Dalit and Shudra Politics and Anti-Brahmin Movement Author(s): Narender Kumar Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 45 (Nov. 4-10, 2000), pp. 3977-3979 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4409928 Accessed: 21-12-2018 07:53 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly This content downloaded from 202.41.10.63 on Fri, 21 Dec 2018 07:53:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms iscussion _I Dalit and Shudra Politics and Anti-Brahmin Movem brahmins, which Ambedkar considered a good book written in a bad taste [Kuber: 1973]. This explains Ambedkar's broader NARENDER KUMAR The last decade of 20th century has witnessed a sharp assertion for iden- tity among the oppressed sections and also stiff contradictions among them, revealed outlook towards the system which had not only social but also economic and political roots. Taking strong exception towards the non-brahmin movement and their stratepre-independence as well post-indepengies, Ambedkar remarked that "many of dence period. the non-brahmin partymen tried to bePre-independence Period come second class brahmins and they did not abandon brahminism but hold it as an 'Lessons from non-brahmin politics/ movement made Ambedkar realise the ideal" [Kuber: 1973:62]. It makes clear that his struggle was not against any indangers of intermixing the shudras and the acchuts (untouchables) as one single dividual brahnlin or even a group of by the atrocities at places like Kumher, Marathwada, Jahanabad, Kodiankuyam, Madurai and other parts of the country. homogeneous category. He, probably In most of these places dalits have been could foresee the need of bringing tothe victims and the shudras victimisers. Of gether these communities against the late, the social scientists are trying to dominant brahmins, while recognising the understand and explore the ideas to grapple differences between dalits and dominant with these contradictions in a better way. backward castes. It is not without reason This is a welcome development for, since that Ambedkar dedicates his 'Who Were brahmins but with those who practised the ideology of brahminism. For instance, at the time of Mahad Satyagraha (1927), the non-brahmin leaders urged Ambedkar to exclude brahmins from the Satyagrah but he over-ruled the suggestion and remarked that "it was erroneous to treat all brahmins independence, we have been living on Shudras?' to Jyotiba Phule, terming him as enemies of untouchables" [Kuber many unexamined or half-examined ideas the greatest shudra who made them so- 1973:63]. Thus Ambedkarwas well aware which have thus become the 'foundation cially conscious of their status, throughof what determined social relations in rural his work on 'Untouchables', Ambedkar Indian' society. Arguing .further on this myths' of our times. Javeed Alam's 'Is Caste Appeal Casteism' (EPW, March 27- termed Ravidas, Chokhamela and Nandnar aspect Khairmoday writes that the untouchables though attracted towards the April 2, 1999) and C P Bhambhari's the leaders of untouchables of their non-brahmni movement could not become 'Dialectics of Caste and Casteism' (EPW, own times. one of it [Kuber 1993: 63]. Phule was the first to address the quesSeptember 4-10, 1999) help us to understand a few more dynamics of caste and tion of untouchability and brahmin-domi- Ambedkar emerged as a leader of the also raise some major issues confront- nance and subsequently he waged auntouchables by the 1930s. He, represented the cause of dalits at the Round ing dalit-bahujans in particular and struggle against the brahmins. His main Table Conferences (1930-32). Following Indian society in general. The former strategy to counter the latter's dominance the discussions during the RTCs, the British argues that the oppressed "have become in social life was to unite all other castes a community in a sense of the term" into a single homogeneous category and sent the Simon Commission to investigate (p 759) and the latter "Hinduism of every to mobilise these groups. But "Ambedkar the position of backward classes (includvariety is very much in existence as a did not accept this attempt to give marathas, ing dalits). Gandhi and other Congress reference point of the world view of the kunbis, the other shudra castes and un- leaders opposed the Simon Commission oppressed sections" (p 2619). This needs touchables a common identity" [Gore and asked the shudras not to support an historical and comparative analysis to 1993:332]. He