World Wide Journal of Multidiscip linary Research and Development WWJMRD 2017; 3(11): 85-90 www.wwjmrd.com International Journal Peer Reviewed Journal Refereed Journal Indexed Journal UGC Approved Journal Impact Factor MJIF: 4.25 e-ISSN: 2454-6615 Nitin Chandel Department of History Ph.D. Research University of Jammu Jammu, Kashmir, India Jawaharlal Nehru’s Intervention in Kashmir Till 1947 Nitin Chandel Abstract This article pronounces the political role of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in the State politics of Kashmir and its ramifications. The roots of his ancestry in Kashmir had a deep impact and the bond involved him in the political occurrences in Kashmir. The early years of Nehru participation was simply revisiting, piloting and connecting Kashmir with rest of British India but later when Muslim League too had strong impact on the State, a swift in the political tempo of Nehru comes under the supervision of Sheikh Abdullah who rejuvenate Nehru notions in realistic structure in the State. An analysis of Nehru‟s actions in India and its replications in the State by its adherents had rendered him a symbolic figure in the Kashmir politics. The interest of Nehru also lays in the fact that being socialists and fountain head of many organisations, he extended his principles and contributes in the concerned places and Kashmir being the foremost. The study depicts the associations of various mainstream leaders of the State with Indian National Congress and Pandit Nehru as the binding force to redeem such exertion. A general framework of Nehru‟s intervention in State politics and uneasiness with Maharaja of Kashmir, promulgation of his approaches in the State and manifold lexes of distinctiveness politics in Jammu and Kashmir had been depicted precisely. Keywords: Government, Demands, Rights, leaders, struggle, congress and movements Correspondence: Nitin Chandel Department of History Ph.D. Research University of Jammu Jammu, Kashmir, India Introduction Jawaharlal Nehru had its visit in the state in the early days of their childhood but only for resting summer holidays and recreation with his family as it was his native land of his ancestors. Pandit Nehru‟s initial instance of the participation in the internal politics of Jammu and Kashmir started with the correspondence with Prem Nath Bazaz. Nehru in his long reply, dated July 8, 1936, wrote: “It is clear that, the ultimate fate of Kashmir, as of the other Indian States, is bound up with that of India as a whole, so that the larger struggle for Indian Independence governs the situation and the more or less local struggle in Kashmir must be viewed in the light of the Indian struggle. I would go a step further and say that Indian freedom itself is connected intimately with world happenings, but for the moment, we need not take them into consideration except to throw light on our struggle. He further states that, “Coming to Kashmir, I think there can be little doubt that the basic cause underlying all the disturbances in recent years has been economic distress and unemployment, added to the resentment at the fact that the State Services were monopolized by certain groups and classes. There was reason for this resentment, but unhappily a strong communal turn was given to the whole moment, chiefly by outsiders. During recent years Kashmiri Pandits had suffered greatly and I was deeply grieved to learn of their sufferings. I can well understand that this experience, as well as the feeling, that they are surrounded by a hostile majority, should have terrified many of them into a kind of alliance with the State Government. But, while I understand this, I deplore it, for this is both bad principle and bad policy. The climax of this fatal policy has come, when all the Kashmiri Pandit members of the Kashmir Assembly sided with the State Government in getting the Criminal Law Amendment Bill passed, as also when most Kashmiri Pandits opposed the celebration of „Responsible Government Day‟ on May 6. This policy seems to me not only most degrading, but definitely injurious to the interests of the Kashmiri Pandit themselves. By adopting it, they are ranging themselves against progressive movements, which inevitably will grow and irritate the vast majority of the population of the State. No special weightages or protection on behalf of ~ 85 ~ World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development the State can possibly protect them against a huge hostile majority”. Again Nehru said, “Kashmir is very dear to me and I only wish that I could be of greater service to my old country. But, I often think of it and my warm wishes go out to those who work for freedom and the betterment of the masses there. In this work, I earnestly trust that the Kashmiri Pandits will take a rightful and prominent share”. The glimpses of the exchange of thoughts between Bazaz and Nehru exposes that Nehru had appropriate knowledge of the politics of Kashmir and actions of the government. It is pertinent to mention here that the political actions of the Pandit Nehru and Indian Congress leaders were keenly watched by the educated elites of the State and they followed their footsteps. For instance, like the Congress resolution on Fundamental Rights, the demands contained in the memorial consisted of the right to freedom of religion as obtained in British India; right to freedom of assemblage and