Sylhet: A Forgotten Story of India’s 1947 Partition.”
Economic and Political Weekly 43, no. 31 (2008): 18–22.
Dutta, Binayak. “The ‘Stout Fanatical Mahomedan’ and Mullan’s Burden: The History of Bengali
Immigration in Colonial Assam (1871–1931).” Man and Society: A Journal of North-East Studies
11 (2014 ): 70—86.
Guha, Amalendu. Planter Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826–
1947. Delhi: Tulika Books, 2006.
Hossain, Ashfaque. “The Making and Unmaking of Assam-Bengal Borders and the Sylhet
Referendum,” Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (2013): 250–287.
Hussain, Monirul. The Assam Movement: Class, Ideology and Identity. Delhi: Manak, 1993.
Ludden, David. “The First Boundary of Bangladesh on Sylhet’s Northern Frontiers.” Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Humanities 48, no. 1 (2003): 1–54.
Ludden, David. “Spatial Inequity and National Territory: Remapping 1905 in Bengal and
Assam.” Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (2012): 483–525.
Misra, Sanghamitra. Becoming a Borderland: The Politics of Space and Identity in Colonial
Northeastern India. Delhi and London: Routledge, 2011.
Misra, Udayon. Burden of History: Assam and the Partition—Unresolved Issues. Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2017.
Nag, Sajal. The Roots of Ethnic Conflict. Delhi: Manohar, 1990.
Saikia, Arupjyoti. “Jute in the Brahmaputra valley: The making of flood control in 20th century
Assam,” Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 5 (2015): 1405–1441.
Page 15 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Sharma, Jayeeta. Empire’s Garden: Assam and the Making of India. Durham, U.K. and London:
Duke University Press, 2011.
Van Schendel, Willem. The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia. London:
Anthem Press, 2005.
Notes
1. Francis Jenkins, the commissioner and agent to the Governor General commented that almost all the amlahs
(clerks) were Bengalis from Sylhet, Dacca, and Mymensingh. Sajal Nag, The Roots of Ethnic Conflict (Delhi:
Manohar Publishers, 1990), 50.
2. This move to introduce Bengali as the language of the court and of schools found strong support in the figure of
William Robinson: a Baptist missionary who subsequently became Inspector of Schools. Although the author of the
first Assamese grammar, with sufficient knowledge of the Assamese language, Robinson propagated the need for the
introduction of Bengali instead of Assamese in the province. Tilottoma Misra tells us that, in his 1854 Memorandum to
the Government, Robinson argued for the financial expediency of using Bengali textbooks which had already been
published for 30 million Bengalis, rather than create a distinct literature for a handful of people. Tilottoma Misra,
Literature and Society in Assam: A Study of the Assamese Renaissance 1826–1926 (Guwahati,
India: Omsons Publications, 1987), 68.
3. The other dominant community in Cachar, the Dimasa Kacharis, were primarily inhabitants of the hills around the
Cachar valley. The historian Jayanta Bhusan Bhattacharjee writes about the influence of Bengali culture on the
Dimasa Kachari kings who had adopted Bengali as the language of the court. Bhattacharjee also dwells at length at
various points in his book on the administrative separation of the hills of Cachar from the plains under British rule, and
the subsequent deployment of ideas of cultural difference and hierarchy among communities as a result of this hillplain binary. Jayanta Bhusan Bhattacharjee, Cachar under British Rule in North East India (Delhi:
Radiant Publishers, 1977), 76, 148, 149.
4. Bhattacharjee, Cachar under British Rule, 38.
5. Bhattacharjee, Cachar under British Rule, 74–75.
6. Bhattacharjee, Cachar under British Rule, 77.
7. This system of land revenue and encouragement of Bengali cultivators was, however, limited to the plains of Cachar
as the hills continued to be exempted from regular land taxes (Bhattacharjee, Cachar under British Rule, 166).
8. Amalendu Guha, Planter Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam
1826–1947 (Delhi: Tulika Books, 2006), 23.
9. Ashfaque Hossain. “The Making and Unmaking of Assam-Bengal Borders and the Sylhet
Referendum,” Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (2013): 261.
10. In 1882, for instance, the recruitment of clerks for several offices had the knowledge of the English language, along
with Assamese or Bengali, as a necessary criterion. Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, 46.