identified major divisions untouchable leader like Ambedkar. Subcomprehend the dynamics of dalit and not merely among brahmins and non- sequently they sided with Patel, a leader brahmins but also between savaras and of backward communities [Baghel: 3]. The shudra politics. consequence of this move was that shudras One of the major issues in this discourse avarnas. And in rural society, the nonis to ask if 'oppressed sections' could be brahmin savarnas, consisting of landlords,could not get any constitutional safeguards. And brahminism was successful in virtuaddressed as a homogeneous category? cultivators and artisans exercise their and if not, what forms the prime distinc- domination over the landless untouchables.ally preventing these communities to speak on a single platform for their struggle for tions within it. Historically speaking, dalits "Brahmins were enemies primarily be- (SCs/STs) have not been part of Hindu social system, i e, 'varna vyavastha', and so are referred as 'outcastes', whereas b'ackward communities (shudras) have enfranchisement as they were not able to cause they were the ones who articulated send their independent representatives to the philosophy of social inequality but all the other castes equally practised andthe legislatures [Prem Prakash 1993:55]. enforced untouchability" [Gore 1993:333]. The disenchantment with non-brahmin Ambedkar got the opportunity to inter-leaders remained not only confined to Bombay presidency but also in Madras. tem. Secondly, two parallel movement/ act with leaders of the non-brahmin Here non-brahmin leadership tried to propolitics - one led by the dalits (ex- movement and their politics during the vide a broader base for unified political untouchables) and the other by the late 20s and 30s. Davalkar-a non-brahmin action to include Muslims, untouchables dominant backward communities or leader - published an article called 'Enemies of the Nation' referring to- the and anglo-Indians besides OBCs. The upper-shudras have been in existence in always been the fourth varna in the sys- Economic and Political Weekly November 4, 2000 3977 This content downloaded from 202.41.10.63 on Fri, 21 Dec 2018 07:53:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Justice Party was the culmination of these efforts. The radical leaders in the party were sidelined. The untouchables were the worst victims of such moves. In 1923, M C Rajah - a prominent dalit leader, quit the party and made a number of charges against the non-brahmin leadership, ignoring the interests of untouchables (Anldhra Patrika, 1923). Thus events taking place in western and southern Indian non-brahmin politics led by shudras disillusioned the dalits. "...Just as the Justice Party failed in Madras to include significant number of untouch- and no landless labourer. It is a different addresses the caste question in northern states of Bihar and UP in the late 1980s story that the entire house stood against him on this issue (Pioneer: 'Defeated Cause', March 19, 1999). and 1990s again incite us to go into the dilemmas that prevail in dalit and upper The Ambedkar-non-brahmin interaction shudra politics and their respective ideolreveals that addressing brahminism has ogy, strategies and 'roles after coming to been the focal point in the Dalit movement, power' in the respective states. The Janata but brahmins, not brahminism remain Dal led by Mulayam Singh Yadav in UP central to non-brhamins. Non-brahmins and Laloo Prasad Yadav in Bihar led to addressed primarily the dominance of the emergence of a dominant backward brahmins, whereas Ambedkar addressed caste politics in the late 1980s. At the same not only brahmins and caste but also time Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) emerged capitalism and feudalism. For Ambedkar, as a 'Dalit' Party. It is a different story that Janata Dal got divided and Mulayam Singh Maharashtra could not make common cause nail in the coffin of Hinduism indicating Yadav and Laloo Prasad Yadav floated with untouchables" [Zealiot 1970: 44-45].a cultural and ideological revolt against it. their own parties - Samajvadi Party (SP) Ambedkar did not form any political Gail Omvedt, who studied the dalit and and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) respecables, the non-brahmin movement in the conversion to Buddhism was the last party in for the non-brahmin party repre-non-brahmin movement in detail, con- tively. Both the parties are led by the sented the anti-brahminical