In the Maoist Incubator: A Literature Review of Radical Youth Activism in Indian Campuses Jean-Thomas Martelli†∗ September 13, 2013 †King’s India Institute, King’s College London, Strand London WC2R 2LS, UK Abstract From Jean-Jacques Rousseau to Ranajit Guha, social thinkers mostly attempted to identify structures of domination reflecting on the tyranny of the powerful and narrating the aspiration of individuals to attain broad so- cial acceptance, economic achievements and status recognition. I now want to ask a rather off-beat question: do the leaders of Maoist movement and its student factions voluntarily discard their own status as member of "the elite" to join the armed revolution of oppressed sections or support them actively? This pre-fieldwork paper attempts to make sense of the pro-Naxalite commitments in selected contemporary Indian campuses in order to understand the meaning the youth give to their political affiliation. Through a discourse analysis of youth radical speeches, everyday conversations and party literature, I intend to comprehend how discursive affirmations of self-sacrifice, declassed conversion, ascetic devotion, cult for revolutionary martyrs, along with those of friendship, camaraderie and shared values provide the student with a new subjectivity in opposition to their high-status origin, constituting ultimately the base of their intellectual commitment to extreme-left ideals. Keywords: Maoism, Naxalism, Student, Activism, De-classed, Political Ethnogra- phy, Elite, Identity, Safe Territory, Fieldwork ∗E-mail: jean-thomas.martelli@kcl.ac.uk Naxalites and Maoists, two words used interchangeably to denote extreme-left wing political commitment in India have described evolving realities since their inception in 1967; but when the sociological composition of the movement overtime is closely scrutinized it can be noted that a steady flux of young Indian students have supported and participated in the long-lasting rebellion. This paper examines the processes through which certain students adopt left-wing radical attitudes in contemporary campuses and develop political cultures conducive to Naxalite activities. This Maoist inspired, rural-based guerrilla organisation is currently engaged in an asymmetrical armed conflict against the State, mining companies and industrial estates and has at his head educated individuals from privileged milieu. How to understand this recruitment process? After clarifying in a first section the connections between the youth guerrilla component of the Maoists and the one at work in educational campuses, I intend to present a condensed outline of my pre-fieldwork From December 2013 I will be spending up to 12 months of my fieldwork participating in the daily life of far left students' unions in two to three universities: Jadavpur in Kolkata, Osmania in Hyderabad and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in Delhi. My methods will build on tools of political ethnography such as participant observation, semi-structured face-to-face interviews with current student activists and discourse analysis of pro-Maoist literature. theoretical understanding of the mechanisms of radicalisation of full-time youth militants. The underling problematique is to make sense of how and why student activists, often from upper castes, support a revolutionary insurgency that defends excluded minorities – low-caste Hindu groups, marginalised Muslims and scheduled tribes – often at high personal cost. The suggestion I want to make here is that becoming a campus Maoist involves embracing the ascetic idea of being declassed and requires to voluntarily squander its former elitist cultural capital; this processes of identity transformation is needed in order to identify with the struggle of minorities and excluded sections of the Indian population. This language of sacrifice might be concomitant with a period of life where adolescent transition towards adulthood and develop a language of independence and cultural autonomy. Campus Maoism Between Insurgency and Student Politics This section provides a concise historical account of the longstanding linkages between universities and Maoism in India. I will give evidences of the predominance of educated youth in the leadership of the insurrection over the years and provide possible explanations on how the space of the campus is compatible with the breeding of extreme-left political identities. Before going any further it is nevertheless essential to make clear first the historical context in which Naxalite activity gained its political recognition. This armed insurrection started in several north and central districts of West Bengal state and in the Telangana part of Andhra Pradesh (Gupta 2007). The movement had a meteoric phase after the formation of a party in May 1969 (Singh 2006) and relied at the time on intellectuals and upper social milieu educated mostly in Bengali universities (Banerjee 1980, 1984; Ray 2002). At the turn of the century Naxal leaders slowly reorganised (Lalwani 2011) and united in September 2004 under the label of the CPI(Maoist) The Communist Party of India (Maoist) or CPI(Maoist), the main Naxalite group was merged from three other organisations and nominater Muppala Lakshmana Rao, alias ”Ganapathi” as its general secretary. (Party Programme 2004) while concentrating its operation in Adivasi territory – where mineral exploitation rocketed in the past decades and involved the displacement of populations (Padel & Das 2010; Hoelscher et al. 2012). In 2013, the insurgency controls, depending on the accounts, 170 to 246 districts mostly in the so-called Red Corridor (Harriss 2011) and involves approximately 150.000 paramilitary forces against 7.000 to 40.000 Maoist fighters in squads of the PLGA The People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) was founded on December 2, 2000 and is the main military body of the Naxalites. (Victor 2011; Singh & Singh 2013). Youth and Maoism: the Bengali connection In order to understand the role of educated youth in the Maoist movement it is necessary to make clear the strong historical divide within the organisation between the leadership section of the movement and its rank and file forces. The elite of the Maoist is generally considered as university educated (Balakrishnan 1993; Kenndy & King 2013), from a highly educated middle-class intelligentsia (Omvedt 1971; Harriss 2011; Shah 2011), often high caste Brahmins (Banerjee 1984; Shah & Pettigrew 2009) and more specifically Bhadralok gentry in Bengal – mostly from Madyabitta and Sahebi backgrounds (Ray 2002; Dasgupta 2006). Choudhary (2012) reports a high number of ageing secretaries from Andhra Pradesh – often trained in Bastar forests like leaders Kishenji and Azad (Balagopal 2006) and Singh (2006) points out an overrepresentation of intellectuals in decisional bodies of the Maoists – i.e. the Politburo, Special Area Committees, Special Zonal Committees and State/Regional Committees. This divide between "informed" elite and "instinctual" executant revolutionaries (Bhatia 2000) is probably one the most long-lasting features of the guerrilla movement and has produced bitter comments and critiques (Nigam 2011). Most of the accounts on the ground have noted that the vast majority of student educated-Maoists are part of the leadership section of the movement and are more committed with Naxalite political ideology. Most of the scarce literature focusing on contemporary Maoist youth concentrates on the late 1960s-early 1970s "Bengali phase" in which the state of West Bengal faced an intense urban and rural student agitation. During that time young academically accomplished and highly educated young students engaged with extreme-left activism in urban Kolkata and also attempted to organise peasantry into a revolutionary army (Ray 2002). What most singularly distinguished the Naxalite Movement from earlier and contemporary youth movements was the attack on educational institutions – seen as part of the establishment and also as the embodiment of the "great men" of Bengal (Bandyopadhyay 2010). "Iconoclasm" – i.e. the deliberate destruction within a culture of symbols and monument, often for political of religious reasons – against 19th century social reformers and "bourgeois" political leaders (Banerjee 1980) was the most significant feature of the unrest; one of a kind that was perceiving university as colonial institutions that inspired youth with "reactionary" ideas (Dasgupta 1975). The young generation responded to the call of the charismatic leader Charu Mazumdar to carrying raids on educational institutions, boycotting examinations, disfiguring the statue of national leaders and hoisting red flags (Singh 2006). As a consequence, "some of the finest brains and the cream of India’s youth in certain areas left their homes and colleges to chase the dream of a new world, a new social order" (ibid 2006) and for that reason Newspapers at the time described them as the "cream of Bengali youth" or the "flower of Bengal" (Banerjee 1980). After attracting many students of the Presidency College in Kolkata, the outbursts of youth radicalism spread to Delhi in places like St. Stephen’s College, Delhi School of Economics, Miranda House and lady Sri Ram College. The movement reached his apex in 1972 with – according to Amnesty International – 32.000 jailed political activists. Between March 1970 and August 1971, 1788 young boys were killed in Kolkata alone (Dasgupta 1975). During the last decade Naxalism in universities took a more discrete turn since the guerrilla movement relied less on its intellectual component (Kumar-Das 2010). However, in certain ideologically active campuses such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Jadavpur University, Hyderabad University or Warangal University various legal or half-legal students’ unions have been active since the eighties and until today (Ray 2002; Singh 2006; Ray 2002; Kennedy and King 2013). Additionally, current major Maoist leaders developed their ideological commitment toward armed struggle from their university time – this include current leadership personalities such as Kobad Gandhi, Prasad, Anuradha Ghandy, Ganapathy, Sabyasachi Panda, Azad, Ganti Prasadam, Krishnan Srinivasan, Amitabha Bagchi etc. Connections – both logistical and intellectual – between an active fringe of scholars, social reformers, thinkers and intelligentsia (Arundhati Roy, GN Saibaba, Binayak Sen, Nandini Sundar etc.) and Maoist fighters have been continuous since the beginning of the movement (Desquesnes & Jaoul 2011). It is therefore not surprising to find a lot of incidents in- volving extreme-right student leaders in a campus like JNU, the last one being the arrest of the student leader Hem Mishra the 23rd of August 2013 by the police in the Naxalite controlled Gadchiroli district Cf. link of the news article: http://ow.ly/oexoc ; http://ow.ly/oggZM. The information that were apparently collected from Mr Mishra led to the police search of the house of a Delhi University professor G.N. Saibaba on the suspicion that he was in communication with the Maoist leadership hiding in forested areas of the state of Chhattisgarh. Other events involving radical activists include the 1997 murder of then JNU Students Union president and CPI(M-L) leader, the 2010 march for peace to the Naxalite controlled Dantewada including JNU chancellor Yash Pal, a serious fight between BJP The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or Indian People’s Party is the major Hindu nationalist conservative party in the parliamentary opposition. supporters and Maoists protesting against operation Green Hunt (Saxena 2011), the 2011 ban from the administration of the pro-Maoist Forum Against War on People that led to a fasting protest of their leaders, or the 2011 visit to the campus of the Maoist Nepali Prime Minister and former JNU PhD student Baburam Bhattarai. Outside of Delhi, sporadic accounts mention that the origins of the first insurgents in Andhra Pradesh were students from Warangal University and that leadership of the movement there was until now constituted of non-Adivasi intellectuals from Telangana (Balakrishanan 1993; Kennedy 2013). More to say, a couple of articles published in the Indian Express seem to indicate that ten or more Bengali students from Jadavpur university are actively aiding under-ground Naxalites active in the conflicted zone of Junglemahal Cf. the articles’ web pages here: http://ow.ly/oa55V ; http://ow.ly/oa5a7 ; http://ow.ly/oa5e1. In 2009 Government of India banned seven Maoist front organisations related to the CPI(Maoist) and several of them were devoted to youth revolutionary activism: the Radical Youth League, the Radical Students’ Union, the All-India Revolutionary Students’ Federation and the Revolutionary Writers’ Association (RWA). Playing at being a Maoist, Becoming a Maoist: The Importance of the University Setting In this paragraph I would like to make clear how important is the "academic ecology" of the campus in understand the political commitment of students and with them young pro-Maoists. Indeed, the space of the campus can be seen as a political "playground" in which Maoist students can build social networks over an extended period of time and where peer relations between participants can be maintained at a high level of intensity (Bosi 2013). Today, JNU campus can be seen as a "safe territory" (Bosi 2013) since students are able to publish, discuss freely about revolution and can even put pro-guerrilla posters on the walls of the buildings were classes are organised. Desquesnes (2009) while describing the activism of women activists in JNU saw the campus as a "space of transgression" were the culture of political commitments can be felt in the dhabas, cantines, classes, dormitories etc. (Lochan 1996). Constructing his or her own identity as a student first implies to define the one you do not want to have; this can lead the student to reject the conformity of the majority of non-politicised students; "to distinguish oneself as a student means, in fact, to distinguish oneself from the student essence in which one encapsulates others" (Bourdieu et Passeron 1964). Being a Maoist is definitely non-conformist, it embodies the will of not following the routine of mere pedagogues (ibid 1964) and to choose for yourself radical affinities that belong to intellectual niches. Another advantage of using an extreme label such as Naxalism – which in India has a very sulfurous and deeply negative connotation – is to allow a symbolical break with one’s familial and social milieu. Becoming a Maoist is to become fundamentally atypical, unique and at the same time, independent. Students are able to use the campus as a place where to start low-risk forms of commitment (e.g. rallies for woman’s protection, drawing posters against caste discrimination etc.), and from there agents may slowly invest more on high risk and cost forms of commitment so confirming the claim of McAdam (1986): "playing at being an "activist" is a prerequisite to becoming one". I suggest in this paper that this game of becoming a militant is concomitant with the process of youth construction of individual adult identities at the life-time of "emerging adulthood" (Arnett 1994, 1998, 2001; Arnett & Taber 2000; Aronson et al. 2001). This adulthood in the making is seen as turbulent in terms of changes of statuses (Fusselland & Furstenbenrg 2005); it is therefore not surprising if most of the radical political commitment of students happen at that fateful (Giddens 2001) critical moment (Thompson et al. 2002) inherently related to the individual’s personal identity development (Erikson 1980). Because "youth" means the transition from more established social categories of childhood to the independent unknown of adulthood (UNDP 2006), it embodies developmental variability and potential space for radical commitments. Youth can be seen as a process of social individuation (Morch 1995; Hudon & Fournier 1995) that shape political opinions of agents and develop their individual personality in link with their formative milieu (Morch; 1995). My assumption in this essay is that the various traits of social identification developed at the time of the transitioning toward adulthood influence decision to move to action. Individuation processes inherent to youth might be prone to the development of campus activist profiles and pro-Maoist collective identifications (Stekelenburg & Klandermans 2013) or not; signing up in Student Unions, campaigning, protesting, taking up arms can be seen here as a ritualistic repertoire There is a popular notion that it is normal, appropriate, and morally correct for young people to be radicals or revolutionaries. This widespread maxim is a good example: ”If you’re not a radical at thirty you have no heart, if you’re not a conservative at forty you have no brain. (quoted in Lipset 1968). of tools to become adult. A clearly defined identity validates a confused young person and offers a clear set of guidelines for how to better the life for the individual and indeed for the entire group (Taylor & Louis 2004). The aim of the next section is to identify the pattern of this identity transition attached to the various levels of Maoist commitments and their respective frames of collective action (Snow & Bendford 2000; McAdam, Tilly and Tarrow 2003). Youth Maoism as an Identity Moksha, Freeing Oneself From Cultural Past From what has been aforementioned we can now agree on the fact that the elite of the Maoist insurrection is very educated, from high middle class social background and very often with brahmanical origins. Strong anecdotal information – that has to be verified on the field – indicates that Maoist students’ unions full-time members are issued in large numbers from the exact same upper class/class milieu. I want in this section to draw on the work of Pierre Bourdieu in order to conceptualise pro-Maoist campus politics and understand how radical commitment is linked to a certain kind of embodied cultural capital – i.e. a range of inherited form of behavior, knowledge and codes, titles conveying distinction in specific social configurations and that are converted into an integral part of the person, into a habitus. "Squandering the heritage" The sociological affiliation of Maoist campus leaders is extremely puzzling since pro-Maoist youth is opposing the values of economic success and bourgeois courtesy by identifying with revolutionary ideal – involving assumed violence, ascetic morality and self-sacrifice. Everything goes as if young activists were going against the values of the milieu where they are first socialised. There is even some kind of apparent contradiction in bringing in Bourdieu who emphasises a lot in his work on mechanisms of social, cultural and economic reproduction. Why do young pro-Maoists not reproduce the behavior and destiny of their parents? In his book the Logic of Practice (1980) Bourdieu indicates that mechanisms that determine one’s future action within the social order are embodied in the habitus, a set of dispositions actors inherit and that generate and organise their social practices. Since the habitus tends to reproduce regularities of the field individuals are educated in, it seems contradictory that many Naxalite guerrillas and Naxalite supporters are in fact coming from elite an cultural background – which leave little space for the idea of revolution. From a Bourdieusian point of view, being an educated Naxalite on the battlefield or in a campus necessitates to squander its own inherited cultural capital and break up with the conditions of its own social reproduction. Because culture is at the core of stratification research I have to study how Maoist students’ union leaders transcend this hierarchy by willing to stand next to impoverished Adivasis, disregarded Dalits, exploited peasants, forcefully displaced forest dwellers, marginalised Muslims, harassed women. The theoretical question involved is therefore the following: how is this process of habitus renunciation manifested? The best way to approach and answer to this question would be to analyse the discursive change and linguistic turn of young leaders and trace the emergence of new markers of alternative collective identities. The understanding of this process might be facilitated by looking at the literature on Communist and Naxalite psychology in 20th century India. Dasgupta (2003; forthcoming) for instance discusses the self-fashioning of Communist activist identities in pre and post-colonial Bengal. He affirms that becoming a "true" Communist necessitates to learn how to renounce the sense of individual selfhood. This political affiliation demands a severe self-cultivation where the "I" is dissolved in a communal "us" (Dasgupta forthcoming). The party member’s lifestyle has to be "rigorous" and "strict" in order to prove his or her conversion from a status of privileged Bhadralok (bourgeois educated gentry) to the one of an authentic revolutionary. Re-composed discipline is a manifest proof of conversion to orthodox communism; as an activist that defends exploited people you need to assimilate with them and denounce middle-class behaviors through self-reflection (Dasgupta 2003; Roy 2011). Ultimately becoming a communist encompasses the act of Srenichyuti or "becoming de-classed" (Dasgupta 2003). Maoist activism may follow the same logic. In order to promote excluded voices the Naxalite revolutionary fighter have to adopt an alternative form of discourse that do not belong to the dominant culture: the red soldier has to become like a "sulbaltern" (Sengupta 2010). For him or her, another history need to be embraced, the one that lies in peasant concioussness (Chatterjee 2009) and approach a form of resistance that adopt the lower-class’ point of view (Guha, 1989). Ethnographies and historical accounts of Maoism in Nepal and India emphasise specifically on the importance of the idea of sacrifice, voluntary "declassment" and martyrdom in the process of becoming subjectively a full member of the revolu- tionary community. Lecompte-Tilouine (2006) insists on the thaumaturgic effect of sacrifice in Maobadi guerrilla groups during the Nepalese civil war (1996-2006); she shows through her anthropology how violence and sacrifice for the cause is omnipresent in the literature of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and how that behavior is attached to a brahmanic and Ksatriya modality. Ramirez (2002) notes that the Nepalese Maoist guerrilla relies on the heroism of martyrdom to develop a sense of personal offering to the high end of revolution. Even in a post-conflict context this sense of internal struggle, battle against selfishness and continuous experience of self-improvement was found in the psyche of Nepalese activists of the Young Communist League – i.e. the Maoist youth wing (Hirslund 2012). From Nepal to rural Bihar these narratives of sacrifice for the MLM cause – i.e. Marxist-Leninist-Maoist cause – go along with a process of "iconisation", on a symbolic emphasis of party martyrs (Jaoul 2011). Accounts of past Naxalite discourses that emphasise on sacrifice as a tool of creating a "new man" – which include the use of a strikingly religious language – are actually common and best embodied in the discourses of the most emblematic Naxalite leader: Charu Mazumdar (Gosh 1993; Dasgupta 2006). Conclusion: towards an understanding of the three stages of Maoist identity building This pre-fieldwork paper suggests that the sense of self-sacrifice and renouncement to one's elitist cultural background, along with the construction of peer groups, friendship and social networks of kinship best define the circumstances that favour Maoist recruitment. Further research should ambition to measure how much of this language of renouncement and personal reformation is present in revolutionary discourses of leaders in the university; it should also offer a rich account on how such language can make sense of pro-Maoist identities on campus. In order to do so my theoretical outline proposes to examine three possible phases of radical commitments: 1. Initial Stage. The youth from the upper social milieu join a top educational institution. They come with the accumulated learning related to their pri- mary socialisation. As member of an advantaged background the observant has an ability to imagine alternative futures and plot appropriate hypothetical responses. 2. Disruptive Stage. Students enter in the turbulent phase of emerging adult- hood, leading them to reject their own cultural capital though joining a pre-existing revolutionary movement. Pro-Maoist commitments appear as the result of an intense period of search within the individual life-course. Simultaneously, because of the rhetorical mastery leaders demonstrate the students’ union is able to attract some students from other social backgrounds. 3. Substantiation Stage. 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