11. In 1903, the colonial administration introduced a rule whereby “a native of Assam was taken to mean a person, of
whatsoever origin, who had his permanent residence or who owned land or houses in Assam and would be staying in
Assam after superannuation.” Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, 48.
12. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 262.
Page 16 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
13. As an illustration, in the census of 1931, the number of Bengali-speaking people was 3.9 million. Of this, 2.8 million
were from the Surma Valley Division (comprising of Sylhet and Cachar) while 1.1 million lived in the Assam valley. The
number of Assamese speakers was 2 million. Sanjib Baruah, India Against Itself (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1999), 103.
14. Baruah, India Against Itself, 59.
15. Baruah, India Against Itself, 39.
16. The Burmese war had created the need for dobashis who knew Bengali, Assamese, and Sanskrit.
17. Asam Buranji is the first printed modern history of Assam, written in the Bengali language; this was also the first
modern historical work in the Bengali language.
18. See the chapter titled “Orunodoi and the Secular Trend” in Misra, Literature and Society, 58–100.
19. For a detailed discussion of various aspects of Assamese linguistic nationalism and relationship with print culture,
see Misra, Literature and Society and Jayeeta Sharma, Empire’s Garden: Assam and the Making of
India (Durham, U.K., and London: Duke University Press, 2011).
20. Chandrakumar Aggarwal, Lakshminath Bezbarua, and Hemchandra Goswami formed the Assamese Students
Literary Club in Calcutta.
21. The number of public institutions, including primary schools in the Assam valley in 1891–1892, was 2,502 with
7,701 pupils. The educated in the total population of the Assam valley was 10.3 percent in 1891–1892. Nag, Roots of
Ethnic Conflict, 46.
22. Baruah, India Against Itself, 39.
23. Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, 48. To quote Nag, “improved education did not help the Assamese in
employment.” Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, 48.
24. Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement (New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2011), 12.
25. Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement, 277. By 1909, Sylhet had branches of revolutionary groups such as the
Anushilan Samiti and the Suhrid Samiti (Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement, 380). Guha, Planter Raj, 71.
26. Guha, Planter Raj, 72.
27. “Nearly cent percent [100 per cent] of the indigenous population speaks Bengali, belong ethnologically to the
Bengali race, have the same manners, customs and traditions and thoughts as their brethren in Bengali and are
indissolubly bound up with them by ties of blood and social relationship.” Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 263–264.
28. Nabanipa Bhattacharjee, “‘We Are With Culture but Without Geography’: Locating Sylheti Identity in Contemporary
India,” South Asian History and Culture 3, no. 2 (2012): 224.
29. For a detailed discussion of the political movement in Cachar, for and against the integration with Bengal, see
Misra, Burden of History: Assam and the Partition—Unresolved Issues (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2017), 106–140.
30. The movement from the center to the periphery appeared to suggest, therefore, a different value along with a
difference in form. Along with this was an acceptance of the idea that national identity at the borderlands tended to
be diluted. Thus, it was acknowledged that “Goalpara’s Assamese language is mixed with Bengali to a certain extent, a
phenomenon common to languages in frontier and marginal areas . . . where certain sections of the population do not
even know whether their mother tongue is Assamese or Bengali” (Lakshminath Bezbaroa, “Asamor Gauripurot Bangla
Sahitya Sabha,” Banhi 11: 350).
31. Sanghamitra Misra, Becoming a Borderland: The Politics of Space and Identity in Colonial
Northeastern India, (Delhi and London: Routledge, 2011), 142.
Page 17 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
32. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 267. In 1933 the president of the Assam Association publicly argued that Assam
could not have its own university or high court, nor could it develop its language and literature for as long as Sylhet
remained in Assam. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 264.
33. Guha, Planter Raj, 69.
34. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 264.
35. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 264.
36. In July 1925, he wrote, “Speaking from the communal point of view, the transfer of Sylhet will spell disaster for
both the Valley Moslems.” In the first session of the Assam Provincial Muslim League the consensus was that the
separation of Sylhet from Assam would weaken the Muslim population of Assam by some 16 lakhs (Misra, Burden of
History, 116).
37. Voicing the concerns of the Bengali Hindu community of Sylhet, the Sylhet District Bar Association sent a telegram
to the president of the Indian National Congress in May 1947, stating that “it would be inappropriate for the Surma
Valley to support the movement launched by the Assam Valley in respect of the proposed grouping of Assam with
Bengal.” Quoted in Misra, Burden of History, 115.