association; right to freedom of speech and press; right to equality and equal treatment before the law for all State Subjects without discrimination on grounds of religion, caste creed and colour. The struggle for responsible government in Jammu and Kashmir State was initiated by the radical Muslims Youth on the same lines of the idea mooted in the famous annual session of the Indian National Congress held at the banks of the River Ravi, near Lahore on December 31, 1929, where Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru rejected the offer of “Dominion Status” for India describing it merely as a “Snare”. Moreover, Pandit Nehru “condemned British imperialism, Kings and Princes”. The ruling Princes were asked to extend the benefits of responsible Government to the people. The plea for responsible Government emanates when the educated Muslims men were not satisfied with the working of the Legislative Assembly established by the Maharaja of the State. However, on May 8, 1936, “The Responsible Government Day” was observed in the State by the Muslim subjects only because the non-Muslims were suspicious of the character and actions of the larger community. During this spell communal politics reigned supreme both among the Muslim and the non-Muslim communities due to the absence of political maturity, progressiveness and democratic consciousness. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru advised the non-Muslim subjects that, “they should give up their narrow communal outlook and think of their welfare in terms of the welfare of Kashmir as a whole, that is to say of the great majority of the people of Kashmir. I would advise them not to seek any special protection or weightage or reservation of seats in the State services, no special electorate or the like……they will get far more through goodwill and cooperation with other communities”. The influence of Pandit Nehru was quite visible in Sheikh Abdullah political practices when he went on a tour to the Punjab where he had exchange of ideas with Nehru and nationalist leaders of the Indian National Congress. The outcome of this tour was the implementation of introducing nationalism in Kashmir politics. The first move in this respect was the publication of a weekly journal entitled the “Hamdard” by the joint venture of Bazaz and Abdullah on the principles secular lines. The weekly journal Hamdard in Urdu popularizes the ideology of progressive nationalism in the State. It was due to the impact of Pandit Nehru that Sheikh Abdullah, the leader of Muslim Conference staunchly promoted nationalism and secularism. The drive was to be brought to the level of Indian National Congress both ideological and politically. The product of the healthy dialogue between Sheikh and Pandit Nehru was the emergence of innovative progressive forces in politics in 1936 on the lines of secularism. Pandit Nehru being the ardent bearer of socialist ethics and his idea of Socialism with its effects were fairly evident in the State with the evolution of different organisations on socialistic tendencies like Youth League, the Labour Movement, the Peasant Association, the Students‟ Federation, the Indian National Congress and the Hindu Progressive Party. Pandit Nehru commenced to figure openly in Kashmir politics as he send Mr. Purushottam Das Tandon to Kashmir to generate a liaison with the leaders of different communities. Mr, Tandon was strictly instructed to see S.M.Abdullah and Bazaz. In 1937, two prominent Congress leaders, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and R.K.M. Ashraf, came to Kashmir and made efforts to bring Kashmir movement closer to the Indian National Congress. During the official tour of Pandit Nehru at Peshawar in January 1938, he invited Sheikh Abdullah and he went there accompanied by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. The core debate revolved round the prospects of the changing character of the political landscape of the valley. Pandit Nehru categorically suggested that the doors of the Muslim Conference should be thrown open to the non-Muslims and a new era should be started in the Kashmir politics. With regard to the minority‟s demand for safeguards, the sheikh assured Pandit Nehru that “Muslims are ready to accept the legitimate demands which may be presented by them either directly or through an arbitrator”. Sheikh Abdullah followed the footprints of Nehru and the working style of Indian National Congress. The outcome of the NehruAbdullah meeting was the secularization of Kashmir politics on broader based struggle and throwing its entrances open for persons of all religion. Nehru informed Sheikh Abdullah of his extreme interest in the struggle of the people of “Princely States” for their rights, and shortly afterwards formed the “Indian States Peoples Conference” for spearheading this struggle. Impressed by Pandit Nehru‟s views, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah after his return, explained his party that there is no alternative to recognizing the movement on national lines and to replacing the Muslim Conference by a national organisation. However the meetings between these two leaders were criticized by various political parties inside and outside the state. They even beckoned Sheikh Abdullah a representative of Indian National Congress in the state who will merge Muslim Conference with it. The States Peoples Conference established by Nehru for supporting the demand for a representative government by people of Princely States had established its unit in the State. The Central Committee of the All India Congress and Provincial committees of the Congress party as well as the Central Committee of the Majlis-e-Ahrar issued statements in support of the National Demands. However the National Demand drafted for a responsible government, for sociopolitical change and economic outlook for the people was criticized by all major and minor parties of the State. But the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress approved the Demand and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru supported the movement with great enthusiasm. The All India States Peoples Conference began its session at Ludhiana under the Presidentship of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru on February 15, 1939. Criticizing the major States ~ 86 ~ World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development like Kashmir and Hyderabad, Pandit Nehru said that the rulers of these States were acting as the agents of the British imperialism and were utilizing communal differences to check popular movements in their States. Comparing the popular moments in Kashmir and Hyderabad States Pandit Nehru observed: “….. In Kashmir the popular movement is called communal because it is largely Muslim in composition. In Hyderabad it is said to be communal because it is predominantly Hindu….Hyderabad and Kashmir are two premier States in India and we might have hoped that they would set an example to others by introducing free institutions and responsible Government. Unhappily, both are exceedingly backward politically and socially. Hyderabad is a predominantly Hindu State with a Muslim ruling class; Kashmir is predominantly a Muslim State with a Hindu ruling class. Both these represent the same type of problems and both have some background of extreme poverty among the masses, illiteracy, educational backwardness and undeveloped sources”. Pandit Nehru‟s views on the role of minorities in a freedom struggle included, among other things that the minorities should not fight for petty claims such as share in administrative jobs, etc. he advised the Hindus of Kashmir to give up communal claims and share in services. He said: “To Hindus of Kashmir, I would say that they should not press for communal claims and share in services. This will show a more or less baniapan if they insisted on such claims. When revolutions were taking place in different parts of the world it did not benefit Hindus to insist for a special share in services. It is always few who brought about revolutions in the countries of the world”. There is no doubt that the Ludhiana State Peoples Conference played a significant role in the history of the Kashmir politics in that it brought to an end the political isolation of Kashmir by drawing the Kashmir movement closer to the mainstream of Indian nationalism. The influence of Pandit was quite again visible in the special session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, convened in connection with the changes in the name and constitution of this conference and thus All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference comes out with the refined fabric of secularism and democratic consciousness. During the same period when Pandit Nehru intervention in the Kashmir politics was noteworthy, on the other side the Muslim League headed by Mohammad Ali Jinnah campaigned against Sheikh Abdullah nationalism and his pro-Congress leanings. Again Pandit Nehru‟s visit in the State around May 1940, accompanied by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the “Frontier Gandhi” was a tremendous demonstration of public enthusiasm. He toured various parts of the State for ten days and everywhere he was shown utmost cordiality and hospitality by Hindus and Muslims alike. His speeches, his interviews, and his activities in general received the wildest publicity in the Press outside the State. Leading Congress journals had sent special representatives to cover the tour. Nehru Visit had both positive and negative consequences, on the positive side, Abdullah and his National Conference came into limelight and got publicity not all over the subcontinent of India but even beyond its shores. On the negative side, the speeches delivered by Pandit Nehru in different parts of Kashmir created great uneasiness among the Kashmiri Pandits, as well as among the Hindus of Jammu, as in all of them he emphasized the need for a completely democratic set up in the State which meant absolute Muslim rule in the State. The political situation during the 1930‟s to 1940 in the State was based on communal tendencies and every faction of society was suspicious of others. These series of events of Sheikh Abdullah with Pandit Nehru made his fame so elevated that he commenced to associate himself with Congress. The accomplishments of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Tej Bahadur Sapru had an notable bearing in the political dynamism of the State as the former led the expansion of National Conference and its policies under its authority while the latter had friendly and advisory role in Maharaja Hari Singh strategies in State affairs and he advised Kashyap Bandhu (A tall leader among Kashmiri Pandits) to joins the ranks of National Conference again who acted as the main mediator between the National Conference and the State government. A remarkable swing happens in the politics of Kashmir when M.A.Jinnah visits to the valley in May 1944, where National Conference had organised a civic reception in his honour. But here a shift comes when Jinnah declared that for, “99 percent of the Muslims who met me are of the opinion that the Muslim Conference alone is the representative organisation of the State Muslims”. In another meeting, Jinnah exhorted the people to unite as Muslims under the flag of the Muslim Conference. The speeches and statements made by Jinnah caused a severe decision in the ranks and file of the National Conference. A clear division was visible in the political actions of the State in which two colossal parties of Kashmir were divided as Muslim Conference was supported by Jinnah and National Conference was supported by Nehru. The differences between the Muslim Conference and the National Conference thereafter became all more acute in Kashmir, so much so that the Government had to impose severe restrictions on Public meetings and processions in the city. The sway of Muslim league and Muslim Conference in the State creates trouble which led to Nehru‟s visit to the State on August 1, 1945, accompanied by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffer Khan. These leaders were accorded a grand reception by the National Conference Party. Addressing the annual session of the National Conference, Nehru appealed to the people of Kashmir to lead Sheikh Abdullah. Pt. Nehru warned the people against falling victims to narrowminded communal and sectarian politics, and he went to the extent of asking the Hindus in general and Kashmiri Pandits in particular, to leave Kashmir, “if non-Muslims wanted to live in Kashmir, they should join the National Conference, or bid goodbye to their country”. On August 7, 1945, while replying to an address of Welcome by the Kashmir Pandit community of Kashmir, Pt. Nehru said that Sheikh Abdullah‟s National Conference was the real national organisation of the people of Kashmir, so that if the Kashmiri Pandit community did not join it, no weightages and safeguards would be able to protect them. P.N.Bazaz argued that Nehru wanted the National Conference to follow in the footsteps of the Indian National Congress, which was unwilling to share power with its rival, the Muslim League, in India. Pointing out the inherent contradiction in Nehru‟s speeches, Bazaz stated that if needed the National Conference was the majorityrepresentative organisation in Kashmir, why did Nehru have to make speeches threatening those who did not support it? Warning Kashmiri Pandits, he further pointed ~ 87 ~ World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development out that Nehru and the leaders of the National Conference would be only too willing to sacrifice the interest of the minority for the sake of the larger struggle that would culminate with the takeover of power. Unless Kashmiri Pandits found a true leader, their future was doomed, declared Bazaz. Moreover, workers of Muslim Conference staged hostile demonstrations at several places, and even stones were hurled at the procession in many places. But in general the visit of the Congress leaders to Kashmir secured a position of vantage for Sheikh Abdullah and his National Conference Party The presentation of the „Quit Kashmir‟ Memorandum to the British Cabinet Mission by Abdullah came as a great surprise and shock to the members of the Working Committee of the Kashmir National Conference, none of whom had been consulted in connection with the drawing up of this Memorandum. Even the Dogra adherent to the National Conference disassociated themselves from the movement. The minuscule minority of the Kashmir Pandits took fright at this sudden turn in the policy of the National Conference. Kashyap Bandhu, a Kashmiri Pandit from the Working Committee of the Conference, in a statement in the Weekly „Desh‟ mournfully complained that the Committee was not consulted by the top-most leaders before launching the movement. The vehemently anti-Dogra and anti-Hindu speeches made by National Conference members resulted in the dissociation of Dogra and Hindu members from the movement. Sheikh Abdullah in his speeches delivered stressed on two points, first the Treaty of Amritsar between the British and the Maharaja Gulab Singh was a Sale deed unacceptable to the people of Kashmir and should be abrogated. Second that Maharaja Hari Singh should quit the valley with bag and baggage and leave Kashmiris alone to decide their future by themselves. Soon after the agitation started, Abdus Salam Yatu, the president of the Kisan Mazdoor Sabha, issued a statement advising to the working class to desist from taking any part in the movement. More significantly, the Muslim Conference declared that “the agitation had been started at the behest of Congress leaders, and its object was to restore the lost prestige of the Nationalists”. The worst blow to the National Conference came when the Congress offered only lukewarm support to the agitation and many condemned openly. Acharya J.B.Kriplani, the then Congress president stated categorically that this movement was a most mischievous move, and unless it was withdrawn, it was impossible to bring about any compromise between the Kashmir Government and the Indian National Congress there. Abdullah was sentenced to three and a half years arduous imprisonment, and several other National Conference members associated with the agitation received analogous sentences. Pandit Nehru on the other side reasons contrarily on Abdullah‟s actions without knowing the real factors cropping up inside the Jammu and Kashmir State, by going only single-sided. Nehru issued a lengthy statement to the press from Delhi on the happenings in Kashmir, leading to the arrest of Abdullah and others on May 21, 1945. In his statement of his, Pandit Nehru said: “Both as the President of the AllIndia State‟s People‟s Conference and as a Kashmiri, I have been greatly troubled by the recent developments in Kashmir. I have said little about them so far, because I wanted more facts. My first impulse was to go to Kashmir, but I refrained from doing so till I had more information. Many questions have been put to me about the new orientation given to the popular agitation in Kashmir with the demand for “Quit Kashmir”, based on the Amritsar Treaty. It has been, and is, the policy of the All India States‟ People‟s Conference to demand full Responsible Government in all the States under the aegis of the Ruler, who is to act as a constitutional head of the State. That has also been the policy of the Kashmir National Conference, of which S.M.Abdullah is the President and the leader”. “The whole of the Valley was handed over to military administration. The police, being Kashmiri, was withdrawn. Srinagar is almost a city of the dead, where movement is difficult and large numbers of people are practically interned in their own houses. “Apart from the many hundreds who have been put in prison, clashes occur daily add even women have been shot down. But, what is far worse is the deliberate attempt reminiscent of the Martial Law days of 1919 to humiliate human beings. I understand that people are made to crawl in some of the streets, that sometimes they are made to take off their turbans to clean the streets and pavements, that they are made to shout at the point of the bayonet Maharaj Ki Jai, dead bodies are not handed to the relatives for burial according to the religious rites, but are soaked in petrol and burnt. The mosques, including their inner shrines, have been occupied by the military. A wall of the Jama Masjid of Srinagar has been knocked down to allow passage for military lorries. A dangerous feature of the situation is the deliberate attempt to foment communal trouble. “To the State authorities, I would say that their actions are bringing grave discredit on their name and no government can live with disgrace attached to it. The word still remembers Amritsar and Jallianwalla Bagh. Are we to have yet another gruesome memory to pursue us in the days to come? Prime Minister R.C.Kak met Gandhiji, Maulana Azad and Patel in Bombay in connection with Pandit Nehru‟s attitude towards the Quit Kashmir Movement. The Congress leaders told him that they were against Nehru‟s interference in the State affairs. The mainstream of Kashmir Pandits however was not with the National Conference and did not favour the Quit Kashmir slogan. Kashmiri Pandits who were associated with the National Conference were even surprised by this unstipulated alteration but the majority of Pandits organisations were totally contrary to the Quit Kashmir agitation and maintained aloof of it. The Pandits supports the Maharaja and appealed to the Congress leaders about Nehru‟s involvement in the State concerns which had degenerated the political ethics and trends and gave the people moments of anxiety, uncertainty and strains. Even the Hindus of Jammu evoked limited response. The Muslim Conference leaders sent out secret instructions to their units and cadres to keep away from the agitation and provide help and assistance to the State Government in dealing with the agitation. With the arrest of Abdullah and the movement on account of its adverse criticism was withdrawn. Pandit Nehru realized his mistake as his statement was issued merely on the basis of the extremely exaggerated and colored reports of the happening in Kashmir as being provided by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Dwarka Nath Kachru. He later on expressed his regret for many of the unfold allegations he had made in the course of his statement. Pandit Nehru issued another statement later, in the course of which he said: “The Kashmir authorities denied almost totally many ~ 88 ~ World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development of the Statement of events that I had made previously. I have now considered carefully a large number of reports coming in the Press, as well as from individuals and eyewitnesses in Kashmir. I have also met deputations, some officially inspired and representing the official viewpoint, others representing the other view-point. Entirely contradictory reports have been made to me as to the facts that happened…………” Again he said, “Two incidents I mentioned I should like to correct. I have no present information which can substantiate them and I regret that I gave publicity to these two incidents without sufficient proof. These two allegations are the burning of bodies of persons killed and the breaking down of a compound wall of the Jama Masjid. Very probably, the deaths due to firing were much greater than those admitted in the official Communique. How all these bodies were deposed of I cannot say without much greater proof than I possess. As regards the allegation about the wall of the Jama Masjid, it appears that there is a wooden gate and a military lorry passing through accidentally dislodged some bricks of a column. This may have given rise to the story. Anyhow, I am sorry that I stated something which was not correct”. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was almost furious at the irresponsible statement issued Pandit Nehru against the Kashmir State administration, without having made any proper enquiries into the matter. On May 28, 1946, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru again started precipitating matters in Kashmir. He sent a telegram to the Prime Minister of Kashmir saying: “Reports indicate the trial of Sheikh Abdullah and others. I desire to organize his proper defence. I request full facilities and time for this”. Pandit Ram Chandra Kak, the Prime Minister of Kashmir, immediately replied on May 29, 1946, saying: “Your Telegram of May 28. The case before the court, which will doubtless grant facilities for defence permissible under the law on application from the accused”. Nehru again sent a telegram to Maharaja Hari Singh, saying: “I am reaching Srinagar on June 19, with lawyers, for Sheikh Abdullah‟s trial. I still hope that in the interest of all concerned, the trial; will be given up and Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues released. Such a step will lead to a peaceful consideration of the great problems confronting Kashmir, I would gladly help in this task and can meet you for this purpose if you so desire”. On June 16, 1946, Pandit Nehru received a telegram in reply which said: “Your telegram dated June 13. The cases are sub judice. Under the rules, any outside lawyers whom the accused may engage will have to approach the Chief Justice for permission to appear. Your coming here is inadvisable as it will only create complications”. This reply from the Maharaja infuriated Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru beyond measure, and he sent another telegram to the Maharaja on June 17, 1946, saying: “Received your telegram. I am surprised to learn that you consider that my visit will lead to complications. I am going to Kashmir to help in putting an end to complications already existing and easing the unfortunate situation which has already existing and easing the unfortunate situation which has already lasted too long. As such State authorities should welcome my visit and give all facilities. Isolation and avoidance of personal contacts lead to unnecessary difficulties. Hence my desire to study the situation for myself and to meet you. I have sent a letter to you by a messenger”. To this, the Maharaja sent a reply which said: “Your telegram dated June 17. I note that you are a letter by messenger. My view regarding your coming remains unchanged, as I feel certain that at this juncture it will entail unfortunate consequences which it is the duty of all concerned to avert”. There was exchange of letters between Maharaja Hari Singh and Pandit Nehru on the ground of approval to visit in the state. But the Maharaja was fixed at his point that Nehru‟s interference in the internal affairs of Jammu and Kashmir would lead to serious complications. So the State authorities banned the entry of Pandit Nehru inside the State. But on the contrary Pandit Nehru violated the Government orders and entered the State through Rawalpindi on June 19, 1946. According to Nehru the purpose of the visit was to defend the case of Sheikh Abdullah who was sentenced to jail for launching the Quit Kashmir Movement. But the State Authorities blocked his way in Kohala and later arrested him on the ground of disobeying of the State orders. The arrest was criticized by the Press all over India but on the parallel base the action of Pandit Nehru was too criticized. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad the then President of all India Congress was not happy with the activities of the Pandit Nehru as it was the same spell when negotiations were going between Indian National Congress and Muslim League. On this critical Juncture Pandit Nehru had diverted his attention in Kashmir Politics which was not healthier at that very time. Accordingly, on June 21, 1946, Maulana Azad sent a telegram to Pandit Nehru saying, “The Working Committee and I advise you to return to Delhi, as promised, tomorrow. The Working Committee‟s Final decision awaiting your return. I have asked His Highness the Maharaja of Kashmir to adjourn Sheikh Abdullah‟s case”. The Maharaja of Kashmir on the other hand was very amicable on that contemporary situation and assured Maulana Azad that he is willing to release Pandit Nehru to India. But the situation becomes worse when Pandit Nehru refused the request of Maulana Azad of return. This act of Pandit Nehru was strongly resented by all the members of the Congress Working Committee. Finding no alternative, Pandit Nehru had to agree to return to Delhi on the condition that he will visit the State again. On the 27th of May, Pandit Nehru called upon the States People‟s Organisation, its Regional Councils, Praja Mandals, Lok Parishads, State Congress and the like all over India to hold meetings on the 2 nd of June, 1946, in sympathy with the suffers of Kashmir. He directed these organisations to raise funds and keep ready volunteers for action in Kashmir. Later on, during July 24 th, 1946, with the permission of State authorities, Pandit Nehru visited the valley, attended the trial of Sheikh Abdullah and didn‟t create any type of stir in the State. After that Pandit Nehru becomes busy in the complex political scenario happening in India as the issue of partition of India that had taken the pragmatic approach in nature and practice. Moreover the British Government had announced that Britain would quit India by June 1948 and it becomes crystal clear that British Government will divide India on communal grounds. So the Congress leaders and other leaders were neutral in the State affairs and remained busy with negotiation and comprising state of affairs till independence. Conclusion To sum up, the analysis of the Pandit Nehru intervention in the State had a profound impact on the people and ~ 89 ~ World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development 15. Press Note of the State Government of Jammu and Kashmir, August 12-15, 1946. 16. D.C.Gupta, Indian National Movement, Vikas Publishers, Delhi 1970. 17. Patil.V.T, Nehru and the Freedom Movement, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi 1977. 18. J.L.Nehru, An Autobiography, Asia Publishing House, Bombay 1960. 19. Michael.Brecher, Nehru-A Political Biography, Oxford University, London 1959. 20. Saxena, H.L, The tragedy of Kashmir, Nationalist Publishers, New Delhi 1975. 21. Akbar. M.J, Nehru the Making of India, Viking publications, London 1988. 22. Khan, G.H, Freedom Movement in Kashmir (19311940), Light and Life Publishers, Delhi 1987. 23. Zutshi. U.K, Emergence of Political Awakening in Kashmir, Vitasta Publishers, Delhi 1986. 24. Raghvan, G.S, the Warning of Kashmir, Jay Kay Publishers, Jammu 1993. 25. Waklu, Somnath, Hari Singh The Maharaja, The Man, The Times, National Publishers, New Delhi 2004. 26. Singh, Harbans, Maharaja Hari Singh, The troubled Years, Brahaspati Publishers, New Delhi 2011. 27. Kaul, Somnath, Freedom Struggle in Jammu and Kashmir, South Asian Publishers, Delhi 1990. 28. Lt.Col. Bhagwan Singh, Political Conspiracies of Kashmir, Light and Life Publishers, Delhi 1973. authorities of the State. Pandit Nehru during his early visits wanted a henchman in his hand and his ideology to carry forward and Sheikh Abdullah best symbolizes this. It was after 1935‟s that the principles and actions of Nehru was followed by the State leaders and they reconstruct them according to their priorities and projects them in local tinge. There was a constructive influence of Nehru intervention on the state till the Quit India Movement but later on due to feeding up of absurd and fabricated stories presented to Nehru, circumstances develops adverse and Pandit Nehru turns severe for the State administration. Another facet of this perspective revealed that Pandit Nehru being rational and pragmatic in his political actions becomes partisan and irrational in Kashmir scenario latterly. Moreover, due to inappropriate timings of Gandhi tactics like Quit India Movement and Nehru‟s intervention in Kashmir State steered to the sharp expansion of Muslim League membership from ten lacs to sixty lacs in India and had a direct impact on Jammu and Kashmir State. At the level of narrative political history, Nehru‟s intervention in the Kashmir politics was healthier and positive in the early phases as the State politics was interconnected to the mainstream National politics but later on the approaches and methods deviate as it was occupied by individualist and bizarre nature of Pandit Nehru against Maharaja of Kashmir. The approach rendered by Pandit Nehru was even disliked by Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and many senior Congress leaders of the time as Pandit Nehru obstinate outlook on the Kashmir politics was unidirectional and peculiar. Moreover the methodologies and strategies framed by Nehru for Kashmir had worse effects in the Sate and afterward partition, the state of affairs went ahead miserable and hitherto the cumbersome situation prevails in Indian context. References 1. Memorial Containing Demands of Muslims (Lahore, All India Kashmir Committee, 1931), pp.7-9 2. Letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to P.N.Bazaz, July 7, 1936. 3. Letter from Mahatma Gandhi to P.N.Bazaz, May 15, 1934, Warda Gujarat. 4. Letter from Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to Ram Chandra Kak (Prime Minister of the State), May 28, 1946. 5. Letter from Ram Chandra Kak to Jawaharlal Nehru, May 29, 1946. 6. Letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to Maharaja Hari Singh, June 13, 1946, New Delhi. 7. Letter from Maharaja Hari Singh to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, June 16, 1946. 8. Letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to Maharaja Hari Singh, June 17, 1946. 9. Letter from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad to Jawaharlal Nehru, June 21, 1946. 10. Letter from Maharaja Hari Singh to Maula Abul Kalam Azad, June 24, 1946. 11. Letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to Maulan Abul Kalam Azad, June 24, 1946. 12. Letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to Pandit Maharaj Kishen Dar (District Magistrate and Governor of Kashmir), June 20, 1946. 13. Letter from District Magistrate to Jawaharlal Nehru, June 21, 1946. 14. Press Statements of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, May 21, 1945 and June 23, 1946. ~ 90 ~