ideology but cluded that "Dalits have inherent interest dominant land-owning shudra castes. following its break-up and the failure ofin destroying the system shared with all So far as the ideological standings of SP the party to promote dalit interests and hisexploited (specifically shudras, low, depen- and RJD are concerned, they do attack strong commitment against the class-castedent toilers) on the other hand, for those brahmins, though the former is much system, he remarked: defined as 'impure' and relegated to quar- milder. In their speeches, they do attack I am anxious that the Depressed Classes ters outside the village, they have a special the brand of Hinduism which stands for oppression and a special interest in a move- communalism but do not speak against Movement should form a common front ment against the entire hierarchy based on existing hierarchies which has been with the working class of other communities. With that objective in view, I clung pollution-purity" [Omvedt 1954: 36]. legitimised through scriptures like Geeta, Although dalit movement has been vis- Mahabharata, Ramayan, etc. On the other in the hope that sooner or later it would ible with 'pure political dimensions' im- hand, the BSP leadership always refers to rise to the full light of its great mission of mediately after the demise of Ambedkar, caste-hierarchy and the prejudices against to the non-brahmin party for ten full years struggling for the freedom of toiling masses it did not succeed in having an all India the dalits and shudras. Though the Bahujan of the great non-brahmin community...I do outlook Babu Jagjivan Ram for most of Samaj claims to include SC/ST/OBC/ not at all insist that all the non-brahmin the time aligned with the ruling classes or minorities, but BSP draws its main support labouring masses should join one party. ruling parties, succeeding in bringing from the SCs and the most backward castes Let them have their own party, if they so desire, but we can certainly make a common front against the brahmins, the capitalists, the landlords and other exploiting classes. By breaking up the party the nonbrahmins have committed a political sui- cide (Bombay Sentinel, 1942:252-53). Ambedkar could visualise the conse- independent dalit politics to the periphery. among OBCs [Pradeep Kumar 1999]. Laloo Yadav's RJD formed a nonIt is only in 1990s that there are parallels in dalit and shudras politics that seem to brahmin alliance on the pretext of bringing juxtapose in the post-mandal period. Once SC/ST/OBCs/Muslims as one homogeagain, it forces us to carve out the ideo- neous category against the brahmins in logical differences and strategical dis- Bihar. But soon, he saw its limits and tinctions between these two outfits with formed an alliance with the Ahir-Kurmi- 'oppressed' outlooks. quences of the split in non-brahmin party and the multi-dimensional discriminations Post-Independence Period against the dalits which could not be doneIf we look at the all-India scenario, Bhumihar-Rajput (AKBAR) the landowning communities that stood against the interests of dalits (dalits being landless). Thus backward caste politics has been away merely by occupying positions predominant backward caste or upper shudra side-lining the interests of dalits, becomviously held by brahmins; and the nonpolitics seem to have emerged in most of ing merely another kind of brahminism brahmins hesitated to go against their own the parts of the country. It may not have which sanctifies caste oppression (Piothe earlier strict non-brahmin movement neer, 'Social Fascism' February 24, 1999). interests. Speaking on the non-brahmin members' opposition to the bill for the traits but it has always addressed the political There are no anti-Hinduism symbols in removal of untouchability, he commented dominance of higher castes directly or SP and RJD politics. Their election symthat they have effaced the memory of indirectly as the Congress remained domi- bols (the SP's cycle and the RJD's lantern) Jyotiba Phule completely and that the class nated by highercastes in most Indian states. have no historical, cultural or even any had shamelessly betrayed his philosophy One can easily be reminded of the politics logical significancefora movement. But the (Satyashodhak, December 1950). Thus,in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra, UP, symbols of BSP have a historical and ideowe find a shift in Ambedkar's interactionBihar, etc, up to 1967 elections. But later