38. Bhattacharjee, “We are with culture but without geography”, 217.
39. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 273.
40. Bhattacharjee, “We are with culture but without geography,” 218.
41. Misra, Burden History, 104.
42. Ibbetson observed: “Every family that is successfully transplanted to a new colony from a congested district in
Bengal or Bihar is removed from a hand to mouth struggle with poverty maintained on the brink of starvation, to a life
of independence, with a certainty that hard work will bring ease and a reasonable amount of
comfort.” (Correspondence between Denzil Ibbetson, the Secretary to the Government of India and the Chief
Commissioner of Assam, June, 2, 1897, Revenue and Agriculture, File nos. 1–28, OIOC, London) quoted in Misra,
Burden of History, 101.
43. Arupjyoti Saikia, “Jute in the Brahmaputra Valley: The Making of Flood Control in 20th
Century Assam,” Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 5 (2015): 1419.
44. Guha, Planter Raj, 206.
45. Guha, Planter Raj, 206. The Census Commissioner of 1931 offered the following rather dramatic, now oft quoted,
description of the continuing migration in 1931:
Probably the most important event in the province [of Assam] during the last twenty-five years—an event, moreover,
which seems likely to alter permanently the whole future of Assam and to destroy more surely than did the Burmese
invaders of 1820, the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilisation—has been the invasion of a vast horde of
land-hungry Bengali immigrants, mostly Muslims.
46. By 1921, jute had emerged as the second most important cash crop in Goalpara, with its cultivation occupying
more than 9 percent of the net cultivated area of the district. Sanghamitra Misra, Becoming a Borderland, 113.
47. Saikia, “Jute in the Brahmaputra Valley,” 1420.
48. Saikia, “Jute in the Brahmaputra Valley,” 1421.
49. Saikia, “Jute in the Brahmaputra Valley,” 1422.
50. Guha, Planter Raj, 207.
51. Guha, Planter Raj, 207.
52. Guha, Planter Raj, 210.
Page 18 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
53. Quoted in Misra, Burden of History, 97.
54. Guha, Planter Raj, 170.
55. Guha, Planter Raj, 171.
56. Thus, the Assam Domiciled and Settler’s Association formed in 1935 attempted to forge a political alliance with the
settlers from Bengal.
57. See Rafiuddin Ahmed, The Bengal Muslims, 1871–1906: A Quest for Identity (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1981), 29, for an analysis of the role of Mullahs in creating political solidarities in Bengal.
58. The first branch of the Muslim league in Assam was established by Maulana Bhasani in Nowgong, 1936.
59. Misra, Burden of History, 43.
60. Bimal J. Dev and Dilip Kumar Lahiri, Assam Muslims: Politics and Cohesion (Delhi: Mittal Publications,
1985), 102.
61. For details, see Misra, “The Critical Forties I,” and “The Critical Forties II,” in Burden of History, 38–105.
62. Guha, Planter Raj.
63. Keya Dasgupta, Wastelands Colonization Policy and the Settlement of Explantation Labour in the
Brahmaputra Valley: A Study in Historical Perspective (Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences,
1986). Sugata Bose, Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919–1947
(Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
64. Misra, Becoming a Borderland, 95–137.
65. Binayak Dutta, “The ‘Stout Fanatical Mahomedan’ and Mullan’s Burden: The History of
Bengali Immigration in Colonial Assam (1871–1931),” Man and Society: A Journal of North-East
Studies 11 (2014), 70–86.
66. Monirul Hussain, The Assam Movement: Class, Ideology and Identity (Delhi: Manak
Publications, 1993).
67. Baruah, India Against Itself.
68. Misra, Burden of History.
69. Anindita Dasgupta, “Remembering Sylhet: A Forgotten Story of India’s 1947 Partition,”
Economic and Political Weekly 43, no. 31 (2008), 18—22.
70. Anindita Dasgupta, “Denial and Resistance: Sylhet Partition “Refugees” in Assam, Contemporary South Asia
10, no. 3 (2001): 343–360.
71. Hossain, “Making and Unmaking,” 250–287.
Related Articles
Modern Bangladesh
Literary History of Bengal, 8th-19th century AD
Page 19 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021
Page 20 of 20
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Asian History. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print
out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 01 March 2021