logical relevance. The 'Elephant' symbolwith non-brahmin leadership. there was a major shift in favour of domi- ises that it keeps walking for it does not Later, he submitted a memorandum to nant castes, whereby these states saw the know its strength and when it comes to know the Constituent Assembly arguing that emergence of big landlords dominating its strength and finds things much intolerable then it destroys the whole system dalits and asked for agriculture to be Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Bihar have (forest) without losing its patience. The declared a state industry, to be so organised seen some sort of 'non-brahminical' poli- 'Blue Flag' symbolises the desire to reach that there would be no landlord, no tenants tics continuously but the way shudra politics to the skies. The portraits of Ambedkar, tenancy reform will have no meaning for the political scene in post-1967 period. 3978 Economic and Political Weekly November 4, 2000 This content downloaded from 202.41.10.63 on Fri, 21 Dec 2018 07:53:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Phule, EVR, Shahuji Maharaj; etc, in its rallies are a tribute to those who fought against untouchability and caste system. From the speeches of BSP leaders and their use of symbols like the 'Ashok Chakra' and 'Blue Flag', we can logically conclude that dalit politics propagate non-Hindu symbols. The carving out of new districts during Mayawati's chief ministership, and naming them after Gautam Buddha, Shahuji Maharaj, Jyotiba Phule, etc, categorically points towards a cultural revolt against the brahminical tradition of naming districts Rampur, Laxmanpur, Sitapur, etc. "This strategy created apolitical fervour and sensitised the Dalit masses on these antagonism in UP is because 'the class interests of the backwards who have become new neo-brahmins after land reforms 'Jati Todo Samaj Jodo' programme was successful in its aims and objectives to term the party at least a Dalit Party. Ideoand' green revolution, tend to clash with logically thus, removal of caste remains at dalits many of whom continue to be land- the heart of BSP's strategy. less in rural India [Kumar 1999: 826]. BSP In conclusion one can look back to the in UP was able to mobilise the kurmi statement given by Ambedkar at Mahad: community initially, but later due to perWhile the caste system lasts, the brahmin sonality clashes and socio-economic difcaste has its supremacy. No one of his own ferences, leaders like Jang Bahadur Patel, will, surrender power which is in his hands. Ram Lakhan Verma, etc, left the party Nor in does it appear likely that the task will be carried out by other caste-Hindus. These 1995 symbolising kurmi revolt in the BSP others, such as the class comprising the (Pioneer, November 6, 1998). marathas and other similar castes, are a The contradictions among dalits and dominant land-owning sections manifested class between the privileged and those themselves more sharply with the collapse issues" [Kumar 1999: 822]. These personof SP-BSP government in UP in 1995. In without any rights. A privileged class, at the cost of a little UP, dalits are the landless labourers while sacrifice can show some generosity. A alities represent anti-brahminical ideology class without any privileges has ideals and due to their movements against caste yadavsand in kurmis form the dominant landaspirations; for at least as a matter of selfparticular and the hierarchical varna sysowning communities. This antagonism interest, it wishes to bring about a social does not allow BSP to broaden its base tem in general and the symbols of the BSP reform. As a result it develops an attachreflect revolt against brahmanism in Inamong dominant sections of OBCs and its ment to principles rather than to self indian culture. This has generated in UP, a searching for support of "some of the MB Cs terest. The class of caste-Hindus other than socio-cultural process of 'Ambedkarisand the scheduled tribes, many of whom brahmins lies in between; it cannot practise ation', i e, tremendous growth in the conare extremely backward in all respects" the generosity possible to the class above [Kumar 1999:826]. sciousness among dalits about the life and and it does not develop the attachment to ideas of Ambedkar [Pai 1993: 2313-14].Yet again these contradictions can be principles that develops in the class below. At rallies of SP and RJD, Mulayam Singh This is why this class is seen to be conobserved in the political behaviour of the cerned not so much about attaining equalYadav proudly calls himself as 'Sanatani many off-springs of the non-brahmin ity with brahmins as about maintaining its Hindu' and BJP's 'Jai Shri Ram' replaces movement in Tamil Nadu that have gone status above the untouchables [Dangle 1992]. 'Jai Shri Krishna' in RJD rallies, that show totally against its ideology as "Jayalalitha furthered brahmanic interests through no cultural shift in their ideological standThus, the dynamics of dalit and Shudra ings with reference to Hinduism, whereas temples, priesthood and appointment of politics vis-a-vis anti-brahminism can be BSP leaders, first pay homage to anti-caste archakar from the brahmin community. understood as an anti-caste movement in personalities like Buddha, Ambedkar etc, This identity formation (Dravida) didtransition. not [Ef at the start of their speeches. In yet another satisfy the aspirations and hopes of dalits References example, one can find Laloo Yadav perand others who were at the lower rungs forming 'havan', going to temples before of Tamil society" [Ambrose Pinto 1999]. Baghel, B S (undated): Why the Need of BAMSEF, or after every election, but BSP leaders The thevars, who are now a privileged DS4 and BSP, Anil Printers, Agra. never perform such rituals. While installclass in Tamil Nadu we, the yadavs Chatterjee, in S K (1996): The Scheduled Castes in Bihar and UP and the marathas of India, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi. ing statues of Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram or Dangle Arjun (1992): Poisoned Bread, Orient Mayawati never broke any coconut or Maharashtra, are now responsible forsevere Longman, Hyderabad. performed any rituals but paid tribute by atrocities against the dalits. No longer are M and Kureel (1998): Rulers Alone Gopinath, standing before the portrait for a moment. the brahmins, the oppressors. Can Create Casteless Society, BSP-Karnataka Unit, Bangalore. Contemporary backward caste politicsIn dalit politics, the 'Jati Todo Samaj Gore,has M S (1989): Non-Brcahmin Movement in does not talk of Ambedkar, Phule, BudJodo' programme launched by BSP Maharashtra, Segment Books Publication, dha, etc, who have addressed the issue paid of the party major dividends. Before New theDelhi. caste and the need to annihilate it. One 1993 election, MBCs did not identify -(1 993): The Social Context of an Ideology, Sage themselves with the dalits and the BSP was Publications, New Delhi. surprising aspect is that despite the shudra Kairmode, background of Phule and EVR, they are termed as 'chamar' party but when SP- C D (1950): Bhimrao RamjiAmbedkar, Maharashtra Sahitya Sanskruti Mandal, Bombay. not idealised in contemporary shudra BSP alliance broke, the party was in search Kuber, W N, Ambedkar (1973): A Critical Study, politics. The SP and RJD leadership revere of caste-groups that could provide it major Peoples Publishing House, New Delhi. Lohia but it is a well known fact that he dividends electorally. Subsequently, it Pradeep (1999): 'Dalits and BSP in Uttar Kumar, Pradesh', EPW, April 3. used to organise 'Ram Mela' at Ayodhya organised rallies of different MBCs in UP Omvedt, and Gail (1994): Dalits and the Democratic (as told by a former Janata Dal leader). On like Kumhar, Teli, Luhar, Pals, etc, Revolution, Sage Publications, New Delhi. the other hand, Mulayam Singh Yadav has thus the party's vote percentage went up (1997): 'Dalit Assertion in UP', EPW, Pai, Sudha been vigorously speaking against the SC/ to 20 per cent from 11.1 per cent. September This 13. ST Atrocities Act, for perpetuators of atrocities against sudras are largely the yadavs of rural UP. The backward-dalit antagonism in rural India like thevar-pallar clashes in Tamil Nadu; the kurmi-chamar, yadav-chamar included the votes of MBCs for whom this Pinto Ambrose (1999): 'End of Dravidian Era in Tamil Nadu', EPW, June 12. specific programme was organised. (Dalits Prem Prakash (1993): Ambedkar, Politics and form 20 per cent of the total population in UP but some sub-castes of SCs do not Scheduled Castes, APH, New Delhi. Zealiot, Eleanor (1970): 'Learning the Use of vote for BSP as mentioned in some papers Political Means' in Rajni Kothari (ed), Caste of EPW). It makes the argument clear that in Indian Politics, Orient Longman. Economic and Political Weekly November 4, 2000 3979 This content downloaded from 202.41.10.63 on Fri, 21 Dec 2018 07:53:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms