The Eastern Anthropologist THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST is a refereed, quarterly journal issued every March, June, September and December. International in character, content and coverage, The EA publishes papers, shorter notes, review articles, book reviews, discussions, news relating to research and academic/professional fora, communications and rejoinders on themes and problems which are of interest to professional anthropologists and other social scientists leaning towards an interdisciplinary approach. Authors are to strictly follow the guidelines for contributors given elsewhere in this number, and address correspondence to the Editor, The Eastern Anthropologist, EFCS, Lucknow (India). Papers should be sent by email to editoreasternanthropologist@gmail.com and efcs.dnmajumdar@gmail.com © The Eastern Anthropologist, Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society, Lucknow. EDITORS Dr. Sukant K. Chaudhury, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Lucknow, Lucknow. Mob.: 9415011894 Dr. P. Venkata Rao, Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad. Mob.: 9440937293 ASSOCIATE EDITORS Dr. Keya Pandey, Department of Anthropology, University of Lucknow, Lucknow. Mob.: 9450561571 Dr. Vibha Agnihotri, Department of Anthropology, Nari Siksha Niketan P.G. College, Lucknow, Mob.: 9452099243 EDITORIAL ADVISERS N. S. Reddy, Hyderabad T. N. Madan, New Delhi S. M. Patnaik, Delhi Yogesh Atal, New Delhi R. K. Jain, New Delhi R. S. Khare, Charlottesville, U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES For Life Members of EFCS Annual Subscription Institutions Back Volumes at Current Rates Indian Rs. 4000 Foreign US$ 300 Rs. 4500 US$ 550 ETHNOGRAPHIC AND FOLK CULTURE SOCIETY MG-46, Sector-C, Aliganj, Lucknow-226024, U.P., India e-mail : efcs.dnmajumdar@gmail.com • website : www.efcsindia.com SERIALS PUBLICATIONS (P) LTD. 4830/24, Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New Delhi 110 002 (India) Phone : 91-11-23245225, 23259207 23272135 e-mail : serials@mail.com • website : www.serialsjournals.com THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST Editors : Sukant K. Chaudhury, P. Venkata Rao Associate Editors : Keya Pandey, Vibha Agnihotri Volume 71 Numbers 3-4 July-December 2018 CONTENTS The Context of Change in Family, Marriage and Kinship among the Savara of Andhra Pradesh B.V. Sharma 241 Aditya Raj 263 Religious Belief and Folk Cultures of the Bodo-kacharis in Assam: Some Issues Somenath Bhattacharjee & Franky Boro 287 Development Experience and Livelihood of a Traditional Hunting –Gathering Tribe of Eastern India Sumahan Bandyopadhyay 301 Dhiraj Kumar & Niharranjan Mishra 325 Smriti Tandon 341 Sili Rout 359 Suchismita Sen Chowdhury, Ananya Chanda & Chandan Bej 373 In-DIA-Spora: Context and Critique Producing Social Nature: The Political Ecology of State Making space for New Secular: Religion and Politics in contemporary India Alliention and Restoration of Tribal Land in Schedule V Areas: A case of High land Odisha Participation of the Scheduled Tribe Players in Mainstream Sports: A Study in West Bengal Ethnic Conflict in Assam: Issues, Causes and State Responses Cultural Changes in Baghmundi, Purulia Origin and Culture of Kashmiri Pandit Community: An Analytical Study Sulbha Rai 387 Nivedita Mitra 405 Nakuleswar Mukherjee 419 Gender Inequalities as Key Driver of Hiv/Aids in Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya Drinking Culture, Ritual and Modernity: Alcoholism in Naga Society SHORTER NOTE Indebtedness To Kolkata Anthropology REVIEW ARTICLES Cultural Diversity and Common Humanity The Other Lucknow Monsumi Barooah 435 Athikho Kaisii 443 Vinay Kumar Srivastava 459 P. Venkata Rao 465 Harnam Singh Verma 475 B.V. Sharma THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE AND KINSHIP AMONG THE SAVARA OF ANDHRA PRADESH The paper attempts to examine the circumstances under which changes have occurred in the institutions of family, marriage and kinship among the Savara, a tribe inhabiting the Eastern Ghats of India and recognized as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PvTG) by the State. The Savara known for the distinct feature of absence of named lineages or clans have adopted lineage pattern of the neighbouring Jatapu community and this is noted as a significant change. The effect of language and economic integration of the tribe on this transformation is examined. It is argued that the kinship terminology that guided identification of marriageable category of kin from non-marriageable category was not sufficient in the changed scenario and hence the adoption of named lineages was necessary. With regards to the change in the marriage pattern, present paper especially deals with the question of the increased serial monogamy of men and women and now the same is seen as a form of protest of women against polygyny. The changes in the fundamental principles on which the society is organized, more specifically in the aspects of family, marriage and kinship, are difficult to register. These changes can be appropriately comprehended only through in depth anthropological field work and comparison of data at two different points of time with a long time interval. This paper based on such methodological strategy reports that record the substantial changes among the Savara of Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh, India. The paper firstly emphasizes that adoption of horticulture (cashew) has necessitated their linguistic integration i.e. adoption of regional language to efficiently deal with the cashew economy. This linguistic integration paved way for further diversification of livelihoods and through such consequences reinforced economic integration. The mutual influence of economic and linguistic integration on each another enhanced opportunities for better educational attainments1 participation in developmental activities, and women empowerment. These changing contexts in the last 30-40 years seem to have B.V. SHARMA, Professor, Department of Anthropology, School of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, E-mail: sharmabhallamudi@gmail.com 242 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) triggered substantial changes in the demographic and social composition of the Savara villages and in their institutions of family, marriage, kinship and religion. The reinterpretations by the Savara with regards to rules relating to incest taboo have given rise to marriages that were not acceptable earlier. The advantages of named lineages in the context of widened marital networks and non-adherence to the rule of village endogamy, has resulted in important changes in the social organization of the Savara. While polygyny is socially acceptable even today, its acceptance is very shallow. This superficial acceptability leads to an unsettled tension between the genders and causes changes in the genealogical compositions of families due to divorce and remarriage of women frequently. The ethnographic facts presented in the paper highlight that changes in the economy inevitably lead not only to important changes in demographic structures of the community and genealogical compositions of the individual domestic units, but also to alterations in the cognitive characters of the community. These changes occur first by formation of many side-shoots to economic changes which get strengthened through reinforcement effects of one another. Population and distribution of the Savaras The Savara Tribe inhabits the Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh, India. They are not only found in other adjoining districts of Andhra Pradesh, but they are also present in the states of Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Tripura, Bihar and Assam2. Savara is one of the 31 tribal communities and one that is considered as a PvTG in Andhra Pradesh. Their total population in Andhra Pradesh is 1,37,613; out of which their population in Srikakulam district accounts for 76.04% of the total SavaraPopulation in the State and 3.81% of the total state tribal population. Savara have their own language which is included in the KolMunda group of Austro-Asiatic family. Grierson (1906) felt that it is closely related to Kharia and Juang, though, in some important characteristics, differed from them. The Savara of Seethampeta Mandal in Srikakulam district claim that they are ‘KondaSavara’ and the elderly Savara in Manapuram village in 1986 also identified themselves as Bhima Savara citing folklore that they are descendants of Lord Bhima3. The study village and its founders This paper is based on fieldwork in a Savaravillage, Manapuram which is located at about 45kms from the district headquarters (Srikakulam) beside the road connecting two semi urban centres namely Seethampeta and Veeraghatam. In fact, the village was established as a sort of rehabilitation of the Savara to encourage settled cultivation and to wean them from the podu4 cultivation. Initially, 5-6 families who trace common ancestry to the forefathers THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 243 of Jammi Naidu settled in the present location around 1975. Subsequently, Mangulu who is related to Jammi Naidu as an affine joined them along with his brothers and parallel cousins. Gradually, some other families related to both Jammi Naidu and Mangulu migrated to this village with the consent of the founder of the village, Jammi Naidu. Thus, in 1986, all the families in the village were either ‘blood relatives’ of Jammi Naidu or Mangulu; and as such the two groups shared affinal relationship. Jammi Naidu was the founder and the senior most member of the village had the dual roles of the ‘head5’ of the village and the head priest of the village He controlled the podu lands and also other common property resources of the village. One of the important tasks accomplished by these founders was fixing of their village boundary, including the forest area that comprises many tamarind trees and other trees that are of great significance for their religious life and livelihood. Mangulu too was considered as an able leader to negotiate with outsiders on all matters including the developmental activities and so dealt with matters of community welfare in close coordination with Naidu. Number of birinda Biranda refers to a household and this is the most significant unit of social organization of the Savara in the absence of named lineages and clans6. In 1985-86, Manapuram had 38birinda. In 2012, the total number of birinda increased to 71. This gradual increase in birinda is largely due to in- migrations of families related to the ones already settled in Manapuram. New birinda also came into existence on account of breakdown of joint and extended families. At least 60% -70% of the increase in the birinda can be attributed to this phenomenon. A few years after the establishment of the village (and by 1986), two non-Savara families migrated to the village: a) a muli (blacksmith) and b) a savukar (trader). In 1983, a voluntary organization by name Girijana Seva Sangham with its headquarters in Manapuram was established by the Brothers of St. Gabrial. Interestingly, no non Savara family migrated to this village during the period 1986-2012, whereas, the muli family and the Missionary team have relocated during the same period. Significant socio-cultural changes in the village Profound changes in the social institutions of family, marriage and kinship are noticed in Manapuram village. These changes are perhaps not very peculiar to Manapuram alone; other Savara villages too in Seethampeta mandal of Srikakulam district may have undergone similar transformation. Prior to the description of these changes, a brief note on principles of social organization of Savara as stated by the early scholars is not out of place, keeping in view the controversy surrounding the principles of social organization. The earlier accounts on social organization of Savara varied with regard to the units of social organization. Sitapati (1941) considered the extended 244 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) family as the basic unit of social organization and noted that there are no lineages or clans amongst them. He, however, observed that the Savara practice village exogamy to avoid ‘incestuous marital relations’ as they consider that man and woman of the same village stand in the relationship of brother and sister and belong to the same extended family (1943: 4). Hanumantha Rao (1972) similarly observed that there are no exogamous division’s equivalent to lineages or clans among the Savara of Andhra Pradesh. He claimed that family is the sole unit of social organization among these sections (1972: 63). Though he did not find village exogamy in his study villages, on the basis of other evidences, he felt that this was practiced earlier. Singh (1984) who worked among the Soara in Orissa too claimed that they have no exogamous totemic clans, no phratries, and no moieties. The main exogamous unit was identified to be extended family of 2-3 generations, which the Savara call biranda (1984: 20). Suryanarayana (1978), whose work specially focussed on marriage, family and kinship among the Savara in Seethampeta Block of Andhra Pradesh, however, tried to demonstrate the poly segmentary lineage system among the Savara and noted ‘maximal lineages, major segment and minimal lineages’. The basis for this observation of three levels of lineages was participation of kin among the kulammarangi(patrilineal descent group of men and their children) in different rituals.He concluded that the two important principles on which the social organization of the Savara is based are: biranda and guda. Biranda refers to the domestic unit. All the members living together and usually belonging to 2-3 different generations constitute one biranda. The birinda is named after the senior most male member to whom all the members excepting those who join the group by marriage trace their descent. Guda refers to Savara settlement consisting of 10-30 birinda. The unmarried boys and girls of different birinda in a guda usually share kakun-kakin (brothersister) relationship and hence are not permitted to marry. The Savara, thus, first identify as belonging to Xand Yguda and then to Aand Bbirinda. The members of each birindaare united and opposed to other birinda within the gudaand at the same time all the members of a guda are united and opposed to other guda. So the unity of members and their identity operate both at the level of birinda and guda for different purposes and in different circumstances. Sharma (1992) contested the observations of Suryanarayana on the operation of the poly segmentary lineage system based on his fieldwork but noted that ‘birinda and gudaoperate as important units of social organization. Embracing thepractice of ‘intiperu’ (surnames) and appearance of clan groups among the Savara In the absence of named lineages and clans, Savara identify only two groups as far as marriage is considered: marriageable and non-marriageable group7. Marriageable category consists of all those with whom one cannot trace common ancestry through the male line. Since it is difficult for them to know common ancestry in the absence of named lineages and clans, they THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 245 consider it safe and appropriate to marry one who is definitely known to belong to marriageable category. Thus, FZD (Father’s Sister’s Daughter) MBD (Mother’s Brother’s Daughter) and ZD (Sister’s Daughter) are kin in marriageable category and marriage with them is preferable. To avoid any suspicion of shared ancestry, Savara go by a two-step verification process. The verification isto know that the woman belongs to marriageable category. The first step is: 1. Whether any one of his siblings or agnatic cousins married a woman of a particular birandato which the woman proposed for marriage belongs; 2. Whether any one of his siblings or agnatic cousins married a woman of other biranda whose head is related as an agnatic kin to the head of the biranda to which the woman proposed to be married belongs. The second step of verification is: 3. Whether one’s father or his agnatic uncles married any woman of a particular birinda to which the woman proposed for marriage belongs to; 4. Whether one’s father or his agnatic uncles married any woman of other biranda whose head is agnatic kin of the head of biranda to which the woman proposed to be married belongs. Incestuous relationships are called ersi and considered as sin. The union of a man with the following amounts to ersi: a) With mother b) With sister c) With daughter d) With a brother’s daughter e) With a father’s mother; and f) With a father’s brother’s wife The union of a man with the following relatives is also disapproved, but tolerated: a) With a step mother b) With a step mother’s daughter c) With a step daughter; and d) With a daughter-in-law. The union of a man with his mother’s sister is socially approved in case she is also related to one as FZD. Thus if a man has married his sister’s 246 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) daughter, his son may marry his mother’s sister as she is also related to him as FZD. The mother’s sister’s daughter may not be approved for marriage as the mother’s sister would have married his agnatic kin. Changes in the social construction of ersi The changes in the social construction with regard to incestuous relationships in any society are hard to come by, as it forms the core culture of any community. Among the Savara too, there are hardly any changes in this regard. However, Savara community has been in intensive contact with Jatabpu tribal community which has more or less similar construction with regards to incestuous relationships as the Savara. The members of Savara community also showed the inclination to increase the scale of its interactions in different areas - economic, political, social and cultural - withthe Jatapus. Hence, it is reasonable to expect adoption of norms of this neighbouring community as additions to what exists, if not as replacements for what is existing. Among the Savara, the adoption of new norms, or at least advocacy of new interpretations of what is existing, is noticed with regards to ersi. What was disapproved but tolerated is now no more tolerable. Thus, the relationship of man with step daughter, step mother, step mother’s daughter and daughterin-law are strictly forbidden now. Similarly, the marriage of mother’s sister even when a woman is related as FZD is seen as morally demeaning. This change is again due to their contact with the Jatapu who are assimilated into Hindu society. Acceptance of practice ofintiperu (surname) During the author’s first phase of field work in Manapuram in 1986, the birinda8 had no specific name. The name of the head of the birinda was used to refer to it for the sake of identification. There was no specific mention of surname by the Savara men and women9. All of them used ‘Savara’ for the ‘surname’. Yet there was no confusion among them with regards to who stands in marriageable relation with whom within their village or in other neighbouring villages whose women and men they married. By 2012, all the 71 birinda explicitly stated the ‘surname’ during the census of village10. Six birinda names have been listed; the birinda with ‘surnames’ of Biddika and Arika comprised 32 and 29, respectively. Arika was claimed by all the birinda whose heads and late Mr. Jammi Naidu11 traced a common ancestor, while Biddika was claimed by all the birinda whose heads and late Mr. Mangulu12 traced a common ancestor. There were also three biranda with Biddika surname, but the heads of those birnida could not establish that they were agnatic kin of Mr. Mangulu. The birinda which claimed other surnames (Kondagorre, Nimmaka and Mellaka) are the ones who have migrated to the village relatively recently. THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 247 Interestingly, all these surnames are the clan names of the neighbouring Jatapu13 tribe. These names have recently been adopted by the Savara of Manapuram as well as other Savara living in other villages in Seethampeta mandal of Srikakulam district. Adoption of a surname has served many purposes for the Savara, as the informants say. Firstly, it is considered a superior custom. Secondly, the Savara men and women no longer strictly follow the preferential rules of marriage. The proposals of marriages come from unrelated Savara families living at far off places. On the other hand, families are migrating from one village to another rather frequently and proposals of marriage come from these migrant families too. The identification with a surname helps to easily settle the issue of marriageable and non-marriageable groups14. This practical utility of surname is perhaps recognized after living in proximity with the Jatapu tribe15. At the same time, it is also observed that at least in case of one marriage a man his wife identified as belonging to Biddika clan. The woman in fact in this case claimed two clan identities: Arika in her in-laws village and Biddika in her natal village. This suggests that the operation of exogamy of newly adopted ‘clan’ system in Manapuram is not fool proof and marriages of boys and girls of different villages but claiming the same clan identity do not result in social disapproval. The clan names adopted by the Savara families in a village primarily depended upon the numerically dominant clans in the neighbouring Jatapu settlements. Thus, if more number of families in a particular Jatapu settlement identified as Biddika clan, the families in the neighbouring Savara village preferred that clan name. The families who shared affinal relationship with them and numerically less in number would then naturally choose another clan name of the neighbouring Jatapu settlement. The adoption of intiperu is thus evolving and has not yet been recognized as a principle category for organization of social relationships among the Savara. Adoption of surnames: The role of school teachers and other development functionaries The role played by the executives of the Government and nongovernment development programmes and the teachers in tribal villages in the adoption of surnames of the Jatapu tribe are no less. In the absence of surnames for Savara, the teachers felt some difficulty in appropriate identification of students in the class as well as their parents. The practice of naming children among the Savara according to the day on which the child is born16 complicated the situation for the teachers at the time of enrolment as well as at the time of distribution of monetary and non-monetary incentives to children enrolled in schools. This resulted in encouraging the use of surnames for the Savara children, often giving a surname of other Jatapu children studying in the same school. The executives of the Government and non-government development programmes too faced a similar difficulty when entering the details of beneficiaries of different tribal development schemes implemented by them in their records. They also found 248 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) it useful to promote surnames for the Savara for their own needs of appropriate identification. Changes in the Birinda composition The possibility of change in the genealogical composition of the Savara birinda is not merely due to birth and death of members or the marriage and divorce of its members. The members of one birinda, even the unmarried, may leave a birinda and join another whose head is agnatically related to him. A couple living with one of their married sons may leave that birinda and join another married son’s birinda. In some cases, a man may join birinda of one married son and his wife may join another married son. This flexibility offered to the members thus leads to changes in the number of different family types in a Savara village very frequently. The typical case of Mangulu’sbirinda in Manapuram will illustrate how the genealogical composition of birindas changes among the Savara. At the time of migration to Manapuram, Mangulu’sbirinda was nuclear type comprising his wife and three of his unmarried sons. After a few months, when his widowed mother-in-law (who is also his father’s sister) joined his birinda, it turned into nuclear extended type. Later, all his three sons got married and continued to live in the same birinda and thus made the birinda a lineally extended joint family. In the meanwhile, Mangulu’s younger brother passed away and both his children who were unmarried at that time joined his birinda. Sometime later, his youngest son’s wife divorced her husband and left his birinda. A few years later, his eldest son died. The widow of the eldest son of Mangulu subsequently married her husband’s younger brother who was already married (Levirate marriage). This led to his first wife divorcing him and leaving Mangulu’sbirinda. A few years later, one of Mangulu’s younger brother’s sons (who joined his birinda earlier) got married and established his own nuclear family. The other son of his younger brother too, after a few months, left his birinda and joined the birinda of his other younger brother. Then in a few years, Mangulu’s mother- in- law, Mangulu and his wife died leaving the birinda a fraternal extended family. Soon Mangulu’s youngest son too passed away. After her husband’s death, Mangulu’s daughter-in-law and her unmarried sons left the fraternal extended family and established their nuclear family. That change turned Mangulu’s elder son’s family also into a nuclear family. The general trend among the Savara is that a nuclear family transforms into a joint family when the sons get married and continue to live with their parents. This is so because, among the Savara, the married sons are not expected to establish their own birinda till the youngest brother gets married or till the death of one of their parents. Most often, the nuclear families are extended due to the joining of kin of the head of the birinda. THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 249 The data on genealogical composition of families in Manapuram collected in the years 1986 and 2012 reveal important transformation in the institution of family. The increase in number of nuclear families by 2012 is evident. Some increase is due to migration of some families to Manapuram with a nuclear structure. However, the proportion of joint families has not greatly reduced. The increase in the proportion of nuclear families thus appears to be largely due to reduced number of compound families formed on account of polygynynous marriages and also due to natural course of development cycle of family rather than breaking up of joint families. The lineally extended joint families in Savara community do not remain ‘joint’ forever. Once the parents die, or the youngest brother gets married, all the married brothers, many a time, establish their independent birinda. Fraternal extended families are possible, but rare, and are dependent on the choice of the married siblings. However, the endurance of joint families was much greater earlier, which may have increased their proportion to the total birinda in the village keeping view the number of children to a couple and also the age gap between the eldest and the youngest. Extension of birinda due to kinnarsing type of marriage Kinnarsing is marriage by service among the Savara. This type of marriage is arranged in the mutual interest of a man and the family of a woman. When a couple has only one daughter (or rarely when they have only daughters and no son), they look for kinnarsing marriage for their only daughter (usually for the youngest daughter, in case they have only daughters). These marriages, from the point of view of parents of the girl, are primarily to make arrangement for their care in their old age. From the point of view of the man, it is primarily to overcome the difficulties of meeting the expenses of marriage, including the payment of oli or payment of moganalu. In such marriages, the man proposed to be married is expected to live with the family of his fiancée for two or more years. The marriage of the boy and the girl is formally arranged after parents are satisfied with the services, and the conduct of the boy is satisfactory to them17. Further, the parents expect the daughter and son-in-law to continue to live with them, take care of their property, if any, and also to look after them until death. Thus, kinnarsing marriages provide exceptions to the rules of patrilocal residence and inheritance of property through male line among the Savara. The kinnarsing marriage may on the one hand bring in some prestige and honour and a greater sense of security to the woman, but on the other hand, it is considered a little derogatory for the man and may also bring on a sense of diffidence in the man as he may not be given importance in the decision making of the birinda. Kinnarsing is opted when the boy is an orphan or when his both of biological parents have remarried after divorce. 250 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) A change in the attitude and practice in regard to kinnarsing is noticed in Manapuram. In 1986, only two cases of such marriages were enumerated in the 38 birinda present then. In 2012, the cases of kinnarsing marriages have increased to eight18. This increase, though not considerable, appears to be dissimilar to the trend in other Savara villages. The cases of men who left Manapuram village for kinnarsing are surely far less during the same period. Thus it needs to be related to the relatively greater degree of economic and linguistic integration of Manapuram village than many other Savara settlements and also to the relative affluence of Savara families in the village. Changes in the institution of Marriage The union of a man and woman for the purpose of sexual gratification and which is enduring is termed sirrung (marriage) by the Savara19. This union may get social recognition or may not get social recognition for flouting of some norms. In some cases the social recognition may come only after some time when a man’s and woman’s live-inrelationship after their elopement is legitimized by the members of the community. Marriage may take place after a formal negotiation by the family elders, or it may be post facto approved after a boy and girl elope with mutual consent. Elopement of a boy with married women is also finally given consent by the society but with some reluctance and after collection of some danda(fine). The rules of marriage are simple: a) endogamy at the level of tribe; b) marriage with only man/woman in marriageable category of kin (not in kakunkakin relationship). Thus, the union of man with a woman which does not constitute ersi20 gets social approval, irrespective of whether it is arranged by the parents of the groom and the bride or not. As mentioned earlier, marriage with MBD and FZD are practiced frequently following the rules of preferential marriage. When a man has a choice between MBD and FZD, the latter is preferred. However, the rule of preferential marriage is revoked mostly in case of first marriage of man. Polygyny is also accepted; it receives the support of first wife when she is barren or suffers from some illness and occasionally when the couple has no male child. In some cases, a woman accepts her husband’s second marriage (polygyny), but establishes a separate birinda for herself and her children with her husband’s support. In 1986, six men reported polygyny in Manapuram and in one case, the co-wives of a man continued to live together after the death of their common husband. In all the six cases of polygyny reported then the second marriage of the men, except in one case, was with a divorcee or a widowed woman. In the case of Eenathu, his wife Rajammi encouraged her sister Ramamma to get married to Eenathu after they had two daughters. Thus, this is a case of sororal polygamy in the village. On the other hand, Venkanna established a polygynous family since his first wife Dummi did not conceive. Similarly, Govinda married Sumbhari first and later Bangaramma, for the THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 251 reason that Sumbhari did not conceive even five years after their marriage. That polygyny was socially acceptable in 2012 in Manapuram is evident from three such cases. All the men who reported polygyny in 1986 died, and so all the three cases in 2012 are fresh cases not reported in 1986. Out of these three, one got married a second time on the pretext that his wife was barren. Two others married a second time since the women were interested in them and their first wives did not vehemently oppose. One of these two, in fact said that he had the support of his wife as she was older to him by 6-7 years and was not able to cope with the work. He had three children and was 45 years old when he married a divorcee who was 30 years old then. All the three got married after living with their first wives for more than 10 years. Interestingly, in 2012, out of the three cases of polygyny, in two cases the second marriage of the men was with women for whom it was their first marriage. In one other case, the marriage was with a woman who had married once earlier. When the men go for a second marriage with the intention of a polygynous family, in many cases, the first wife of the man feels upset, but tolerates for some time and waits for the opportunity for elopement with another man (married or unmarried) which results in settlement of her divorce from her first husband and approval of remarriage with another. If this woman’s remarriage21 is with a married man, it may again trigger one more or a series of divorces and remarriages too. Thus, cases of polygyny in many instances finally lead to serial monogamy among the Savara. To illustrate the point: Buddadu’s wife Laxmi eloped and married Gangaiah who was earlier married to Bodamma, who married Ganganiah having divorced Lambothu because of his second marriage with Bangaramma. In fact Bangaramma married Lambothu who is a cousin of her former husband.Sanyasi when he (Sanyasi and Bangaramma’s first husband) married his elder brother’s wife in a leviratemarriage. Buddadu too remarried Chinammi who lost her husband a few months prior to Laxmi’s divorce from Buddadu. Polygynous families in Manapuram thus, in many cases, turned out to be transitory in nature. The longevity of these families depended on the opportunity factor for the first wife of the person. The more time the woman took for her elopement with another man, the longer the polygynous family survived. The survival time depended on the age of the woman, age of the children born to her, the social support she received from her parents and other such factors. However, the social approval of this family is also clear from the fact that even in case of polygyny, the man is entitled tomoganalu if the wife elopes with another person. Divorce and remarriage Marriage of divorced is not at all deplorable in Savara community. However, women do not normally divorce men for the reasons that they are violent, addicted to liquor or for other similar reasons. They can however 252 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) strongly demand for divorce on the ground that the husband is impotent. When women desire divorce, they just wait for an opportunity. As and when she finds someone more caring than her present husband, she may propose her marriage with him, and if he agrees, she will elope with him one day. The formal social recognition to this marriage is given when her husband or husband’s parents agree to pay the danda and moganalu22to her first husband’s family. As explained before, women often seek divorce on account of second marriage of the husband. But interestingly, they often marry a married man and thus force other women to seek divorce and remarry. In any case, divorce and remarriage are quite frequent in Savara community. In Manapuram, 18 heads of Birinda23 (25.3%) out of 71, reported to have married more than once in 2012. Heads of the remaining birinda except one, either reported to have married only once or remained unmarried. If we exclude the heads of birinda under the age of 30 years, the men who reported to have married twice among the heads of birinda constitute 32.6%. Out of those who married more than once, 2 men reported to have married thrice and one reported to have married 5 times. Spouses of the heads of many birinda (13 out of 71,i.e. 18.3%) also reported to have married more than once. In 1986, the divorce and remarriage of both men and women was even more frequent. As many as 29.85% of ever married men and 40 % of ever married women reported to have married more than once at the time of field work. As such, a decline in the percentage of women marrying more than once can be noticed by 2012. Preferential marriage In all cases of marriage by negotiation, called fankoi in Savara, the marriage of MBD, FZD and ZD are preferred among the Savara like in many other tribal communities in India. In the absence of named lineages and clans, kinship terminology by itself acts as sufficient mechanism to identify the marriageable and non-marriageable categories among the kin and this also results in preference for cross cousin marriage and uncle-niece marriage. The right of the man over the FZD and MBD is clearly asserted when the woman elopes with any other distant kin or other Savara man. The families of the cross cousins of the woman demand danda and stop the social recognition to that union till the danda is paid. Data collected for 73 marriages in 2012 in Manapuram revealed that, 25 (34.2%) marriages were with cross cousins. Out of these 25, 15 were with FZD (60%) and 10 were with MBD (40%). Nine cases of uncle-niece marriages were recorded but the men and women in all these cases were above 34 years. The data, however, shows a general laxity with regards to the norms of preferential marriage during the last 30 years among the Savara. In 1986, as many as 66.27% of men while marrying for the first time married a cross cousin or elder sister’s daughter. Another 8.1% of them married a woman related THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 253 as Father’s- sister’s-son’s- daughter (FZSD) and Mother’s- Brother’s- Son’sDaughter (MBSD). In 1986, FZD marriages constituted 26.74%, of all marriages, while the MBD marriages and ZD marriages accounted for 18.60% and 8.1%, respectively. The cases of ZD and MBD very much overlapped too. The cases of marriage with distant kin increased to 53.5% from 47.56% in 1986. The marriage between man and woman of two successive generations as in the case of marriage with one’s own sister’s daughter or marriage with FZSD/MBSD became less frequent in 2012. Widow Remarriage Widow remarriage among the Savara is widely accepted. In fact levirate and sororate are prescriptive and in some cases result in polygynous families too. Levirate was strictly a prescriptive marriage in 1986 and the woman had to accept it. The case of a recent levirate marriage in Manapuran in 1986 is that of Mr.Sanyasi (son of Mangulu). He married the wife of his elder brother who died without any child. Sanyansi was actually earlier married to his Father’s sister’s daughter. In 1986, two cases of polygyny on account of levirate marriages are recorded in Manapuram. That the prescription of levirate marriage was not working well in 2012 is apparent from the case of Thikkamma. Thikkamma married her MBD and had three children with him before he died in 2011 when she was about 30 years old. She should have married any of her husband’s two brothers- one elder and one younger to her husband. But she refused that and decided to live with her children separately in the same village24. However, widow remarriage after attaining the age of 35 years or so is considered a little problematic. If the woman has grown -up sons by that age, she feels socially secure and so would rather prefer to live with her son. Only if she has no sons, she has to consider a remarriage. In case a widowed woman has to remarry a married man, the man must agree for the payment of danda and moganalu. Widow remarriage appears to be less favoured among the Savara in recent times. This may be partly due to changed morals, moral pressure, particularly from the children, and also the reluctance for polygyny among the women. Further, payments of danda and moganalu are not nominal in the current times and so the men may be hesitant for widow remarriage. The data on marital status in 1986 and 2012 too confirms the lesser acceptance of widow remarriage now. Only 7 were reported widowed in 1986 out of the total population. In 2012, the widowed and widowers constituted 2.8% and 15.1%, respectively. The general explanation for this rise in percent of widows was that the women feel more secure now than they did before. Marriage was considered by them earlier more for reasons of economic as well as social security. 254 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Marriage with non-Savara The rule of endogamy at the level of tribe was strictly followed until recently in Manapuram and at least in all the neighbouring villages of Manapuram. However, four members (all men) of Manapuram were found to have married non-Savara inthe 2012restudy. Savara Addayya who married a caste Hindu woman from a neighbouring village is one who has progressed economically and also politically in Manapuram25. His marriage with the Hindu woman was actually the second marriage for him (and first marriage for his second wife). There was little resistance to his marriage with this woman since he did not have children with his first wife26. Arika Singaiah (aged 35 years), Arika Asma Rao (aged 23 years) and Biddika Ramesh (aged 23 years27) were the other Savara men who married non-Savara women. All of them married women belonging to Jatapu community and all these marriages were elopement cases and were first marriages for both the boys and their spouses. The social recognition to these marriages was granted after the boy’s parents paid the danda to the community. Since the Savara spoke their own language and were not fluent in the regional language (Telugu) till recently, the chances of courtship of Savara men and women with Jatapu tribes’ men or women, or other caste Hindus were bleak. The distance maintained by non-Savara men and women from the Savara may have facilitated the Savara to maintain strict tribal endogamy. The socio-economic and political advancement of some section of Savara and particularly their gradual linguistic integration28 seems to be paving the way for some slackening with regards to adherence to the rule of tribal endogamy. What is interesting to note is that not even a single case of marriage of a Savara woman with a non-Savara man was reported even in 2012. This could be because of ‘right’ of cross cousins of the woman for marriage among the Savara. If a woman gets married, the Savara community responds seriously and a fine in the form of moganalu is demanded. The fear of huge demand of moganalu may be discouraging these marriages. Some Savara men in Manapuram also shared their impression that the non-Savara feel that the Savara women do not bear ‘good character’29 and so avoid proposals of marriage with Savara women. The Savara women on the other hand reasoned that Savara girls are afraid that if they get married to non-Savara and if they have to divorce for any reason, they will not get any support from their community members. However, if they marry their own community men, they will have social support and they can even remarry someone whom they like. Adoption of Christianity and interreligious marriages Savara of Manapuran strictly followed ‘Savara’religion. With deities of 21 orders, celebration of about 12 festivals at the level of village, and another THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 255 12 at the level of birinda that mark the community recognition of the life cycle events, and regular conduct of rituals and sacrifices for appeasement of dead ancestors, the Savara religion is very complex. The religious specialists had significant role in the Savara society as they were part of decision making in all matters – matters relating to economic activities, health care, marriage negotiation, administration of law and justice and all others. The founder of the village, Naidu was the religious head of Manapuram and the villagers used to organize all religious activities under his guidance and supervision. Religious homogeneity was one important characteristic of Manapuram in 1986. Many members in Manapuram started adopting Christian religion (matam) since 2000 or so. By 2012, substantial members had adopted Christianity. The biranda which have reported one or more members following Christian faith are 31 in number, constituting 43% of the total birinda30.Two churches were constructed for different denominations. The local Savara men were trained to run the affairs of the churches. The church organizers claimed that about one third of the population of Manapuram had adopted Christianity. In 2012, about 30-40 members were observed to be attending the church more or less regularly for prayers on Sundays. It is noted that in the case of many birinda, not all members converted to Christianity. In some cases, a man followed Christianity while his spouse claimed to be a follower of Savara religion. The most interesting aspect in this regard is that Arika Papanna the eldest son of Arika Naidu was to inherit the position of Savara religious head priest of Manapuram after his father’s death. However, Papanna and his wife took to Christianity. So his younger brother, Sumbru who lives in the joint family along with Papanna’s family, inherited this position. The adoption of Christian religion has not given rise to a sense of community based on common religion among the Savara yet in order to regulate marriage prescribing endogamy for those who have adopted Christianity, or for that matter, to allow marriages with other castes and tribes which have adopted Christianity during the same time or before. Religion is not a consideration in negotiating marriages rather, a person’s identity as Savarais important for marriage. The roots of this identity lie in descent traced, language spoken, food habits and values cherished. Discussion and Conclusion The dynamics of tribal societies of India has greatly attracted the attention of many scholars. Peasantization and the processes of economic and political integration of tribal societies with the rural societies were reported by them, besides explaining the assertion of tribal identity, class formation, social stratification, and social mobility (Vidyarthi and Upadhyay 1980; Singh 256 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) 1984, Kattakayam 1983; Mann and Mann 1989; Pfeffer and Behara, 1997, Chacko 2005, Anima Sharma 2005,Baral ý2006; Chantia A, Misra P 2009, Longkumer 2009). Such issues were dealt with in their synchronic studies and sometimes referred to earlier studies on the same tribes and in the same region. Though there are a number of recent publications on the changing family structures in India with an attention on rise of nuclear families (Niranjan et al., 1998; Gregory.S 2009; Mayank Pradhan 2011), focussed studies on tribal communities seem to be few. The few studies conducted in tribal societies too gave priority mostly to observation of changes in family types and family compositions; shift from extended families to nuclear families and a decline of polygamous families. Similarly, in the case of marriage, changes in regard to age at marriage, changes in acquiring of mates, marriage payments etc. were reported (Chacko 2005). Changes in the fundamental principles on which the institutions of family, marriage and kinship are organized are slow to register. But the changes in these aspects also explain the adoptive responses of the community and also highlight the strength of the forces operating in the community. Studies of changes in norms relating to incestuous relationships, clan exogamy or adoption of new systems for regulation of marriage alliances among the tribals in India were very exceptional. Significant changes in the institutions of family, marriage and kinship are however particularly reported more often for the tribes in North East India (Das, 1962; Majumdar 1972; Raha M.K and P.C Coomer. 1987; Sikdar 2009; Marak 2012). Marak (2012) made a note that certain tribal communities in North East India, namely the Koch Hajong Rabhaand Lalung are at different levels of sanskritisation, and make an interesting example of cultures undergoing change. Sikdar (2009) observed that changes in the Garo marriage is due to the infusion of cultures of other tribes and castes, besides the adoption of Christianity and attainment of higher educational levels. Certain PvTGs in Eastern India are rapidly transforming in the recent years. The shift to horticulture and settled cultivation coupled with increased opportunities for other livelihoods, better educational attainments, religious syncretism and greater exposure to mass media altered the traditional institutional norms and arrangements. This paper is an attempt to report socio-cultural changes with specific reference to the institutions of family, marriage and kinship among the Savara, based on study of a village at regular time intervals31 during a total period of about 30 years by the author. The paper firstly identifies that of relaxing the norms of preferential marriages, as well as norms of incestuous relationships is a major change. The adoption of named lineages from their contact with Jatapu is pointed out as one other significant change. It is argued that the kinship terminology that guided identification of marriageable category of kin from non-marriageable category is not sufficient in the changed scenario. Further, it is pointed out THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 257 that the economic integration of the Savara facilitated the rapid linguistic integration of them which paved way for the adoption of named lineages as well as new religious faiths in recent times. Polygyny is socially acceptable among the Savara, though its practice was reported to be limited. In the present days, this socially acceptable practice is perhaps being ‘silently protested by women by breaking the marital ties and eloping with other man of their choice. The increased frequency of marriage of divorced women with married men through moganalu payment and also resulting in an increased incidence of serial monogamy for many men and women is important to note. The unacceptability of the status of ‘elder wife’ for the savara women today is also evident from the fact that there is an increase in the number of widowed women in the village. This essentially reflects that the norm of levirate is also not being practiced now. This shows that widow remarriage has come down. Changes with regards to genealogical composition of the domestic units of the Savara are significant. The increase in the proportion of nuclear families comprising one married couple and their children is evident, but it is not so much due to breaking of joint families. The reduced number of compound families formed on account of polygynous marriages, and also due to natural course of the development cycle of family contributed to this change. Extended nuclear families through the joining of the son-in-law have slightly increased in this village. The relatively greater degree of economic and linguistic integration and also the relative affluence of Savara families in the village appear to contribute to this trend. Table 1 Distribution of birinda by surnames Sl No Surname of the birinda 1 Biddika 32 45.00 2 Arika 29 40.84 3 Kondagorre 6 8.45 4 Nimmaka 2 2.91 5 Mellaka 1 1.40 6 Kuringi 1 1.40 71 100.0 Total Source: Field work during the year 2012 Number % 258 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 2 Distribution of birinda according to the genealogical composition Family Types 2012 1986 Number % Number % Nuclear Families32 50 70.42 22 57.89 Joint families33 15 21.13 9 23.68 Compound families34 3 4.23 6 15.79 Other families 3 4.23 1 2.63 Total 71 100.00 38 100.00 Table 3 Distribution of population by marital status in Manapuram in 1986 and 2012 Marital Status 2012 1986 Male Female Total Male Female Total Married 73 74 147 48 47 95 Widowed 4 21 25 3 4 7 Divorced 1 1 2 0 4 4 82 45 127 31 29 60 160 141 301 82 84 166 Unmarried Total NOTES 1. One of the main reasons for the high drop out of Savara children was medium of instruction in the regional language (Sharma 1992) 2. They are called by slightly different names as Soara, Sabara, etc. outside Andhra Pradesh. 3. See Sharma (1992) 4. Shifting cultivation/slash and burn cultivation. 5. In fact the suffix ‘naidu’ is title in recognition of his status as head man of the village. 6. See Sharma (1992) 7. The Author not aware of any names to these groups by the Savara themselves. 8. 38 in total 9. The school records as well as the records in the Mandal Development Office too confirm this observation. 10. A revisit to the village in 1990 itself revealed the adoption of surnames by the Savara of this village. Out of the 59 birinda enumerated in that year, the birinda with Arika and Biddika surnames comprised 27 and 24, respectively. The others were,Kondagorrey (4), Tadangi (1), Melleka (1), Nimmaka (1) and Palaka (1). 11. Considered as founder of the village. THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 259 12. Considered as co-founder of the village along with Late Jammi Naidu. 13. Jatapu and Saavara have been living in the same ecological niche for quite long in this region. Jatapu tribesmen who speak a corrupt form of Telugu lived at the foot of the hills whereas the Savara lived on the hill slopes. The Jatapu too practised podu cultivation, but are a more acculturated tribe and claim to be part of Hindu society. They also consider themselves superior to Savara on the basis that they do not eat meat of the nallabakkalu (he/she buffaloes) which the Savara do. 14. The two step verification process is now being thought to be too cumbersome. 15. The Savara and the Jatapu tribesmen have been living together for many years. Many Savara families will have special friendship (nestarikam) with Jatapu families. Such families will also extend fictitious kinship to each other and resort to kin terms of Savara/Jatapu. 16. The practice among the Savara was to give names to children according to the day on which he/she is born. Hence the same names of Addayya/Adamma, Sumbru/Sumbri, Buddadu/Buddamma, Mangadu/Mangi, Lakkaiah/Lakki, Sukki/Sukkamma and Bangaru/Bangari repeatedly occurred in the school. Often the names of the parents of different children as well as the names of the children were same and it created confusion in regard to who received the incentive and who did not. It is to overcome this confusion that, surnames were encouraged. 17. The live-in relationship of the man and woman is for all practical purposes socially recognized as relationship of husband and wife. The man and woman may have premarital relationships too. If the woman elopes with another man of her liking, the man with whom she was in live-in relationship is entitled to moganalu/danda too. 18. This increase is substantial considering that the number of such cases was only seven in three Savara villages in 1986 in 94 birinda. 19. For details of acquisition of mates among the Savara, please see Sharma (1992) and Sunitha (2012). 20. Refer to shared ancestry described earlier. 21. Marriage among the Savara involves a bride price called oliif the marriage is the first marriage for the woman, and moganalu if the marriage is with a woman who is already married to someone else before. 22. Marriage of a married women by a man by payment of ‘fine’ to the members of former husband’s lineage/guda 23. Senior most male member of birinda was taken as the head of birinda, even though in some cases, the women were actually heading the birinda for some reason or other. 24. Many of the villagers of Manapuram however, think that her refusal to reject levirate was her relationship with Shiva, a non-Savara and assumption that she would soon elope with him. 25. He was elected as member of ZillaParishad Territorial Constituency (ZPTC). 26. This case is interesting, because he and his first wife were blaming each other for her infertility. So he claimed that he married a second time to prove his fertility. He subsequently had a son with his second wife. But at least some of the villagers felt that the son was born due to extramarital relationship of his wife. However, his first wife was also happy about the birth of a son to him and in fact she treats him very affectionately and takes care of his needs. She expects that he will take care of her in her old age. 260 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) 27. Approximate age at the time of field work in 2012. 28. The Savara language was spoken by all members of the study village in 1986 with typical Savara accent and the older women particularly were not able to speak any other language. In 2012, everyone knew the regional language (Telugu) in Manapuram along with Savara language. However, many children and young men and women preferred to speak in Telugu outside their habitation. As their contacts with outsiders and the interactions with Telugu speaking people increased on various accounts, the Savara language was mostly restricted to their private spaces by all except a few elderly men and women. In fact, by 2012 some Savara men, including one of the prominent leaders of the village, married Telugu speaking women, flouting the tribal endogamy rule. This has resulted in a complete shift to Telugu in these birindas. 29. This is said because of the impression that all Savara women drink liquor and also have pre-marital relationships. 30. Mahalakshmi (2013). 31. The tribal village was first studied in 1986 for my Doctoral work. Then it was visited for a duration of one month in each 2004 and 2012. 32. Includes nuclear extended and sub nuclear families. 33. Includes joint extended families of all types – fraternal extended and lineally extended type. 34. Compound families due to plural marriage of a man. REFERENCES Anima Sharma 2005 Tribe in Transition: A Study of Thakur Gonds. Delhi: Mittal Publications. Baral, K. C 2006 Globalization and Tribes of Northeast India. Indian Folklife, (22). Chacko, Pariyaram M. (Ed.) 2005 Tribal communities and social change. New Delhi: SAGE Publications, Chantia, A., &Misra, P 2009 Rights of Scheduled Tribe in India: Challenges and Problems.International Journal of Innovative Social Science & Humanities Research. Das, Narayan 1972 “Factors related to knowledge family size preference and practice of family planning in India.”, Journal of Family Welfare 19.1 (1972): 4052. 1955 The Religion of an Indian Tribe, London, Oxford University Press. Elwin V Gregory. S. 2009 Changing Family Structure in India: Impact and Implication. Journal of the Institute for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 77-93. THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE IN FAMILY, MARRIAGE... 261 Grierson, George Abraham. (Ed.) 1906 Linguistic survey of India. 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Humanities and Social Sciences; 2(2): 40-43. Majumdar, D. N. 1972 A comparative analysis of Bodo and Koch kinship terminologies. Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology, Gauhati University, 1, 58-68. Marine, Carrin. 1997. “Assertion of Adivasi identits”, in George Pfeffer and D.K. Behera. (Ed.) Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies. Vol. 2. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Niranjan, S.; Sureender, S. and Rao, G. Rama 1998 Family Structure in India-Evidence from NFHS. Demography India. 27(2). P. 287-300. Raha M.K, and P.C Coomer 1987. Polyandry in India (Demographic, Social, Religion and Psychological comments of Plural marriages in Women. Existing in Himalaya, South India, North-East India & So On .ed. M. K Raha, 11, 71-125. Delhi: Gian Publising House. Sharma, B.V 1992 Formal education among the Savara: an ethnographic study, University of Hyderabad, Unpublished Ph.D thesis. 262 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Singh, Bhupinder 1984 The Saora highlander: leadership and development. Somaiya Publications. Sikdar, Mithun 2009 “Continuity and change in matrilineal marriage system: a case study among the Garos of PoschimBosti, Assam.” Studies of Tribes and Tribals 7.2 (2009): 125-130. Sitapati G V 1938-39 “The Saoras and their country”. Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.12, No.2.pp 57-76. ——— The Saoras and their country. Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.12, No.3.pp 157-168. ——— The Saoras and their country. Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.12, No.4 pp 189-207. Sitapati G V 1940-41 “The Saoras”, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.13, No.3 & 4, pp 113-136. ——— “The Saoras”, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.14, No.l, pp 1-16. shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/93324/10/10_chapter%205.pdf – for changes in family in North East. Sunitha G. 2013 A study of family, marriage and kinship among the Savaras of Srikakulam District, A.P. Unpublished masters dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad, India. Suryanarayana M. 1978 Family, Marriage and Kinship among the Savara, Andhra University, Unpublished Ph.D thesis. 1962 Nature and Extent of Social Change in Tribal Society of Eastern India in Tribal Communities and Social Change, (Ed) Pariyaram M. Chacko, New Delhi, Sage Publications India Ltd. T. C. Das Vidyarthi, L. P. 1978 Rise of Anthropology in India: a Social Science Orientation (Vol. 1). New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company. Vidyarthi L.P. and V.S. Upadhyay 1980 The Kharia, Then and Now: A Comparative Study of Hill, Dhelki and DudhKharia of the Central Region of India. New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company. Vitebsky, Piers 1993 Dialogues with the Dead. Cambridge University Press. Aditya Raj IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE Introduction This paper uses Adorno’s dialectic criticism as its framework for literature review on Indian diaspora with a focus with those in North America. The author’s empirical research either supports or refutes main current in the literature on Indian diaspora. What it means, and how it implicates, education, identity, and youth become important and, therefore, merits considerable attention. The attempt is not to provide any concrete answers but to problematize research questions that draw from India diaspora discourse. Precisely because of the open ended nature of this paper, the title is kept open. It is also the nature of diaspora with hyphens in everyday experiences that informs the title and the labyrinth of this paper. In an essay entitled, Cultural Criticism and Society (O’Connor, 2000), Adorno has explored the need to reconcile what he calls immanent and transcendence dimension of critique. According to him, immanent critique finds its home in culture particulars while transcendental critique gazes from outside the culture and usually has ideology as its tool. It is important, as Adorno notes, to first understand the nature of criticism in which we locate our pedagogy. He marks that neither imminent nor transcendental critique is sufficient, and he positions himself within what he calls dialectic criticism. Adorno argues that dialectical criticism does not engage in the way of overemphasizing, emancipating criticism, nor take a stand outside cultural context by comparing it with a made-up absolute. Based on Adorno’s directionality, in this paper, I review select literature on the Indian diaspora. My focus, nevertheless, is on the Indian diaspora in North America, especially those in Canada. I situate the discussion within increasing global configuration of contemporary society, escalating transnationalism, and diaspora as a postcolonial episteme- where I envisage Indian diasporic youth as shaping their educational experience and identity negotiation. Although this paper is primarily based on earlier research, I illustrate from my empirical understanding to either substantiate or critique the earlier research. The empirical curve may be deemed essentially fictitious, while ADITYA RAJ, Assistant Professor, Department of HSS, Indian Institute of Technology, Patna. 264 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) essentialized literature may be empirically false. At the same time, both may be forms of ideology which are used either to unmask dominant thought or serve as instruments of another form of domination or propaganda. My aim is to stand against structured currents in the Indian diaspora discourse. As the title of this paper suggests, I visualize the Indian diaspora ameliorated as “InDia-Spora”- open to different contexts and critiques, but suggesting both scattered Indians around the globe as well as Indian culture in the diaspora. This attempt, in line with Adorno, allows me to seek advantage from both immanent and transcendental critique. The pivotal contention is to engage in a dialogue, which, according to Bakhtin (2002), should be post-formal, poststructural, and open ended. I do not assume to conclude the dialogue either with literature from previous research, or through my empirical indulgence but rather to enrich each by using the other. Since ideological evaluation is inherent in any act of understanding, therefore, I must make clear that my ideological stance is geared towards radical context specific elucidation of the Indian diaspora that I have teased out, distilled, and explicated using various themes and perspectives. GLOBAL INDIAN DIASPORA The “Indian diaspora” is used to refer to international migrants who originate in areas falling in the territorial boundaries of independent India (Parekh, 1993). It evokes cultural as well as political and economic conditions (Nadarajah, 1994), and seeks to forge a unified identity and a common myth of origin (Parekh, 1993). The Indian diaspora throughout the world dates back to the third decade of the nineteenth century when the forced migration of indentured laborers under British imperialism began (Jain, 1989). The Indian diaspora is the third largest and most spread out in the world after the British and the Chinese (Government of India, 2001) and is drawn from different regions of India, professes varied religions, lays claim to dozens of castes, and is involved in a wide-range of occupations. Their mode of adaptation in the adopted society is marked more by economic than cultural integration (Sharma, 1989). The Indian diaspora is reported to have suffered aggravation in the new milieu. Their expulsion from Uganda under Adi Amin is an example in point. Jain (1989) argues that experience of harassment has forced Indians in the diaspora to balance by spreading out their investments and members of their families in different countries around the globe as well as creating of networks and ties. The twenty million (and growing) Indian diaspora is spread over many countries (Seth, 2001) and has a significant economic and political presence in a number of them. In percentage terms, the Indian diaspora constitute 70 per cent in Mauritius, 50 per cent in Guyana, 48 per cent in Fiji, 35 per cent in Surinam, and 23 per cent in Nepal (Parekh, 1993:8). Scholars infuse a sense of pride in the global spread of the Indian diaspora without unmasking the nature of engagement between India and her diaspora. My IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 265 understanding of the politics of engagement between India and her global diaspora allows me to state that, while people in the diaspora in their nostalgia expect cultural bonding, India’s policy has been to encourage those who have been successful in their adopted country to invest economically in India. Because migration is a self-selective process and operates as an industry, economic investment by those who have been successful in the diaspora is in select sectors of the economy and does not reach the masses in India. Moreover, the government of India has come up with offers like dual citizenship for the Indian diaspora in developed countries, and not countries like Fiji where the Indians, though more numerous, are not as successful as their North American counterparts. Patterns of emigration from India as identified by Jain (1989) are based on the nature of the contract in which immigrants find themselves. After the formal abolition of slavery in 1833, a substitute labor force was found in the Indian and Chinese emigrant workers. This system was nominally a voluntary contract but many of the conditions of slavery were carried over in the terms of the indenture contract. The push and the pull factors were both direct offshoots of the British rule in India. Singh (2005) submits that small peasants were put in a highly vulnerable position due to the changes the British made in the land tenure and food production in India. Hereditary rights over land were abolished and peasants were converted into tenants under changed land revenue systems. Land revenue was increased manifold and was supposed to be paid even when the crops failed. Singh brings to light important historical facts in her book Overseas Indians: The Global Family, in which she contends that migration reached a new high after 1857 when the first war of India’s Independence was waged. Indebtedness increased under the unsettled condition; peasants were even chased from their land, and failure of the crops added to the misery. While these conditions generated the push, the pull came from need for labor in Colonial plantations far from “home.” Besides, the recruiters and their agents painted a rosy picture in distant lands. Information provided on the Emigration Passes reveals that the Indian emigrants covered a wide section of rural communities, middle agricultural, and comprised all castes, including the Brahmins. Life was difficult in the plantation, and during the spare time, nostalgic accounts of the homeland represented life and provided leisure activities. Without going any further into the details of colonial migration from India, I must point out that substantial number of people from India in North America are post-colonial migrants, although subsequent generations of those emigrated during colonial era are also present. Jayaram (2004) identifies three patterns of post-colonial migration from India, namely, (1) the emigration of Anglo-Indians to Australia and England, (2) the emigration of professionals and semi-professionals to industrially advanced countries like the U.S., Canada 266 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and England and (3) the emigration of skilled and unskilled laborers to West Asia. The second category of emigration, which some scholars including Khadria (1999) describe as “brain drain” from India, is central to my research. The survey of literature that I have conducted suggests that the study of the Indian diaspora has varied with consideration of socio-cultural and politico-economic perspective (Sharma, 1989), comparative study of the Indian diaspora within two or more “host” milieu (Jain, 1993), study of caste system among them (Jain, 1989), issues of language (Jayaram, 2000), gender (Handa, 2002), and religion (Rukmani, 1999). There are some overarching features common to people of Indian origin including their cuisine and love for cricket as well as Indian cinema. Beyond the taste buds, Indian cuisine remains a cultural element and is often part of the Indian consciousness. It is easy to find a restaurant with Indian names attached to it in most cities of the world, although interestingly several of them are operated by people from neighboring Bangladesh. Indian cricket can be explained, as in Appadurai’s (1991) work, within the post-colonial and global culture framework. Appadurai argues that cricket in India has colonial roots and has grown along the post-colonial trajectory. Originally a socialization process for the urban elite, cricket has broken several social barriers in post-colonial India. Now it is, at times, a national fervor, and at others, as a curse, depending on whether India wins or loses international games. Cricket, with its own etiquette, language, conduct, and other cultural traits, has taken over the consciousness of Indians in India and in the diaspora. It is hard to imagine the life experience of a first generation male in the Indian diaspora whose life is not marked by interest in Indian cricket. To the second generation, Indian cinema is more appealing. Indian movies act as lenses through which young Indian emigrants see the India that their parents have left behind. As a consequence, I believe, the second generation associate with the dance and song sequences in the Indian cinema, and consider them to be integral parts of Indian cultural artifacts. In the last decade, the movies made in India have increasing diasporic landscapes and social context. These include blockbusters like Dilwale Dulhania Le Gayage, Salam Namaste, and Kal Ho Na Ho. While the cinema produced in India is popular among the youth of Indian origin in the diaspora, there have been increasing numbers of movies based on the diasporic life experience. This includes movies by Deepa Mehta, Gurinder Chadda and Mira Nair like Bollywood-Hollywood, Bend it like Beckham, and Mississippi Masala. Like cinema, Indian religions have spread throughout the world and have assumed their own transnational character. Indian temples and places of worship can be found in most cities around the globe serving as sites for group cohesion (see Rayaprol, 1997). With increasing number, people of Indian origin in different countries tend to form their own associations. The axes of these associations vary but they develop structures to administer Indian culture in IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 267 the diaspora. It is my contention that such associations create bureaucratic structure and select cultural practices to suit the needs of their members. My understanding also allows me to suggest that the first generation usually immerses itself and its resources in initiatives that spotlight on activities such as building community networks in the new locale, as well as fundraising for places of worship, seniors’ community centres, and their like. Subsequent steps by the first generation deal with socio-economic problems in India, often with a focus on sub-regional issues, depending on their geographic origin in India. Gandhi (2002) admits that Indian diasporic advocacy has historically been weighted towards political struggles and that progressive activism concerned with development and other related issues has come to the forefront only recently. Increasing involvement of the Indian diaspora for causes in India during recent times can be understood through Gandhi (2002), who asserts that there was a high level of aid in response to the Gujarat earthquake in early 2001 that was missing when the south-eastern state of Orissa was hit by a cyclone in late 1999. The Indian diaspora has also managed to build effective transnational business networks that stretch from the place of origin to the place of settlement. Basu and Altiney (2002), who examines the transition of ethnic Indian entrepreneurs from immigrants, local market operators, to global market layers, points out that the Indian diaspora has changed the pattern of business behaviors in India. They believe that more the successful entrepreneurs among the Indian diaspora have gained competitive advantage by developing international business links. Basu and Altiney also states that most fast growing businesses in the information technology sector have established outsourcing arrangements with Indian firms. In my opinion, the economic networks such as those highlighted by Basu and Altiney are to take advantage of contemporary forms of capital enterprise and augment profit in the globalized era. This has been pivotal to the success of several Indians in the diaspora who have carved out a dominant space in the knowledge-based technologies and economies. Gururaj Deshpande, Sabeer Bhatia, and Kanwal Rekhi have continually been listed among the world’s richest in Fortune 100 and Forbes Magazine. On the non-economic front, Indian born Amartya Sen and Jagadish Bhagwati have established coveted status in the world. As Sheth (2003) points out, literary writers like Jumpha Lahiri and Shauna Singh Baldwin have won accolades and have successfully presented a mosaic of Indian culture to their readers. Indians abroad, like U.K.-based Gurinder Chadha, U.S.-based Mira Nair, and the famous M.N. Shyamalan, have made their mark on the celluloid screen and are globally acknowledged. Based on the above arguments, I concur with a quotation from Tinker (1977:19), who affirmsThe banyan tree has thrust down roots in soil which is stony, sandy, and marshy- and somehow drawn sustenance from diverse unpromising conditions. Yet the banyan tree itself has changed; its similarity to the original growth is still there, but it has changed in response to its different environment. 268 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Nevertheless, only those sections of the metaphorical banyan tree that have followed the prescription of modernism have flourished. Indian cuisine, cinema, cricket, or religion has become part of the modern culture industry with bureaucratic administration. While it is easy to find a restaurant with an Indian name in most cities of the world, it must be noted that their popularity is gained through standardized food of Punjab and that they do not represent cuisines from most parts of India. Likewise, Indian cinema, which is the biggest cultural industry in India, has consumed several local traditions of India and has replaced them with an urban lifestyle catalog. Similarly, the board in India that administrates cricket operates as a big bureaucratic corporation. In the same vein, the only variant of Indian religion that are known to the world are those that have administrative units through established networks and associations. INDIAN DIASPORA IN CANADA A trickle of Indians, mostly from Punjabi farming areas started settling on the West coast of North America from 1880 onwards. This was considered alarming as they were often referred to as a “tide of turbans” and a “distinct menace” (Lal, 2002). Due to persistent hostility also manifested through legislation both in the U.S. and Canada, Indian immigrants declined after 1910 (Johnston, 1984). This continued with some changes until 1965, after which variants of what is known as the “point system” were adopted for the deserving immigrant. Those “deserving” often found promising jobs in private facilities, prospered economically, and many became permanent citizens (Pavri, 2000). More recently, there has been an influx of large numbers of professionals trained at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) and other premier institutes in India. The ‘point-system’ introduced in 1967 disregards race, ethnicity, and nationality in the selection of immigrants at the surface level. In Canada, people of Indian origin began to move in significant numbers largely to build the Canadian Pacific railways and to work in the lumber industry (Parekh 1993). They settled in British Columbia, traveled as directly as possible from their villages, and, although some of them had served in the British Army in Asia, they barely spoke English. Women were largely absent, and social life was organized around the place of worship (Gurudwara) and its community kitchen. The transnational context in the historical pattern of adjustment of the Indian diaspora in Canada can be understood through the following example. By the 1920s, Indian immigrants had bought some land and a few lumber mills in Canada and even replicated the name of their locality “Paldi” in British Colombia- the same name in the Hoshiarpur district in Punjab from where several of them migrated. In their new Canadian home, people of Indian origin inherited race relations similar to other minority groups, thus marking what Du Bois calls their “double consciousnesses”- an attempt to IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 269 define themselves according to the perception of their ethnic community and the way in which they were regarded by the members of the Canadian society (see Varma and Seshan, 2003). The “point system” that reflected the “will” of Canada and was a legislative schema to attract immigrants to build Canada led to 20 times increase in people of Indian origin between 1961 and 1976 (Johnston, 1984). Thereafter, migration of Indians to Canada was not only from Punjab but also from other parts of India as well as Indian diasporic posts such as Fiji, Mauritius, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania (Buchignani, 1989). The increase after 1973- when the right of visitors to apply for immigrant status was revoked- was also due to an amnesty granted by the Canadian government to persons who were already in Canada but who had not yet appealed for immigrant status (D’Costa, 1992). The Indian diaspora is one of the fastest growing ethno-cultural groups in Canada after the Chinese. The Government of India (2001) reports attest this, pointing out that the Indian diaspora is more than two per cent of the total Canadian population. I do not want to dwell on the progress made by the Indian diaspora in Canada since then, either through professional success or the coming of age of individuals like Ujjal Dosanji. Success and harmony give enticement to assess progress in an attractive scholarly fashion, but they do not grapple with the complexity of the skewed development paradigm and withdraw our attention from inherent contradictions and diversity common to Indian diaspora. In Canada, for example, discrimination has not been totally eliminated although multiculturalism was adopted as the government policy during the 1970s (Raj, 2002). Buchignani (1980) highlights that people of Indian origin are perceived by Canadians to have curried food usually associated with smell, and use saris, turbans, and different footwear, different color sense, beards, and long hair. This defines the rhetoric of popular Indian cuisine and culture in the Canadian mosaic. Buchignani also asserts that, in linguistic etiquette, Asian Indians are categorized differently due to their distinct home language, and a different accent. The success graph of the Indian diaspora in Canada portrayed in journalistic and academic discourse alike keeps the lived experiences under the veil. The complex and discriminatory attitude towards other minority communities such as Blacks or towards its own diverse community is a case in point. Does this mean that with success come discriminatory attitudes towards other minorities? Buchignani (1989) reasons the same in his essay etitled “Contemporary Research on People of Indian Origin in Canada.” Also, the drive to define oneself as successful stems from two basic and co-related factorsan ontology branching from an inferiority complex and a gaze based on individual success. 270 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) INDIA DIASPORA: EDUCATION, IDENTITY, AND YOUTH The basic objective of my analysis of the educational experience of Indian diasporic youth involves locating the ensuing conversation within the gambit of critical multicultural education and understanding the power dynamics that operate through class elitism, white supremacy, and the hold of patriarchy (see Steinberg and Kincheloe, 2001). Such location is born, as McLaren (2001) maintains, when imperialism, colonialism, and transnational circulation of capitalism influences the logic with which Western Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) discourse shapes everyday reality. Gibson (1988) has analyzed the schooling of one important diasporic group from India, namely the Sikhs in American high schools. She focuses on both barriers to opportunity, and the resources of the community in negotiating the difficulties for the education of those born in the diasporic milieu. Her arguments are focused on adaptation through education which she labels as “accommodation and acculturation without assimilation.” By assimilation, she implies a process whereby individuals and groups of one ethnic group are incorporated or absorbed into another which results in loss of identification of the parent group. Acculturation, to Gibson, is the process of change and adaptation that results when the groups with different backgrounds come together. Nevertheless, she prefers to use the term accommodation and by that she means a process of mutual adaptation between persons or groups for the purpose of reducing conflict and allowing separate group identities and cultures to be maintained. The cultural logic of “accommodation and acculturation with assimilation” defies the foundation of intercultural education and highlights structural violence and invasion allowed through educational attainment. Diasporic learning difficulties, according to Ogbu (1982), may also be due to the difference between cultures at home and at school. Gibson (1988) notes the differences in values and behaviors learned at home and at school in her study. Learning difficulties of those in the diaspora can also be due to structural inequality and school functioning to maintain the societal status quo. Ogbu (1982) argues that if the ethnic minority students believe that the system of education is unjust to them and that they will be unfairly rewarded, will they reduce their effort to gain education and this may lead to poor performance. This takes the argument beyond cultural and structural difference to the dynamics of majority-minority relations and their perceptions of each other. Gibson (1988) stretches the argument further and links education to the role of the community. The experience of being minority in the country of their adoption brings Indian people together and creates a sense of communal solidarity that proves to be a source of strength. They draw upon their collective resources including knowledge, skills, community institutions and values that promote success in the new environment and place high importance on IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 271 education for economic success in diasporic context. Based on this background, I approach my research with the premise that the community resources play an important role for the education of the diaspora. The retention of ethnic culture and values (Rosen 1959), achievement motivation (Montero and Tsukashima 1977), survival instinct (Wirth 1943), or fighting racism (Kibria 2003) - require community effort (Portes and MacLeond 1996; Portes and Rambaut 1990). Buchignani (1989) summaries the literature on the education of the Indian diaspora in Canada and confirms the priority that parents place on their children’s education. Buchignani looks at various studies, such as that of Akoodie (1980) and Subramaniam (1977b), which focuses on self-realization and identity shift; Minde and Minde (1976), which highlights the psychological adjustment; and Ijaz’s (1980) analysis of attitudes towards Indians in schools. Samani (1992) indicates that ethnic groups go through the educational system of Canada without adopting all Canadian values. Ethnic students use that part of the educational system that suits their needs and ignore the parts that contradict or do not fit in with their beliefs. Handa’s (2003) research focuses on girls and shows them negotiating their educational and identity experience through various domains of the Indian diasporic community as well as through the community at large. Indian diasporic youth seem to have considerable freedom when negotiating their educational experience. My observation suggests that Indian parents even encourage their daughters to obtain professional degrees and take up careers. According to Wakil et al (1980), most families seem to evaluate the behavior of their children in the light of their conception of a middle class Canadian family. The school forms, constrains, and influences the self-identity and cultural-identity of the student but the influence of the family and ethnic identity cannot be denied. According to Patel (2000), there are twice as many South Asians graduates in Canada when compared to the national average. Nevertheless, no reported research has analyzed the class dynamics vis-à-vis educational experience in the Indian diaspora. Also, the role of the community is often seen in affirmative gaze pointing to the positive role of social capital. Another vexing concern, and related to identity as well, is language. For example, it is hard for Indian diasporic youth in Montreal, who are expected to learn English and French, to learn and achieve a level of proficiency in another (one or two) languages in the name of the “cultural of the community” (Sen, 2006). Another issue is mate selection. A Gujarati girl would be expected to choose a Gujarati boy; second in choice would come any Indian but anything else would be despised. Cyberspace has opened new dimensions to choose mates of the same in-group from across the globe. Community pressure comes through the parents. Deflection from an obligation is a form of imposing a negative externality. 272 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Education and identity are closely related and schooling plays an important role in the identification of the youth. People of Indian origin in Canada transcend many “locations of culture” (Bhava, 1999) and their negotiations in the transnational sphere with their place of origin, co-ethnics in other parts of the world, and their experiences in Canada allow them to negotiate their identity. Although earlier literature on identity focuses on individuals, the research of the last two decades has shifted the concern to the level of the collective (Cerulo, 1997). The first among these factors is the role of group agency. Through their collective action, people from the Indian subcontinent in the diaspora not only reenergize the identification process but also create, maintain and sustain ethnic boundaries. New information technology (NCT) provides the latest dimension to the identification process by changing the generalized others to “generalized elsewhere” (Meyrowitz 1989). NCT makes it easy to be connected with the “roots” with their ever improving services. To understand identity, one has to take into cognizance various levels, boundaries and contexts of identification. According to Sackman et al (2003), identity depends on “self- localizations” that engross patterns of orientations, self- conceptualization, feelings of belonging and perceptions of symbolic boundaries. For the Indian diaspora, measure of self-identification through a sense of belonging, pride and sense of satisfaction in one’s own culture is as vital as participation in ethnic group activities (Woollett et al, 1994). Despite all scholarly definitions, I am compelled to perceive identity as a luxury because sometime Indian diasporic youth are “not being able to define him/her self” and are “invisible” to the social mirror (see Kincheloe, 2002). The social mirror reflects those of its own “choosing” and considers it safe to refract few more, while keeping many as “too small to see.” In the case of Indian diaspora, with its multiple diversities and apparent plethora of identification repertoires, Indian cinema seems a way out of the difficulties of everyday life. As mentioned earlier, Indian cinema connects with homeland culture as well as allows the living of a desire through the cinematic screen. The social organization of the diasporic community and the individual’s positioning in regard to it lay out the process of constructing identifications. This process shows identities as produced rather than fixed, personal attributes (Burman and Parkar, 1993). The membership in organizations and the composition of circles of friends and acquaintances can exert an influence on the social identities of individuals as well as collective social identity. Diasporic associations are sites of communication about collective identities whereby identity models are reproduced or changed according to the perception of the group. Nevertheless, collective identity of some kind will exist without much group organization or actual community formation. It is my intention to illustrate that identity negotiation lies in the social relationship and therefore unraveling the complexities of the relationship IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 273 between structure and agency is important. Bhavnani (1994) states that it is the construction of identity, where structure and agency collide and thereby gives shape to the individual as well as the collectivity (emphasis added). The role of agency in the case of Indian diasporic community can be further examined in the way imagination and consciousnesses are revoked. Ghuman (2003) perceives identity crisis in diasporic milieu. His perception is based upon his consideration of cultural conflict between homeland and host society norms and values. Handa (1997 & 2003) employs the cultural conflict model and argues that this model of examining the diasporic youth experience is rooted in the colonial discourse of dominance, difference, and assimilation’s agenda. Handa rightly calls diasporic culture as the traveling culture and based on this I assume Indian diasporic identity as “traveling identity.” The spotlight on Indian diasporic youth can be initiated with Saran (1985), who contends that the main anxiety of people in the Indian diaspora is their children. Besides maintaining a favorable atmosphere for the retention of ethnic distinctiveness at home, parents also engage in a variety of activities such as going to the temple, organizing puja (religious prayer) at home, watching Indian movies, participating in Indian associations, and visiting other Indian families. These can be seen as strategies to cultivate Indian tastes and values among the young. As Saran argues, most parents feel that the young ones are under strong peer pressure and therefore activities outside the four walls of the house must be organized. My observation allows me to add that doing and sharing things, maintaining contact through ethnic Indian networks and associational activities, result in development of youth’s networks and friendship groups and these immensely help in the desired activities. Mukhi in her book Doing The Desi Thing (2000) delineates how by doing things in New York city the way they are done in India, the community is able to maintain ties with the roots and retain a distinct cultural identity. “Desi” is a Hindi/Urdu word and hence comes into the vocabulary from India. It means “from the nation” and is used to convey cultural connection with the country of origin. I assume that the concept of “Indianness” comes from a selfacknowledgement of the distinctiveness and recognition by “others” in the mainstream. In either case, it depicts the “other” in the mainstream milieu. Another study on Indian diasporic youth in North America is that of Khandelwal (2002), who argues that the experience of the young generation has varied significantly from that of their predecessors. Khandelwal shows that the Indian youth not only make sense of their individual identities but also redefine the Asian Indian community. In Montreal, most ethnic Indian associations have their respective youth wings. The youth in these associations relate among themselves based on the kind of school they attend, and their shared experiences provide the base of the second-generation networks. Their shared experiences also demarcate them from their parents’ generation. 274 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Maira (2002) presents the results of an ethnographic study documenting the experiences of second-generation Indian American youth in New York City. She asks the following questions: “What are the meanings of this youth culture in the lives of Indian American youth? How do Indian American youth negotiate simultaneously the collective nostalgia for India (re) created by their parents and the coming-of-age rituals of American youth culture?” (ibid: 1516). In her study, she focuses on popular culture as a tool that enables Indian American youth to negotiate and manage this tension between “nostalgia” and “cool” in their attempts to shape and assert their evolving identities. She identifies the role of popular culture like “bhangra,” which blends traditional Indian music with more modern elements from hip-hop. Maira shows how in this subculture, the youth actively create the popular culture that they simultaneously consume and develop understandings of their gendered racial identities. Many of these youth that Maira interviewed mentioned the different norms operating for men and women in this subculture. For example, men consider it important to flaunt their material power through brand-name clothing such as Nike. Maira uses the term “cultural nostalgia” to describe the range of activities in which the youth engage to explore the Indian side of their hybrid identity and feel more ethnically authentic. She writes, For many of the youth I spoke to, the notion of being ‘truly’ or ‘really’ Indian involved possession of certain knowledge or participation in certain activities. . . . The ideology of nostalgia . . . is the ethnicized flip side to a notion of subcultural ‘cool’ based on American youth culture (pp. 87-88). Under “nostalgia” comes the values and cultural repertoire of India, while “coolness” is an improvisation which the Indian youth generate in their creative engagement with other cultures. I have observed that most Indian parents as well as the community at large despise what these youth assume as “cool.” Needless to say, the experiences of the second or subsequent generations are different from the first generation. The second generations construct the homeland, and its cultures and values, in fragments from their parents and from their desi friends that serve as a backdrop, but their sphere of social interaction is the social milieu of the “`adopted” country. INFERENCES It is hard to conclude a paper like this, especially when there is an ever-increasing number of scholarly works on the subject matter as well as diverse perspectives to look at various emerging issues in the Indian diaspora. I, also, do not want to repeat myself. Nevertheless, I must delineate, that people in diaspora experience rupture of various kinds and they “seek security in an insecure world” (Bauman, 2002) through community networks and ties. Another important position that I want to make is against the current approach IN-DIA-SPORA: CONTEXT AND CRITIQUE 275 on youth studies literature in sociology that sees young people’s lives and experiences as problematized. There is a tendency to focus on problem behavior and on social construction of youth along vectors of race, ethnicity, social class, sexuality, use and abuse of life chances. It is important to understand the macro issues shaping the life experiences of diasporic youth. For example, the contemporary world is shaped by the pinnacle of capitalism. Youth in such times, therefore, cannot be seen without taking into consideration how their lives are affected by larger processes of globalization and transnationalism. At the same time, it is equally important to take into consideration the specific contexts. I purpose of this paper is to initiate discussion, debate, and research with diaspora dimension in cultural studies of education while at the same time helping to understand Indian diaspora in general and those in Canada in particular. With increasing international migration, the numbers of diasporic youth are increasing in North America. Therefore, it is important to understand the context in which diasporic youth make meaning of their everyday experience(s). This should be done with post-formal dialogue and dialectic criticism. REFERENCES Adorno, T. 2000 Cultural Criticism and Society. In Brian O’Connor (Ed.), The Adorno Reader. UK: Oxford. Akoodie, M.A. 1980 Immigrant Students: A Comparative Assessment of Ethnic Identity, Self-Concept and Locus of Control amongst West Indian, East Indian and Canadian Students Dissertation/Thesis: University of Toronto. Appadurai, A. 1991 Global Ethnoscapes: Notes and Queries for a Transnational Anthropology. In R. G. Fox (Ed.), Recapturing Anthropology: Working in the Present (pp. 191-210). Santa Fe: School of American Research Press. Bakhtin, M. M. 1981 The Dialogical Imagination: Four Essays (Eds.) Holquist, M and T. C. Emerson Austin and London: University of Texas Press. Basu, A. & Altiney, E. 2002 The Interaction between culture and entrepreneurship in London’s Immigrant Business. International Small Business Journal, 20(4), 371-94. Bauman, Z. 2002 Community: Seeking Safety In An Insecure World Cambridge: Polity Press. 276 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Bhabha, H. (Ed.). 1990 Nation and Narration. London: Routledge. Bhavnani, K., & Phoenix, A. 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Wirth, L. Somenath Bhattacharjee and Franky Boro RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES OF THE BODO-KACHARIS IN ASSAM: SOME ISSUES Religion is an important aspect of a particular culture. It is regarded as one of the major social organization through which a society or a community makes their own social and cultural identity. Every tribal society has a strong traditional belief system regarding religion and any other social aspect of life. Bodo-Kachari is a major Tribal group of North east India, particularly located in the Kokrajhar, Darrang, Udalguri, Baksa, Dibrugarh, Lakhimpur and other districts of Assam. In this paper an attempt has been made to focus on the relationship between religious belief and significance of co-related folk culture among the Bodos of Darrang district in Assam. There is a close relationship between religion and folk culture because religion is such a kind of organization in which the folk culture is associated along with the various traditional customs, rites and rituals of the community. Bodo-Kacharis of this region are basically the worshipper of their traditional Deity whom they considered as the supernatural being or supreme power of the world. They performed certain religious customs and rituals like prayer, offerings and chanting Mantras through the help of village priest or religious specialist of the village to worship the Deity. Their tradition and customs are closely associated with the religious beliefs and rituals which reflect their traditional way of livelihood and social system. The paper also attempts to study various folk culture of the society which are transmitted orally throughout the generations and made them unique amongst the various tribes of the studied region. The present study is based on primary data collected through participant observation and interview methods by conducting a fieldwork among the studied people. Introduction Religion is a universal and pervasive institution in human society of all the manifestations of man’s intellectual and social life, religion stands most elusive. The belief, thought and action with which religion is concerned could be found at all the levels of culture, primitive or civilization. The Bodo Kacharis constitute the largest ethnic group among the tribal population of the state of SOMENATH BHATTACHARJEE, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Assam University, Diphu Campus, Diphu, Karbi Anglong, Assam. PIN-782462, E-mail: bhattacharjee_somenath@rediffmail.com & FRANKY BORO, Vill: Gelaidingi, P.O: Menapara, Dist: Darrang. (Assam). PIN-784146, E-mail: franky.boro@gmail.com 288 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Assam. From the very beginning this indigenous tribal group has a distinct culture, belief, customs, language and religious practices of their own. Especially their traditional religious belief system reflects their unique identity among the various communities of the region. There are many scholars who tried to carry out research on religion from ancient times. Anthropologists have considered religion as a product of the evolutionary development of human brain. There are different theories regarding the origin of religious beliefs. Anthropological theories of religion have been concerned mainly with examining the content of various conceptions of the supernatural as prevalent in different societies at different times. One of the earliest social scientists to propose a major theory of the origin of religion was E.B. Tylor. In Tylor’s view, religion originated in people’s speculation about dreams, trances, and death. Tylor thought that the belief in souls was the earliest form of religion; animism is the term he used to refer to belief in souls. (Ember,2012). Anthropologist Anthony F.C Wallace defined religion as, ‘a set of rituals, rationalized by myth, which mobilizes supernatural powers for the purpose of achieving or preventing transformations of state in man and nature.’ (Haviland, 2009). Regarding the tribal religion Elwin (1957) wrote ‘tribal religion is associated with a social ethic that unites the tribe in its discipline and undoubtedly makes for a certain nobility of conduct. The great tribal virtues are discipline, devotion to work, generosity and hospitality, truth, kindness.’ Haviland (2009) gave a simple definition of religion, ‘an organized system of ideas about the spiritual sphere or the supernatural, along with associated ceremonial practices by which people try to interpret and/or influence aspects of the universe otherwise beyond their control.’ Haviland again said, ‘a hallmark of religion is belief in supernatural beings and forces. In attempting to control by religious means what cannot be controlled in other ways, humans turn to prayer, sacrifice, and other religious or spiritual rituals.’ There are some scholars who had made efforts to study the religion of Bodos. S. Endle (1975) in his book ‘The Kachari’ states that ‘the religion of the kachari race is distinctly of the type commonly known as ‘animistic’ and its underlying principle is characteristically one of fear or dread.’ On the other hand P.C. Bhattacharya points out that ‘the Bodos are not animistic. They are worshippers of Bathou, the supreme Deity.’ (Boro, 2010). The traditional religion of the Bodo is called Bathou which has been practiced since time immemorial in South East Asia. This is worship of Bathoubwrai or Sibrai i.e. the Supreme Deity of the Bodos. The Bathou is an ancient religion of the Bodos. (Basumatary, 2014). RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 289 Bhattacharya (2009) wrote, ‘The worship of Bathow (Shiva) and the erection of the alter of this Supreme Deity (Bathow) with the sizu plant in their courtyard are noteworthy features of rural life. In addition to the domestic worship of Bathow in the courtyard, there is the common place of worship for the community as a whole.’ When we discuss about religion or religious belief of a society then it could be clearly said that the religious belief and folk culture of a society is closely associated with each other. Because folklore covers a wide area including within its periphery traditional songs, tales or narratives, beliefs and superstitions, institutions, customs, costumes, ornaments in use among the backward or less cultured people in an advanced society. The emergence of the term ‘folk life’ to supplement the word ‘folklore’ has further widened its scope of study. (Boro, 2010). Folklore is a new field of learning which emerged only in the 19th century when the antiquaries in England as well as the philologists in Germany began to take serious interest in the tales, songs and traditions of tile lower classes of people. (Boro, 2010) again he said that ‘in the 19th century the word ‘folk’ meant an illiterate man in a literate society. Folk meant a peasant or rural people. Boro also referred Alan Dundes definition of the word as “any group of people whatsoever who share at least one common factor. It does not matter what the linking factor is- it could be a common occupation, language or religion- but what is important is that a group formed for whatever reason will have some traditions, which it calls its own.” In order to explain the religious belief and the co-related folk cultures associated with religious context, Anil Boro (2010) stated that religion mostly take the form of ritual involving offering of sacrifice, recitation of prayer and other outward ceremonies. The Bodos who believe in many Deitys and Deitydesses observe varieties of rituals. These rituals are mostly connected with their religion. (Boro, 2010). Religion is made overt in ritual, whether in any other way or not. A ritual is a repeated act or set of acts- usually but not always ceremonial in nature- by means of which a community or, more rarely, an individual, makes manifest its celebration and repetition of the myths explaining the nature of the interrelationship among the cosmographical, divine, and social world. (Bohannan, 2007). Objectives of the Study 1. To study the religious belief and traditional customs among the Bodos. 2. To study the various folk cultures of the society associated with the religious belief. 3. To understand the relationship between religious belief and co-related folk cultures among the people. 290 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Methodology: The study was conducted in Darrang district of Assam. The studied people were belonging to the Bodo tribal group which was the numerically dominant people of the concerned districts respectively. A pilot survey in the studied area was done during December 2016. Further during the pilot survey it was noticed that, in this settlement the concerned people were associated with their traditional cultural practices and social norms, in the context of their livelihood. These two major criteria provided the prime emphasis to select the said village as the studied area. The study was conducted among 150 Bodo families, where most of the members were associated with the practices of animistic rituals and folk cultural performances. The total population was 1095, among them there were 579 males and 516 females. The studied people could easily communicate through Bodo and Assamese. Our knowledge of Bodo and Assamese enabled to have an intimate interaction with the studied population. The concerned filed work was conducted into various phases. It was started from the above mentioned time and extended upto April 2018. There were four divisions of the total field work. Results and Discussion Animistic Religious Belief of the Bodos The studied people were all Animist. They strictly followed their own traditional religion Bathou which has been practiced by the Bodos since time immemorial. In every household there was a Bathou alter in their courtyard and they worshipped their traditional deity through the household Deity (na ni modai). The Sizu tree is planted at the Bathou alter which stands as an emblem of the Supreme Deity or Supernatural power of the community. 1] Religious belief and rituals related to life cycles of the people: There are certain religious beliefs and rituals followed by the people of this village related to their life cycles. They observe various ceremonies and festivals in relation to birth, wedding, death and agricultural activities etc. These are as follow: A] Folk beliefs and rituals related to birth: There were some religious beliefs and rituals regarding the birth of a child. Pregnant woman is not allowed to go out alone in the evening. They believed that in the evening time the ghost or evil spirit has roamed around the village and they might attack the upcoming child and it would be harmful for both mother and the child. There were certain rituals followed by the people during pregnancy of a woman. In the 7th month of pregnancy they observed a ritual that the woman has to come to her natal home and take blessings from her parents and other relatives. Her maternal family has arranged a small tea party or offerings for the village people. In this ceremony the elderly people are offered zau or jumai (rice beer) with pork or fish. RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 291 The pregnant woman is asked to keep a small branch of leaf of jujube and a small knife under her bed and she is also asked to hang a piece of fishing net inner side of the door. They believed that both mother and child would be protected from evil spirits by keeping these staffs. After the birth of a child there are certain rituals which have been followed by the village people. There is a purification ceremony which has been followed after seven or eight days of the birth. The people who outsiders of the clan sprinkled the holy water with tulsi leaf in the whole campus of the house. After one month they observed a final purification ceremony of the new born. For a month from child birth the woman remains unholy and is not allowed to touch anything related to religious practice or sacred staffs. From this day she is allowed to do every household work and the family and their clan members have been allowed to perform the religious activities. Until this day the family and all clan members are not allowed to join in any religious activities and go to any sacred places like temple and any auspicious occasions. In this day a small ritual has been conducted by the family and the puja and offerings have been made to the household deity. They offered flower, grams, coconut, fruits etc. and the village priest (deori) has to chant some mantras and sometimes read the holy book. The village people enjoy the gazi (Prasad) and tea party and wish for the bright future of the new born baby and good health for the mother. In the afternoon a feast is offered to the village people with pork, fish, chicken etc. as well as zau or jumai (rice beer). After this ritual another ceremony is conducted by the family called ankam dwnai (annaprasan). This ceremony is observed after seven or nine months in case of girl child and eight or ten months in case of boy child. The purpose of this ceremony is to allow the child to have rice as a diet from this day. The maternal uncle (amai) has to play a vital role in this ceremony. He is the first person to feed the child and other clan members and relatives from maternal side also followed the procedure of feeding after the maternal uncle. The Bodo people believe that the relationship with maternal uncle is most important one among all other relationships and the uncle-niece relationship has to be continued for further generations. In this ceremony also the tea party and a feast is offered to the village people and other invitees and they present small gift items like dress, doll, toys, baby kits, small utensils etc. to the new born baby. B] Folk belief and rituals related to marriage: Regarding the marriage there have been certain rituals followed by the people of the village. In case of arranged marriage they follow some rituals before fixing the date of wedding ceremony. The family of bridegroom has to bring a pair of betel nut as a sign of respect and honour when they come to ask the girl for marriage. The people believed that the marriage proposal should come from the boy’s 292 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) side first and it should not be from the girl’s side. They believe that in the beginning of the journey if they see any dead body, cat crossing the road from right to left side, empty vessels or cutting bamboo then the journey is inauspicious or it would be unsuccessful. Then they cancelled the journey and fix it for another day. If the family agree with the proposal then they send a message to the boy’s family and the boy’s family has to come again with some stuff like betel nut, sugar, rice, zau(rice beer) etc. and the society of the girl has come to know about the news of marriage. After this ritual both of the families fix the date of marriage and proceed for further rituals. On the auspicious day of marriage ceremony, in the main entrance of the decorated house or pandal two vessels of water and coconut have to be placed and they believe that it is the symbol of wealth and prosperity. Besides, they also believe that a garland of mango leaf should be kept in the main gate of the house. The folk belief behind these customs is that no harmful things or evil spirit could affect the newly married couple. Whenever the bridegroom party reaches the bride’s home the sisters or cousin of the bride have to wash the feet of bridegroom in the entrance (decorated gate) with maah-haladhi and rub his face with betel leaf. At the end of the wedding ceremony when the couple is ready to come out , in the time of parting of bride from her natal home she has to sprinkle some husked rice to her backside and she cannot look back again. It is believed that if she turns back then the mainao of the house (lakshmi) will also come out from home and never return again. Therefore the newly married bride has to follow this ritual with this hope that mainao (lakshmi) will remain forever in her birth place. i) Hathasuni : Hathasuni is a kind of ceremony which is observed in the bridegroom’s place after the wedding ceremony. In case of love marriage or elopement this hathasuni must be observed to get consent from the society. Through this ceremony the bride is allowed to cook meal for the family and she is approved as the new member of the family. In this ceremony a small ritual is done and it is a kind of small reception party of marriage. In this ritual the bride has to cook for first time in the bridegroom’s house and from this day she is allowed to use all the utensils and cooking items of her husband’s family. The new bride has to lighten the earthen lamp at bathou alter of the house and worship the household Deity. The ancestor worship is also observed in this ceremony and the bride is asked to offer food and rice beer to the ancestor of her husband’s family. After that the bride has to serve the food among the people and both husband and wife kneel down to the villagers and seek blessings for their happy and prosperous married life. ii) Aathmongola: Aathmongola is a part of marriage ceremony which is observed after eight days of wedding ceremony. In this occasion the bride RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 293 and bridegroom come back to bride’s natal home with a number of relatives from her husband’s family. In this day the newly married couple has to reach her home in the morning and her parents and relatives warmly welcomed them. After sometime they go to the village temple and observed some rituals as per the village norms. Her parents have to arranged everything before they come and the couple worship the village deity in presence of village priest and villagers. They offere a thogi which consists of grams, coconut, fruits, betel nut etc. to the village deity and after the rituals it has been served among the people. A small tea party is observed at the place of bride and they serve it to the village people with the snacks which have been brought by the newly wedded couple. The elderly people of the village are served with zau and meat or other light snacks. The bride and bridegroom kneel down to village people and bow their heads to get blessings for their happy conjugal life. In the evening or next day they leave the bride’s house and this is the final concluding ceremony of the marriage. C] Folk belief and rituals related to death and disposal: After death of a person they believe that it is the last journey of departed soul to heaven. After washing the corpse carefully the offerings is made with this hope that in this journey the soul might not be hungry and reach the heaven comfortably. The offerings consist of rice, boiled egg, boiled potato etc. They have a common cremation ground nearby the village. After cremation of the corpse at the cremation ground in the returning path the village people take bath outside in the nearby stream or river. It is believed that if they come back without taking bath outside the spirit or ghost will also come back with them. Therefore they keep it away outside. In the evening every household of the village burn some dry leaves, thatch etc. with this belief that the spirit would not harm them. After ten days of the death a purification ritual is observed which is called daha. In this ritual all members of the family and village has to taste the gravy of bitter jute which is called narzi and sour items also be tasted. These items are considered as the symbol of separating the departed soul from the family and village. In shraddha ceremony also the same rituals are performed like daha. The ancestor worship is also observed in this ritual with the help of village priest or deori. There is no specific time to observe this ceremony. It depends on the good situation and financial condition of the family as well. In this ceremony the family has to offer a feast to the village people and other relatives. The feast consists of pork, chicken, fish, other vegetables etc. along with the narzi (gravy of dry jute) and other sour items. Rice beer is also served to the people with pork or other snacks. 2] Other religious belief and customs: Besides the rituals and religious beliefs of life cycles, the people of the village also observe some rituals 294 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and traditional customs in relation to their daily activities of rural life style. Some of these are described below. A] Religious belief related to courtyard: They believe that front courtyard of the house is a sacred place and they place the bathou alter in the north or east side of the courtyard. They use to plant a sijou plant there and fence it with nine pairs of small bamboo strips folded with five fastening which symbolises and signifies the religious and spiritual principle of Bathouism or supreme deity. Regarding the courtyard P.C. Bhattacharya(2009) wrote, “this courtyard not only serves as the place of Habsa worship offered to the supreme Deity, but also serves as a place for diverse duties connected with agricultural activities, weaving and social gatherings. These are Bodo- Kachari folk-beliefs related to the courtyard, the sowing and reaping of the paddy, and some of these folk-beliefs are also found among the Assamese and Bengali peoples.” Usually the village people prefer all rooms to be separate like living room, kitchen, bachelor’s room etc. they do not have drawing room and therefore the guests have to sit in the courtyard. Generally the courtyard is in the middle of the house surrounded by separate rooms. The easternmost portion of the main house is meant for cooking and worship. The room of northern side is generally used as main dwelling house. The store house or granary must be built near the kitchen. The toilet and poultry house should always be in the backside of the house. They always keep the courtyard clean and they never keep any garbage or broom or any unclean stuff in front of the courtyard. They believed that the guests are like Deity and if they have seen all these unpleasant things they would be offended and mainao (lakshmi) will run away from their home. Especially in front of the kitchen a sacred corner is there and they fence it with a bamboo grid and no outsiders are allowed to enter inside the fencing. They keep the place always clean and sometimes the place is used for having meal as well. They always lighten earthen lamp on the bathou alter and bhakhri (granary) in the evening and every Tuesday they sing bathou aroj (a kind of traditional prayer). An example of Bathou aroj is like thisAsu mainao, Sali mainao Mainao, mainao nwng jwngni lai, Ayo ayo, gwsw mwdwm jiu nwng jwngni lai Datha ayo jwnkhow baona Datha ayo jwnkhow baona. Means: Ahu lakshmi, Sali lakshmi, you always belong to us, oh dear lakshmi, You are our life and wealth Do not forget us, do not forget us. B] Religious belief related to agriculture: There are some traditional customs and rituals observed by the village people regarding RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 295 agriculture. During the time of harvesting in the month of November-December some families ask village people to help them in reaping grain. Sometimes the people exchange their members in each house’s work. This is called palla. On the other hand, sometimes the family entertains to a feast to those members who helped in the paddy field and that custom is known as “khaori janai”. This feast has been comprised with meat of pork, chicken, goat etc., as well as fish, bathwn (chatney), rice beer etc. The people prefer to observe this tradition because it is like a festival of joy and happiness. The people enjoy the feast and it reduced the expenditure of family for labour as well. Besides the khaori janai ceremony, there is another custom related to agriculture. When the harvesting is over the people of the village observe a ceremony called ankham gwdan janai (eating new rice or na-khuwa). It is a festival of feasting and dancing accompanied by the folk drink zau or jumai. At the day time a small ritual is also observed by the people. A thogi or puja has been offered with gram, pulses or fruits to the Deity and ancestor worship is also been observed. They offer the new paddy to their household deity and past generations first and after that only they start to eat the new rice for the entire year. After completion of the ritual the feast is offered to the people with various items like meat, fish, vegetable curry etc. This festival is observed in every household individually and in one auspicious day it is observed commonly by the all village people in public temple (thansali) as well. C] Religious belief related to seasonal festivals: Bwisagu is the main seasonal festival observed by the people of this village. It can be considered as the greatest agricultural festival of the society. The festival is celebrated in the spring season with the advent of New Year. Bwisagu is celebrated in the month of April (assamese month of Bohag). There are certain rituals observed in this festival which are closely connected with the agriculture. The first day of this festival is called mocouni bwisagu. On this day Cattle is decorated with garlands and dotted spots and taken to the nearby river or streams for bathing. The pieces of gourd, brinjal and turmeric are thrown towards the cattle and being bathed in the river or stream. In the evening the cowsheds are cleaned and surrogated by smoke. The cattle are tied with new rope. A folksong related to this festival isLao za, phanthao za, Bocor bocor er hanza hanza, Bimani khither phiphani khither Nong cor jagon halua gidir. Means: Eat gourd, eat brinjal, Grow up year to year, To spite your mother and your father You will be large bullocks). Besides this, certain rituals like cleaning house, offering worship before the bathou alter, ancestor worship etc. are also observed on this day. The second day of bwisagu is known as mansi ni bwisagu. On that day every member 296 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) of the family takes bath with maah haladhi and offers prayer to household Deity and recall the past generations of the family, to whom food items, rice beer, rice cake etc. are offered. The village priest or deori chants mantras and prays for the well being of the people and keeping the people free from any harm or disease. He also prays for the blessings of Deity and wishes for a happy and prosperous new year. In a festive mood the young boys and girls sing bwisagu songs and dance to welcome the New Year. The elderly people also celebrate the festival with full joy by singing, dancing and drinking rice beer. Domashi or magho domashi is a festival of certain rituals and merrymaking. The festival is celebrated in the month of February (assamese magh bihu) when the harvesting is over. On the eve of the day, the women get busy in preparing rice cake and other refreshments. The young boys build a makeshift cottage called bhelaghar at the paddy field. The whole night they spend there by feasting, merry making, singing and dancing. Next day early in the morning, the people take bath and go to the bhelaghar and kindle it ceremonially uttering Deity’s name and congregational prayers are held at that time. After the bonfire is over, the people come back home and observed some rituals. At home the ancestor worship ritual observed by offering rice cake, other food items and rice beer to the deceased soul of the family. All the trees in the compound are tied to bamboo stripes or paddy stems. The rice cake, piths and other refreshments are served to all the family members by the women of the house. The whole day various sports are held in the public place or playground. Kati gasa is the ceremony observed in the month of Kati. In this festival there is not much fun since the villagers’ store-house (granary) is almost empty. At this time of year paddy seedlings begin to grow. In the evening offerings are made to the tulsi plant in the courtyard. The earthen lamps are lighted at the feet of tulsi, at the granary and at bathau alter or siju plant and at the paddy field. The prayer and matras are uttered for the protection of paddy from insects, rodents and animals or natural calamities. In fact, all these pujas and rituals are meant for the welfare of the growing crops. An example of prayer is like thisAyo bima mainao, Phwido nwng zonkhw onna, De ayoi zwng ni noao. Means: Oh mother ceres, Come out of love for us, Oh mother, to our house. D] Amthisua: Amthisua (ambubachi) in fact, is not a festival rather it is a ritual of austerities which is followed by the people in the month of June. It is believed that mother earth is supposed to be in menstruation during the RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 297 days of amthi and she remains impure during these days. Ploughing or digging earth, weaving, grinding etc. are not allowed during these days and no religious activities are to be performed. E] Ancestor worship (gothisi baonai): Ancestor worship or gothisi baonai is an important religious belief of the Bodo society of this village. They believe that they need to perform certain rituals to satisfy their past generations, otherwise if they remained unsatisfied then they could cause harm to the present generation. Therefore an offering is madeat every occasion and festival to the ancestor of the house. This is a traditional custom of the village which has been followed since time immemorial. In this ritual they recalled and worshipped the soul of their past generations and offered flower and food items like meat, fish, rice cake, zau or rice beer etc. in this ceremony the worshipper has to use only the left hand and the right hand is never allowed to use in this ritual. The village priest chants the mantras and prayer for the peace of departed soul. Each adult person of the family can take part in this ritual and sometimes the other clan members are also invited to take part in this ritual. 3] Relationship between religious belief and various folk cultures of the Bodos: There has been a close relationship between religious belief and folk culture of a society. Religion is an integral part of culture and in this particular village there are many religious beliefs which are closely related with the folk life of the society. In day to day life they follow various religious beliefs and customs which become a natural habit for them. For example the religious beliefs related to courtyard, granary etc. and specially their daily activities like cooking, weaving, worshipping etc. are closely associated with each other. Likewise there are various myth, folktales and legends transmitted from generation after generation which has been closely related to the daily life of the people and make the folk culture of the society very rich among the various communities of the region. A] Significance of Deori: The deori or village priest plays a very important role in every religious activity of the village. He has to perform certain rituals like offerings, chanting mantras and pray for the village people. He has to perform his duties in both individual households and in public temple or village thansali as well. The deori has to be changed every year and he has to maintain all the responsibilities regarding socio-religious aspects of the society. His position is right after the village headman and in any circumstances or important issue of the village the deori also can put his opinion and give solutions as an elderly person or honourable person of the village. He is considered as most powerful person who has the direct connection with Deity or supernatural power and he enjoys the higher social status and position in the society because without this person people cannot perform any religious activities and rituals. 298 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) B] Significance of traditional customs and co-related folk culture in their socio-cultural life: The people of this village are primarily farmers and being dependent on nature. They have a specific religious philosophy influenced by neighbouring Hindu religion of Assamese caste people. They have their own social laws and customs regarding their traditional socio-cultural life. Their traditional customs and folk-cultures play a significant role in their entire livelihood and domestic life. They believed that the folk-beliefs, rites, rituals and worship of Deity control the society from any illegal tasks which could be harmful for the individual or the community. The significance of village priest, folk beliefs, spirit worship, prayers, mantras on different occasions and ceremonies is also noteworthy. The consumption of rice beer which is used as their common drink in different ceremonies and worship has a significant position in their traditional domestic life. Besides this, their sacrifices consist of rice, fruits, meat, fish, grams, rice beer etc. All these are essential for performing their traditional customs and rituals. Conclusion From the above discussion we have found that there are different religious beliefs and practices among the people of this village. There are various folk cultures as well which are closely associated with their religious beliefs and customs. These traditional cultures make them unique and special amongst the various communities of the region. The people of this village are mainly worshipper of Bathow (Sibrai or Shiva), the Supreme Deity. They have minor Deitys and Deitydesses as well. They believe in ghosts and spirits also. But the conception of the Bathow or supreme Deity is predominant. They have observed various traditional customs and rituals which are intimately connected to their agricultural and household activities as well as various occasions and festivals. As time changed, due to the impact of modernization and culture contact with different communities of the region some changes have taken place in the traditional customs and belief system among the people of this village. Due to the negligence of younger generation the age old traditions of the society seem to be diminished. But still the older generation has tried to uphold their culture and passed it to their next generation. It can be summarized that, the studied Bodo people had a rich traditional culture including religious practices and folk belief for whom they can make their own identity as an indigenous group of the said region. Their socio-religious activities and customs are different from other communities though these are influenced by modernisation and other changing factors. After all for the distinct and remarkable traditional belief system and culture they could become a major ethnic community of the area and they have been maintaining their RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FOLK CULTURES... 299 traditional folk culture throughout the generations. REFERENCES Basumatary, Chithum 2014 Bodo Community and Religion: A Sociological Study. Language in India p.41-51. Bhattacharya, P.C. 1991 Asamar Janajati. Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, Panbazar, p.54-69. Bhattacharya, D. 2009 “Sri Sri Umananda Dham: Eti Samiksha,” in Bhattacharyya. H.N. (ed.) Asomar Dol-Devalaya (Itibritta), Sadou Asom Devalaya Sangha, 9-14. Bohannan, Paul 2007 Social Anthropology. New Delhi: Surjeet Publications. P-330. Boro, Anil 2010 Folk Literature of Bodos. Ghy: N.L. Publications. p.18-41. Boro, Anil 2012 A History of Bodo Literature. New Delhi: Sahitya Academy. p.8-17. Das, Jogesh 2010 Folklore of Assam New Delhi: National Book Trust, Indi.a p.61-99. Elwin, Verrier 1957 A Philosophy for NEFA. New Delhi: Isha Books. p.78-88. Ember and Ember and Peregrine 2012 Anthropology. Delhi: Pearson. p.461-491. 1975 The Kachari. Delhi: Cosmo Publication. p. 33-53. Endle, S. Haviland, Prins Walrath McBride 2009 Cultural Anthropology. Cengage Learning p.305-338. Narzi, Bhaben 2009 Boro Kacharir Samaj Aru Sanskriti. Ghy:Bina Library p. 31-112. Sumahan Bandyopadhyay DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD OF A TRADITIONAL HUNTING –GATHERING TRIBE OF EASTERN INDIA Introduction The Birhor has attracted attention of the anthropologists and other scholars for their peculiar livelihood practices since the inception of ethnographic studies on tribes in India (Dalton, 1872; Risley, 1891;Roy, 1925;Sen and Sen, 1955; Sinha, 1958; Sen, 1965; Adhikary, 1984; Sahay, 2009). They were the representatives of hunter-gatherers in that part of the country (Fortier, 2009:101). Sometimes they are called a ‘vanishing tribe’ (Sahu, 1995: 13), however, numerically speaking they do not show diminishing trend though its traditional hunting- gathering economy is on the decline. They used to roam about the forest and subsist on forest produces only with occasional exchange with the outsiders. In fact, the ethnonym Birhor is derived from two words Bir means forest and Hor means man. Their traditional house-type of conical leaf –made kumbha and food habit relating to eating monkey had been a point of general attraction. However, anthropologists have studied them quite exhaustively and those studies have provided us with the vivid description of the Birhor’s way of subsistence (Roy, 1925; Adhikary, 1984; Sahay, 2009 ). Roy’s study followed a model of traditional ethnographic monograph of tribe, that dealt with the social system, kinship, marriage, birth and death, religious life, folk lore, arts and games (Roy, 1925). This tome contains an exhaustive account of the life the Birhor people living around Ranchi districts and surrounding areas of Hazaribag, Palamau in the Chotonagpur plateau area. In contrast to this Adhikary (1984) conducted his study among the Birhors of Sundargarh district in Odisha. His study was done under the major theoretical framework of ‘worldview’. The author used both the ‘formal structural’ and ‘ecological framework’ in organizing and presenting his data with appropriate analysis. Adhikary’s study (ibid) was particularly important because he tried to understand how the people were adjusting ecologically and socio-economically with the changing surrounding SUMAHAN BANDYOPADHYAY; Assistant Professor; Department of Anthropology; Vidyasagar University; Midnapore-721102; W.B.; E-mail: sumahan.b@gmail.com 302 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) milieu of caste society where market had penetrated significantly. To him the worldview of the Birhor was much inclined towards forest and their technoeconomic adaptation was integrated with their worldview (Adhikary, 1984:8889). His study revealed that the society of the Birhor was operating between gemeinschaft while in the jungle environment and gesellschaft while in village and market. This is again a contrast between worldviews- one based on moral community and another based on ‘rational’ market-oriented economy (ibid). one does not find any reference to the impact of government programme on the Birhor people in the above mentioned studies. Though, the later one gives some hints about the probable nature of direction of change that the Birhor society might take at the face of interactions with settled peasantry and market forces. In the later studies, we come across discussions of social changes among the Birhor and impact of development projects on them. This type of discussion got a momentum after the government pronounced special strategies for development of the Primitive Tribal Group (PTG) which was later renamed as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group( PVTG).1The focus of the government on the development of the PVTGs has been the subject of many studies that tried to know their socio-economic status and assess the impact of development projects on the people(Mishra et.al., 2016; Panda, 2015; Debbarman, 2015; Bose (Majumdar), 2016).Government asks each states and union territory to prepare a long term ‘Conservation–cum-Development(CCD) Plan’ for the PVTGs residing within their jurisdiction. The purpose of the CCD was to assess their situation and identify their needs (Mishra and Patil, 2016: xiv). Therefore we may say that the anthropological discourses on the Birhor has three major trends – ethnographic studies on the tribe, study of social and techno-economic adaptation from ecological perspective, and impact of development and change. In this backdrop, at present the major questions that confronts us are the following: What is the present socio-economic status of these communities? what impact the development inputs have made on them? what will happen to these communities and whether the present development interventions are appropriate? and, if not what should be the right strategies to approach the assessment of their development and suggest further modification in the development planning. The trends of discursive practices also reveal that every academic line of thinking has its ontological roots in the contemporary socioeconomic and political environment. Thus the orientations of studies on the Birhor have been informed and shaped over the period with the changing nature of surrounding socio-political and academic milieu which is best interrogated in the backdrop of overarching theoretical paradigm of development. The idea of development as defined by Portes (1976) as ‘continuous transformations of human society’ is more of an anthropological as well as social scientific import. He traced the development theory right from evolutionism. However economists favour a more positive approach reducing development to some tangible and concrete changes subject to established set DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 303 of calibration. The major theoretical debates and practical concerns are centered on the conflict and contrast sired by these two principal approaches. Out of these debates, an alternative development model has emerged. With the fading of classical economic models of development, the emergent theories began to tilt more towards social since they realized that human development could not be made a subject to economic reductionism. These diverse theoretical discourses have been categorized into two framing patterns – one assumed the harmonic interests and the other was based on discordant interests (Black, 2007). The harmonic interest groups included the theories of Liberal International School, Modernization theory, Cultural Causation theory and Interdependence. The discordant group was mainly ascended from the Marxist school and also included Dependency Theory, Centre-Periphery model of Development and World System Theory. Now development is much discussed under the theoretical paradigm of Neo-liberalism. The liberal school of economists advocated more government role in conducting the economic affairs of the state. In modernization theory, it is held that development is basically a social-cultural process by which a society gets well marked off from the traditional way of life through modernization. This modernization entails adoption of new values, entrepreneurial initiatives, ambitions, innovations, achievement of goals and a new form of rationality (Rostow, 1959; Parsons, 1966; Bauer, 1981). In multicultural nations, cultural causation theory seems to possess a greater applicability since it explains why ‘some actors seem more rational than others in their economic dynamism and susceptibility to democracy (Black, 2007; Huntington, 1968). The Marxist analysis of development makes the economic base as the fountainhead of the development. Therefore, it must be taken into consideration how one earns a living and ones position with regard to mode and means of production. What the modernization theory views as ‘promises’ in the diffusion of western practices, the dependency theory considers them as ‘hindrances’ to the development of inclusiveness and egalitarianism in the third world countries. The centreperiphery model of development echoed almost the same concern over the exploitative relations between centre and periphery as pointed out by the dependency theorists. The world system theory also vouchsafes that the world is divided into core and peripheral areas. It points out the crucial role multinationals and banks play in influencing the state policies. The control then does not remain political, rather it becomes financial. As a result of this relationship, the people farther from the control centre are more unfortunate to receive the benefits of development and just distribution of wealth. Under these concatenations of debates, Schumacher (1973) emerged with an idea often called ‘alternative’ model of development. In his approach, he denounced mass industrialization of the present day and advocated small-scale self reliant economy in the third world countries. Now, no countries in the world can be found to be completely insulated from the globalized economic forces in this neoliberal world. Neoliberalism has set up a new world order of political 304 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) economy that is, at present, the overarching guiding principle shaping the development trajectories. Neoliberal economy is defined in the following way by David Harvey (2005:2): Neoliberalism is in the first instance of a theory of political economic practices that propose that human well-being can be best advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedom and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade. When the neoliberal economic regime is making a strong advocacy of free market and free trade with a limited role of the government then what would happen to the small, marginalized traditional tribal societies like Birhor. This has been the cardinal issue that the present paper has tried to explore. There are a number of studies on the Birhor and PVTGs as have been mentioned in the foregoing discussion on the Birhor. Many of the works have dealt with the issues of development of the Birhor. However, one does not come across any work that discusses the impact of neoliberal economic regime on this people. The present undertaking has its justification in this ground, too. The theories of development discussed above have their own potential and limitations if applied to understand the Birhor situation. The developmental issues of the Birhor have been deliberated upon with regard to the experiences of the people concerned and of the researcher in connection with the study of the livelihood practices. Present empirical study is largely‘anthropology of experiences’. After delineating the livelihood practices and details of development programmes for the Birhor, I would discuss the development theories discussed herein above in relation to the Birhor situation at the end of this paper. The present study has been conducted in four Birhor settlements, namely, Bhupatipalli, Bareria, Bersa and Mahultanr , in the district of Purulia. Besides these four places, the Birhor are found to have been rehabilitated in another place in Dakai. However, The author seen only four abandoned brickbuilt houses built by the government for the Birhor at this place. But no Birhor family was seen there. It was informed by the local villagers that the Birhor seldom visit the place and stay there for few days before disappearing again for days. I have visited all the settlements and conducted a complete census of the Birhor living there. The study has been done in 2016-2017. The purpose of the study was to know the changing livelihood pattern of the Birhor and salient features of the impact of the development measures initiated by the government. In addition to this, the study also tries to assess the status of availability of the documents conferred by the state in support of their residential proof or proof of identity. These include caste certificate, ration card, aadhar card, voter identity card, job card, bank account etc. At present the availability of these documents are essential in order the get the benefits of the assistance from the government. The paper forwards the view that these aspects of material possession are to be known essentially to understand the socio-economic status and level of development of a community. These DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 305 documents have been termed as State Conferred Identities (Bandyopadhyay 2017). The Anthropological Survey of India, under Ministry of Culture , Government of India published a book on the PVTGs in India (Mishra et al. 2016).The book informs us that government has launched a number of special schemes for the development of these people. It states: These schemes generally included housing, land distribution, agricultural development, cattle rearing, construction of link roads, installation of nonconventional sources of energy for lighting purpose, social security including Janashree Bima Yojana or any other innovative activity meant for their socioeconomic development. (Mishra and Patil 2016: xiv) However, their own study on the Birhor does not give us any information regarding the number of people covered by insurance or possessing caste certificate, bank account, mobile phones, aadhar card etc. Other works on the Birhor conducted in the recent years also lack information on these aspect of identity as conferred by the government or documents necessary for availing of the benefits of the development initiatives by the government (Panda 2015, Debbarman 2015, SKBU 2018). This is one of crucial points to which the present paper does add knowledge and information. The paper also argues in favour of conducting ethnographic enquiry on these aspects of socio-economic life of the people in any contemporary study of development practices at the grassroot level particularly among the tribal people on whom information in these aspects are essential for assessing the development intervention. The paper is arranged in a way to give a brief outline of the Birhor and their settlement, the socio-economic status of the Birhor population under study, change of Birhor livelihood practices, and the availability of State Conferred Identities and its implications. Close to Jungle, Back to Hills The original habitat of the Birhor is said to be the area around Ramgarh in Jharkhand. It is a forested and hilly terrain from where they have migrated following the jungle track to Ranchi, Hazaribag in Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal. In West Bengal, they are found in Purulia district in more or less permanently settled hamlets. As per 2011 census, the total population of the Birhor in the state is 2241. In Purulia district, they are found to live in five settlements. These Birhor habitats are distributed in three administrative blocks in the district. Bhupatipalli and Bareria is in Baghmundi block, Bersa is in Balarampur and Mahultanr and Dakai in Jhalda-I block. The author could have done complete enumeration of Birhor population living in these settlements except Dakai where the author found no Birhor individual to collect data. However, it is known that Dakai has a total 12 individuals with nine males and three females. In this connection, it must be mentioned that fieldwork among the Birhor is a bit difficult in a sense because they are still very mobile. Moreover as they live in the interior areas away from the common 306 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) settlements, approaching their tanda (Birhor colony) is time-consuming. One may find a whole colony almost deserted at day time as the adult members of the group leave for forest. Keeping all these constraints in consideration, the author visited all the hamlets of the Birhor at different times for nearby locations where I used to camp. Thus the fieldwork stretched over a period of little more than one year during 2016-2017 with intermittent gaps when I used to return to resume my usual work in university. Thus, the present study is based entirely on empirical observation using ethnographic techniques. A total of 390 individuals distributed in five settlements (for which total 402 individuals)s have been studied. The population data is shown below in the table (Table 1). The wandering Birhor were settled by the government in Bhupatipalli in 1960s for the first time. Bhupatipalli is located at a distance from habitations of other communities and surrounded by forest. The terrain is hilly with the hills of Baghmundi close by. The Birhor settlement of Bareriya is also located at the foot of the hills. However, there is now no forest immediately around the boundary of the village like that of in the other villages, but this was the place where the earliest sedentarization of the Birhor took place. Recently the construction of the metalled road to Ayodhya Pahar by the side of this settlement has exposed this habitation much to the outer world. Another Birhor settlement of Mahultanr is also found to be in close vicinity to the forest and hills. The Birhor enclave is a part of the Ichahatu village from which the Birhor hamlet of Mahultanr is well separated by physical distance with small bushes, fields and undulating lands in between. Bersa is another Birhor settlement which is also located in the midst of forest and hills at a distance of 8 km from Balarampur the block headquarters of the block of the same name. The nearest village to this Birhor tanda is Bandhdi which is inhabited by settled agriculturist Bhumij tribe. From the above discussion, it appears that the Birhor settlements are always found near to forest and hilly tract. Therefore their association with the forest has special significance which has been indicated in Adhikary’s study that revealed the forest-centric worldview of the Birhors (Adhikary 1984). Still this association exists to a great extent though there has been a largescale depletion of forest cover in this region. If closeness to the forest is one aspect of the physical existence of the Birhor, then another aspect is their distance at the socio-cultural level with the neighbouring communities. The Birhor way of life is very different from the subsistence activities of the rest of the villagers. The villagers identify the Birhor with the jungle. People of the Forest The word Birhor in their own language means people(hor) of the forest(bir). On the basis of their nature of habitation, Roy(1925) mentioned that they had two divisions – uthulu (nomadic) and jaggi or jagghi DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 307 (comparatively settled). However, he found little social –cultural differences between these two divisions. Sinha (1973) noticed a frequent reversal to the original nomadic way of life. To the present understanding, it can be said on the basis of field observation that a feature of the contemporary Birhor society is the presence of a nomadism- sedentarism continuum which has been a transformation from a complete nomadism to the presence of both nomadism and sedentarism among different sections of the population to the present form where a same group might pass through periodic nomadism and sedentarism. This sort of practice is very much a feature of the pastoral communities and horticultural groups as reported elsewhere (Symanski et al. 1975, Meir 1986). In spite of the presence of such a continuum, the major form of habitation of the Birhor at the present place is the permanent residency. They live in the one room brick-built asbestos roofed houses constructed by the government. The houses are more or less lineally arranged on both sides of the main thoroughfare where a patch of land is available. But at Bersa and Bareriya, the Birhor houses are built on the slopes of undulating patch of land where the elevations are varying. Now the roads in their habitat have been made metalled or concretized. They use the open roads or lanes in front of their houses as place for chatting and other social intercourses. In the morning the Birhor men along with their grown up son, daughter or wife go deep inside the forest near their place of habitation and come back by the afternoon with fuel wood, barks or other minor forest produce to be sold in the local market or hat. They still have a great dependence on the forest. However, the shift in their livelihood practices is obvious, that would be clear from the subsequent discussion. Socio-economic Status In the present study of socio-economic status we have taken into account the total population profile, marital status, occupation and education. A separate table has been given on the nature of the material possession. The (State Conferred Identitics) have been dealt with separately under a different sub-section. The total population is given below in the table – 2.There is an increase of 39.58 per cent over the population of Birhor in the district recorded in last census in 2011. In the last four years (2013-2017), the Birhor population has been increased from 341 (Debbarman 2015)3 to 402 (present study). The present enumeration also returns higher number than the figure of the Birhor population of 368 enumerated in the study commissioned by the government (SKBU 2018). So, it can never be said that the Birhor are vanishing. Rather the studies suggest that they are getting more and more sedentary over the years and government efforts in this regard have yielded result. 308 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Education There has been quite significant change in the rate of literacy among the Birhor over the years. only, there is little micro-level quantitative data on the nature of literacy of the Birhor ( Roy1925, Sachchidananda 1965, Adhikary 1984, Sarkar 1990, 2008). However, the 1981 Census data returned 1.3 per cent of literacy rate among the Birhor. Sinha(1999) reported that only 2.32 per cent of the studied Birhor population of Madhya Pradesh are literate. As per 2011 census, 58.21 per cent of the Birhor above the age of 6 years are literate in West Bengal. In the present study, the rate of literacy among the Birhor above 6 years is 48.96 per cent. The rate is returned as 59.68 per cent of literate above 4 years in SKBU(2018) study. However, as per census of 2011, the total literacy of the Birhor was 58.21 per cent in the state. It was a giant leap from the 35.75 per cent of literacy as reported in the census of 2001. Now, in the present case, if we take the ‘can sign’ category as people outside formal education system, then the percentage of people outside the formal education system would be 57.58 per cent. The state level data as per current Census (2011) shows a wide gender -disparity in the rate of literacy among the Birhor. It was revealed that the rates of male and female literacy among the Birhor in West Bengal are 69.25 per cent and 46.14 per cent respectively (Census 2011). This reflects that the gender gap in literacy rate is greater in the state level than that of the present population under study. However, both the male and the female literacy rates are lower among the Birhor studied here. The rates are 52.43 per cent and 44.45 per cent among the male and female Birhor population respectively above the age of 6 years. A micro-level study of the change of status of literacy shows that that there is substantial increase in enrolment. 77.92 per cent of the total boys and girls in the age-group of 6 to 14 have enrolled. Non-enrolment at the age of 6 is only 6.67 per cent. At the age of 7, the rate of non-enrolment is also 6.67 per cent. However, at the age of 9 + , the rate of non-enrolment slightly increases to 20 per cent. Drop-out usually starts after one or two years of entry into the new level in high school. It is seen that the rate of drop –out in the age of 12 is 25 per cent, which is almost the same in the following age of 13. Another feature of the nature of education of the Birhor is that they are not pursuing higher studies at all. But there is marked increase in the rate of literacy among them in the present generation. This is related to their transformation towards settled life. This trend of increase in the rate of literacy is consistent as revealed from the foregoing discussion on the rates of literacy as reported in different census periods and individual studies. Occupation Birhor is portrayed as one of the fast vanishing hunter-gatherer or forager communities of the globe particularly of the South-East Asia (Fortier 2009). So far as the ethnonym of the people is concerned, their close association DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 309 with the forest is indicated. They are, in fact, also known for their hunting and eating of monkeys. Still they possess indigenous skill of hunting in the forest, however the actual practice of hunting has diminished to a great extent. Now, occasionally they catch rabbit or monkey with nets quite surreptitiously. Jungle is mainly used as a source of their food, fodder, medicine, and other forest produce which they collect and sell in the market. Earlier they used to procure materials for the construction of houses (small conical temporary leaf hut and semi-permanent hut) when they lived inside the forest. Now the Birhor under present study live in the houses built by the government. With the change of place of habitat the Birhor livelihood practices began to change. This change has been well reported in earlier studies (Adhikary 1984, Sinha 1999, Pankaj 2008, Sahay 2009, Bose 2016). Pankaj (2008) has stated that in spite of dependence on forest, the Birhor are engaged in tractor driving, labourer work, part-time agricultural work, brick-kiln industry etc. Mat and rope making is another income generating activity. In the present study, one finds that the forest is still the main source of their livelihood. The work participation rate is 65.2 per cent. The male and female working populations greatly vary, the work participation rates are 84.6 per cent and 44.5 per cent respectively for males and females. 43 per cent of the Birhor working men are engaged in collections from forest. The fuel wood and other minor forest produces are collected and sold in the market. They collect barks of the trees, from which they prepare ropes for market and personal use. Proportionately women are more dependent on forest as 53.06 per cent of the working women are engaged in collecting forest products. Day labourer is the next important category of occupation in which 38.4 per cent of the working men and 32.7 per cent of working women are seen to be employed. Day labourers include agricultural labourer, working under road or building contractor, helper in track or tractor etc. Agricultural work is still having insignificant contribution to their economy. The land distributed to them by the government is not arable at times or the people lack the means and skill to work on these patches of land. However, a section of the present Birhor men interviewed informed the author that they would do agricultural work if they would have access to agricultural land. The service in regular paid job with monthly salary occurs in least frequency among the occupational categories mentioned above. It is only 2.03 per cent of total working population of the Birhor who are employed in any service. Of them, only one Birhor man is in government job in Group –D post. The regular service could be a motivating factor behind their persuasion of higher studies as a section of the youth opines that service is always preferred to other jobs because it assures them a regular income. Others category includes various emerging avenues of income. They are now engaged in substantial number in making ropes with threads extracted from plastic packing bag. Some of the Birhor youth migrate to work under some labourer contractor 310 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) outside the state for a few months in a year. In addition to these above mentioned occupations, their income economy is supported by the income from rearing of pigs, fowls etc. given to them by the government under different welfare schemes. The data collected in the present study cannot be fully compared with the data of the Census because the latter’s enumeration does not keep any category of collection of forest produce or Rope making. But one has to pay attention to these pursuits if one would want to depict the true picture of their economic activities. However, the present study bears much similarity so far as the general trends of economic activities identified in the other studies (Debbarman 2015, SKBU 2018). It is seen that dependence on agriculture has not increased despite the best efforts of the government. The percentage of people engaged in agriculture has also not increased. There is only a marginal increase in the service from 1.04 per cent (2013, Debbarman 2015) to 2.03 per cent. Of the other income generating activities, rope making has assumed an important place. It can be noted here that rope making has been one of the traditional economic pursuits of the Birhors. From the nature of the occupations of the Birhor, a glaring contrast between the development target and actual practice can be noticed. Experiences of Development The government’s initiative to settle Birhor dates back to 1958 when a few Birhor families were settled by the Government of West Bengal in Bhupatipally under Baghmundi block. Still , it is the largest Birhor settlement in Purulia district. Later a number of special schemes for the Birhor were launched. Under the CCD plan, more focused approach was adopted for the development of these people. The government has built houses for them, constructed concrete road, made provisions for drinking water, and gave them sanitary latrine. One finds that a number of schemes for development of the Birhor in Purulia have been initiated by the government in last two financial years (2016-2017 in Table 6 and 2017-2018 in Table 7). The fund allocation for development schemes for the Birhor in the financial year 2017-2018 has been increased to almost double the amount sanctioned in the previous annual plan period. The nature of allocation has been shown in the following table.From the tables 6 and 7, it is quite clear that though funds have been allocated for various developmental activities among the Birhor, there is a yawning gap between the actual scenario at the ground level and the developmental inputs in terms of fund invested. A case study of the Bersa village would reflect how the schemes launched by the government are reaching them. … We don’t know which particular patch of land belongs to whom. Nine families of this village have received patta from the government. Some DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 311 two years back we were given goats for rearing. We have not received any training from the government in agricultural practices. We have not given any fishing equipment or accessories. Our houses were repaired two years back. No medical team visits us. Only Asha worker comes to our village. The government has given each of us brick-built one roomed house. It has also constructed road in our settlement. Five of our children are staying in Ekalabya School Hostel in Purulia. They were given books, pen and pencils. But the children who go to the local school have not received bag or books or other things like pen, pencil, and exercise books. No awareness or health camp has been organized in our place. Two water sources are there in our hamlet. One is out of order for long. Another has stopped functioning for two days. … It is a fact that government has distributed 10 decimal of land to each of the nine families through forest patta (deed of land) in J.L. No.21 (Mouza: Bersa) in the Plot No.101 in 2016. However, these lands are yet to be demarcated to the families. Government officials who were interviewed told the author that they had plans to fence their(Birhor) land after demarcating them. The worst thing about this land is that these are classified as ‘Jhuri jungle’ land in government record, which is not suitable for any good agricultural work. Not only that the land records are not up to date or corrected since there are death of patta receiver or mistake in the name of the patta holder. With regard to development schemes, very often there is no concern over the ground reality in formulating plans for them or translation of the schemes into reality. There are provisions for ten facilitators for generating awareness among them through ‘Information, Education and Communication’ (IEC). One already knows from the case studies that the Birhor have not seen any such programme into operation in their village. The non-implementation of such programme can also be understood from the possession of SCI as discussed later. The plan for the free coaching for competitive examination for 45 students at 10+2 and graduate level is another eye-wash since there is only 3 students fulfilling the requisite eligibility. Another example of such improper planning is the provisions for distribution of mosquito net to 200 Birhor families, when only around 100 Birhor families are residing in five hamlets altogether. The fund however small could have a better utilization. Again, there is provision for providing training on improved agricultural methods while the patta holders do not know which one is their land for doing agricultural work. If improper planning is one aspect of the development initiatives, the other aspect is their non-implementation at the real sense. One already knows that no facilitator, or medical teams visit them. The children are not getting the school stationeries. The houses are not regularly repaired. The livestock distribution is also not regular or done once in a blue moon. If one goes on summing up the number of houses allocated to them each year and fund allocated for their repairing the total number would outnumber the families residing in the Birhor settlements. In a situation of fund allotment for repairing, one must expect that the houses would also remain 312 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) well maintained. But if one visits cursorily in any of the settlements of the Birhor, he or she would notice the cracks on the wall or other marks of damage that need immediate repairing. The mechanized rope making unit was not in the sight in the hamlets visited. The report submitted by the SKBU (2018) also identified the non-implementation of development schemes as conceived in black and white. But, it is undeniable that the development intervention and frequent interactions with the outside agencies have caused many changes in their livelihood. Changes in the Livelihood The changes in the livelihood pattern can be discerned well by comparing the present conditions of living of the Birhor with that of the way of life of these people depicted in the studies done earlier. There is a consistent record that this PVTG has been studied more or less adequately from time to time. On the bases of these two major groups of data – one roughly more than fifty years old and another more recent - the salient features of the changes have be shown in a nutshell in Table 8. Table 8 basically presents a comparative view of the different dimensions of the changing facets of the Birhor life. State has now been playing a crucial role in deciding the nature and future of their economy. With the directed changes, the Birhor are emulating or trying to emulate the ethos of the neighbouring non-tribe people. The features of changes mentioned in Table 8 are structural – both at the social and at the cognitive levels. The changes in the nature of subsistence activities have been instrumental in generating new social formations. These social formations require all kinds of material and non-material possessions (including knowledge and skills) to sustain them. In the Birhor case of the state played the main role in bringing in the changes. The state’s interventions are perceptible in they Birhor they are responding to the government institutions and are connecting with them. The nature of material possession and State Conferred Identities reflect their connectedness with the larger social and politico-economic milieu. Material Possession The material possession is an indicator of the level of development and socio-economic conditions(Table 9). The Birhor possess some of the material items that contemporary urban and rural societies in India are used to. The type of material items on which data has been presented here include a range of possession that would indicate the way of life people are familiar with. The bi-cycle as a means of commuting occurs most frequently (16.9%), whereas the internet and computer, which are the pillars of today’s communication revolution, returned nil occurrence among the Birhor. Mobile phones have DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 313 penetrated them as we find that 13.8 per cent of them do possess mobile phones, and smart phones are gradually creeping in. Therefore, it can be said that they have already accepted the utilitarian value of the mobile phone and have networks with the outside world. On the basis of this possession of material goods, it can be inferred that they would positively respond to the further changes for economic betterment, directed or spontaneous. State Conferred Identities (SCI) During colonial rule the category of tribe or caste was separately enlisted in schedules for the first time. The Government of India (Scheduled Caste) Act, 1936 identified 76 castes many of which are now enlisted as Scheduled Tribes. The Constitution (Scheduled Tribe) Order, 1950 scheduled seven tribes for the first time. Thus scheduling has become an important process of conferring identity to the tribe by the state. This conferment of identity has also become meaningful and rewarding for a group because this entails a number of benefits for the community. An individual belonging to Scheduled Caste (SC) or Scheduled Tribe (ST) is issued a Caste Certificate upon the application submitted by the concerned person. Now the application can only be submitted through online mode. Therefore, possession of caste certificate also requires awareness about the mode of procurement and availability of infrastructure. In case of the present Birhor population under study, the people live in the interior areas of the state. The low frequency of the caste certificate among them reflects that there may be lack of awareness, infrastructure or assistance. Whichever of the above three or some or all of them are lacking, it tells about the level of response to development. On enquiry during fieldwork, the author came to know that no awareness generating activity or special drive has been done in their area. Besides this the identity of an individual as well as a group is also established by other forms of documentary evidences such as Aadhar card, ration card, voter card, etc. These identities as conferred by the state to the individual and communities have been termed as State Conferred Identities (SCI) (Bandyopadhyay 2017). For these SCIs, cards or papers are issued for different purposes. State Conferred Identities (SCI) are documents which are issued by the state and may be used for the purpose of establishing the identity or claim particularly for the purpose of enjoying the benefits distributed by the state for its citizens and others. Again, one can notice differences in the percentages of the availability of these documents (SCI). We find that a great majority of the population possessess ration card and Aadhar card. But most pervasive among these documents is EPIC or voter card (Table 10). Ration card is essential for every individual for availing the benefits of getting rice and wheat from government under PDS at highly subsidized rate. Aadhar number is the most sought after evidence for multiple purposes like residential proof, opening of bank account, applying for certificate or license etc. On the other hand, bank 314 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) account is necessary for availing the benefits of financial assistance from the government apart from depositing one’s own money. The number of bank account is much less than the number of working population. Again nearness to bank, urban employment, and education are important factors behind higher percentages of bank account in a village. However, in the present study the implication of comparatively lesser number of bank accounts is that a good number of people who are part of the working population do not possess bank accounts. A marginal group of people like them usually do not generate any or substantial surplus money for saving. Therefore, they generally do not open bank account since they do not make any transactions through bank. Thus, bank account, apart from indicating people’s practice of saving and surplus income also indicates two things in their case: i. Students are getting financial assistance from the government and ii. People are getting development assistance from the government. But the present scenario brings before us a different picture that does not match the high sounding claims that adequate development has already been done. Where people live almost under subsistence level, there the bank account opening cannot be done until and unless there is an obvious necessity. Another pitiable aspect of the development scenario among them is the absence of insurance cover. It may tell heavily upon the security of life of these people. In fact we do not have any data on the availability of life insurance or insurance among the tribal people in India, however, they should be the real people who are in dire need of such coverage. Among the Birhor, we find that only 1.5 per cent of the total population is covered by life insurance. Conclusion The development plans and programmes launched immediately after the Independence of the Country had their ideological roots in liberal schools of economics. Government’s plans like CDP, TSP, ITDP, MADA necessitated a greater role of the state for the development of the tribal people. The settlement of the Birhor in a colony was the result of this developmental approach. It was assumed that the measures like this would certainly initiate modernization process among them. It was true that some new values crept into the life of the people resulting in new ambitions and goals among them. But why the entrepreneurial and innovative skill could not be much developed among them can be explained well through Marxist analysis of their economy. Still some members of their community fared better than others and cultural causation theory is a good fit in explaining such cases. The process and goals set in by the modernization cannot work in favour of the people in an unequal condition of dominant-dominated relationship. The dependence on the economically powerful countries by the third world countries result in a prioritization of goals unsuitable for the backward sections of the people in developing countries. The argument also holds true for the Birhor. The DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 315 development of the Birhor in the line of a general set of development model therefore yielded adverse consequences for them. From the ground level experiences of development as revealed through the present study, it is seen that many of the development measures have failed to yield desired result leaving some imbalances in their livelihood. In the jungle, they would have their own way of dealing with the challenges of life which were either in their control or were in the control of the supernatural power with whom the Birhor negotiated. When they were settled out of the forest under planned development, they become subject to many forces and agencies about which they had no idea. This left them in a ‘betwixt and between’ condition – somewhat of social liminality – that is full of ambiguity – they do not know where they are actually led to. This ambiguity of existence has generated a new kind of ‘worldview’ about which the earlier authors had no idea obviously. So, when they began to interact with the present author in fatalistic terms, She came to realize that they have resigned to fate despite of having some incipient ambitions which if properly nurtured would have proved positive for development initiative. They have a faint idea that money comes for them for development, but no real change occurs as the fund seems to have evaporated in the mid way. Gradually they have reasoned that no real betterment in terms of development would occur. On the other hand, the government continues on pouring the fund for their development without taking the ground realities into consideration. The government, as a social welfare state, has its obligation for dispensing equitable justice. The positive discrimination and special fund for the backward sections of the people clearly indicate this stance of the government. On the other hand, under the pressure of neoliberal system, government is also opening its economy to the market forces and moving towards more privatization and de-regulation. The government has also introduced private property rights among the Birhor who had their subsistence based on communal rights of property. The SCIs are in a sense recognition of individual identity. Therefore, government’s position is also in ‘limen’ – betwixt and between- with regard to the development of this people. It is the strength and capability of the Indian economy that would decide how far government may strike a balance between these forces of neo-liberal economy and welfare-state economy. If government truly values its resources, the plans should have been chalked out considering not only the actual needs of the people, but also keeping in mind the measures to reach them to fulfill those needs. After assessing whether the plan outlets have reached them or not, next cycle of plan should have been launched. It is not the fact that the Birhor do not accept modern medicine or reluctant to start agriculture, what they actually want is the proper designing of plans considering the realities at the ground level and their proper coordination and implementation. 316 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 1 Birhor settlements and their population in Purulia, West Bengal.2 Name of Settlement Male Population Female Population Total 124 127 251 36 28 64 Bhupatipalli Bareria Mahultanr 19 17 36 Bersa 22 17 39 Total [51.5]201 [48.5]189 [100.0]390 Source: Field Survey Table 2 Age-sex wise distribution of the Birhor population in Purulia Age–Group 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60+ 70+ 80+ Table Male Female Total 31 37 16 9 18 15 15 12 12 13 7 6 8 1 1 201 31 32 16 7 23 17 10 14 8 8 3 7 6 4 3 189 62 69 32 16 41 32 25 26 20 21 10 13 14 05 04 390 Source: Field Survey Table 3 Change of population of the Birhor in the area over different census periods Year Number 1981 198 1991 193 2001 265 2011 288 Source: Census of India, Government of India DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 317 Table 4 Status of literacy of the Birhor in Purulia as per present study Gender Male Female Total Pre- Primary Upper school (I-IV) Primary (V-VIII) 16 18 34 (8.72) 46 37 83 (21.28) 32 21 53 (13.59) Secondary (IX-X) Higher Secondary (XI-XII) UG/PG Can Sign 5 7 12 (3.08) 2 0 2 (0.51) 1 0 1 (0.26) 11 11 22 (5.64) Illiterate Total 88 201 95 189 183 390 (46.92) (100.00) Source: Field Survey Table 5 Occupation of the Birhor people in Purulia Sex Agriculture Day Labourer Collecting Service Others Total 5 2 7 (4.73) 38 16 54 (36.48) 43 26 69 (46.62) 2 1 3 (2.03) 11 4 15 (10.14) 99 49 148 (100.00) Male Female Total Source: Field Survey Table 6 Development schemes for the Birhor of Purulia during 2016-2017 Sl. Development Schemes 1. Engagement of facilitator for one year to ensure 100% enrollment, IEC, TLM, ExerciseBook, school bag, pen/pencil, special coaching (1000 students) 2. Training on improved agricultural practices, vegetable production in poly house structure – tie up with activities of NHM 3. Seasonal fisheries activities in existing water bodies @15 per group 4. IEC – Health, education, livelihood awareness programme 5. Immunization of mother and child – tie up with H& FW Deptt. Cost for logistics for special camps 6. Creation of lift irrigation sources with 6.5HP diesel pump set with delivery pipe and other accessories – 3 units 7. Construction of ICDS centre in two villages in convergence with MGNREGS 8. Connecting road – 3 villages 9. Repair of dwelling houses – 35 families 10. Construction of sanitary latrines 15 families Total Source: BCW & TD Deptt., Government of West Bengal Amount Sanctioned (Rs. in Lakh) 10.00 5.50 1.50 2.00 0.25 6.00 10.00 5.00 8.50 1.50 318 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 7 Development schemes for the Birhor of Purulia during 2017-2018 Sl. Development Schemes Amount Sanctioned (Rs. in Lakh) 1. Services of 10 facilitators for one year to continue to ensure 100 enrollment, IEC – on health and livelihood. 6.00 2. Special coaching to students (10 +2 & graduates ) to continue – for competitive exams- Entry into government jobs/services (45 students may be benefitted) 11.25 3. Seasonal fisheries for 10 groups 10.00 4. Mechanized polypropylene rope making unit @ 5 lakh per unit – 5 units involving 25 families 25.00 5. Cattle rearing – goat @ Rs.7500/- per unit for 50 units 3.75 6. Repair of dwelling houses – 50 families 17.50 7. Repair of pen shade 50 units @ Rs.3500/- per unit 1.75 8. LLIN mosquito net to cover 200 families @ 2 net per family 1.60 9. Connecting road- 2.5 km 6.25 10. Sanitary latrine – 35 families 4.00 11. Drinking water source – 4( Mark IV standard) 9.00 Total 96.10 Source: BCW & TD Deptt. , Government of West Bengal Table 8 Changing facets of the life of the Birhor under present study Aspect Traditionally Depicted Present Situation Ecology Forest and Hill Fringe of the Revenue settlement unit, near to forest and hills. Habitation Kumbha – leaf houses, conical leaf-made temporary structure Permanent brick-built houses with corrugated or asbestos roof built by the government. Typological category Uthulu (nomadic) at the earliest time, uthulu and jaghghi (seminomadic to settled) Settled, a third category of rehabilitated or settled Birhor called Basalu predominating. Worldview Forest centric, moral community Less Forest –centric, substantially market oriented, ‘rational’ market economy. Structural formation Ecological framework Formal structural framework centered on networks and connections beyond forest – ecological setting. contd. table 8 DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE AND LIVELIHOOD... 319 Aspect Traditionally Depicted Present Situation Social/ Community organization Gemeinshaft at forest based habitation Geseilshaft in village situation. Group size Small in a tanda suitable for forest hunting and foraging economy Comparatively large settlement i.e. larger group size. Occupation Initially a complete huntergatherer, then with limited exchange, barter system. Occupation confined to the use of limited resources at their disposal (rope making, etc.) Forest collections, agriculture and daily wage labourer.Diversification and plurality. Education No literacy. Then basic education Rate of literacy has substantially confined to primary level and increased. Near universal literacy non-formal education. among the present generations. Connectivity Inaccessibility. Little interaction with the outside world. Connected. Road to the Birhor settlement has been constructed by the government. Mobile phone is in use. Development response Indifferent. Ignorant. Disinterested. Interested. Responsive. Zealous. State Conferred Identities Insignificant. Relevant. Orientation Communal sense of property. Non-accumulative. Sense of personal property. Zeal for possessing the property present. Table 9 Nature of material possession among the studied Birhor population Sl.No Item Number Percentage 1 Mobile Phone 54 13.8 2 Smart Phone 2 0.5 3 Computer 00 00 4 Internet 00 00 5 Bi-cycle 66 16.9 6 Motor Bike 1 0.3 7 Television 5 1.3 8 Cooking Gas 1 0.3 Source: Field Survey 320 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 10 Availability of SCIs among the Birhor as revealed through the present study Sl.No Item Number Percentage 1. Voter Card 183 46.9*(85.92) 2. Ration Card 296 75.9 3. Caste Certificate 13 3.34 4. Aadhar 275 70.5 5. PAN 6. 7. Source: 3 0.8 Bank Account 85 21.8 Life Insurance 6 1.5 Field Survey (*If we deduct the population up to 18 years, then the overall percentage of people having voter card would 85.92 per cent of the total Birhor population belonging to voting age.) NOTES 1. The poorest of the poor section of the tribal communities were identified for the first time for special developmental assistance during 1975-76, and after 1993 these communities - - total 75 in number - were named Primitive Tribal Groups(PTG) which was later renamed as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG). 2. The total Birhor population including the Dakai is 402 with total …males and ….females. However, the present quantitative data has been presented on 390 souls covered through direct census enumeration. 3. Originally the survey was conducted in the year 2013 , Debbarman,2015, P.7. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT University Grants Commission – SAP(DRS-I), Government of India for financial support in fieldwork. 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Bromley 1975 “The Mobile-Sedentary Continuum”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 65(3).461-471. Dhiraj Kumar and Niharranjan Mishra PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE Introduction In a context of globalization and neoliberalization, the nation states of the global world are increasingly confronted with the new pace of commercialization. Various large scale actors including state itself, capitalist body and entrepreneurs are looking at nature to produce it again and again to generate quantitative growth and surplus. In this neoliberal postmodern era, it seems that nature became subordinate subjects of the state developmental agenda. The role of the state in shaping the nature is much greater than earlier. The paper would attempt to discuss the state role in producing a socio- political nature. It is a fact that the rapid changes in technological and social area problematize the idea of nature. Nature independence is at danger end and if it continue to decline in future at this pace then production of nature become a norm (Castree, 1995; Bryant& Bailey (1997); and Escobar (1996). In this vein Aidan Davison (2001:66) has mentioned the assertion of Bill McKibben who told that nature has ended. For greening the nature along with quantitative development, the Brundtland report reformulated the concept of growth as sustainable development but economic development serves top position in comparison to environment or ecology (Padel 2013). The conceptualization of nature as wilderness or as untouched, virgin, less machinery is losing their explanatory power. So there is needed to look at the social reality of development of contemporary era that has rooted in capitalism. Capitalism was a gradually global economic system and political ecology insights seemed to have a vital applicability and relevance to explore a materialized nature whose root is in capitalism. In this vein, for capitalism, Amin (2006) has mentioned two kinds of discourses to understand the root of capitalism. Firstly he talked about the CMP; capitalist mode of production and his emphasizes on the class struggle, class formation etc. then he moved onward and argues about the vary dimension of capitalist reality that promotes unequal distribution. For Samir Amin (2010) it is ‘’actually existing capitalism’. Capitalism creates its own barriers to growth by destroying its DHIRAJ KUMAR, Research Fellow, Department of HS, NIT Rourkela, E-mail: dhirajsociology@gmail.com and NIHARRANJAN MISHRA, Associate Professor, Department of HS, NIT Rourkela, E-mail: niharhcu@gmail.com 326 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) own ecological condition of production. Nature is a contested term and it means that different things to different people (Ginn & Demeritt 2008). Different scholar defines nature in their own ways and the different meaning of the nature is as essence, material place external to humanity and universal laws. But the present study will use political ecology lens to describe nature and it will be discussed later in other part of the study. Escobar (1999) argues that nature is socially constructed. There is no real nature and it is made up of the political economy and ecology. Ecology is the base of the condition of the nature production. In this process first the external physical condition and the natural elements entering into capital. Through the framework of political ecology, the paper will discuss the way state interacts with ‘social nature’ and in this vein the endeavour of this paper is to reappraise nature and state. How State Produce Nature: Emerging Sites of Political Ecology The word nature is perhaps the most complex in the [English] language’ (Williams 1985). Nature is a complex concept because it differs from animals to human to non-human entities and it goes beyond. Nature has a multiple meaning and dimension. This section will demonstrate the meaning of social nature and my endeavor is to demarcate the discussion of nature into following question; How nature is constructed, produced and a subject of accumulation. Smith (1984: 18) observes, “Nature separate from society has no meaning. Defining nature is a complex, multiple and highly political process (Goldman & Turner 2011). It can be observed by looking at the knowledge, management of a nature. State impact on nature is a kind of decision making processes and politics of a sovereign state to legitimize the neoliberal economic agenda of capitalism. Appadurai (1986) argues that nature may exist outside the society, but as a resource it has a social life. The ‘social life of the resource’ is better understood as part of ‘government’ (Rose 1999) rules, technologies, rationalities and institutions. For example, Shiva (1986) has posited that ‘rich forests and common land category were considered ‘waste’ in the pre-colonial time. Shiva (1986:613) refers wasteland as a land category that did not generate revenue, but new state legislature of the land made land as a revenue generator. Nature has a cultural value and in the broader sense it has assumed that its value resides in their material use value. Value and ethics of the resources determine the solidarity of the state economy. The waste land, forest land and revenue land all came in the reign of the capitalist economy to generate surplus. Gadgil and Guha (1992) argue that Modernity gave nature a social life by investing too much into its geography. Also, to Ludden (2003), nature may begin its social life in state territorial domains where several legislatures, policies mobilized the natural resources from hand to hand, place to place, and give the social and cultural identity to nature and its resources. The politics over accessing the natural resources treat identities, ‘interest’, which is a product PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 327 of the modern economy. Baviskar (2008:7) further added that culture determines the identity and interest of the individual or the community; ‘itself as a site of political struggle. So, it is necessary to look into the social life of the nature. Political ecology as a theoretical framework able to explore the politics over nature because political ecology itself is rooted in production of nature that mainly have carried the issues of economic, social and cultural along with the political to understand the way nature is produced or reproduced by the state and capitalist bodies. It helps to understand the politics that produce the nature and after what produced by it (Neumann 2014:120). The state mainly the modern one, a capitalist one, is developed gradually from the 18 century onward. Controlling the nature and access to land and resources appears to a sustainable kind of state agendas. It is a fact that the national park, biodiversity conservation, dam construction and major ecological project are in the place where ecological natives lived from time immemorial but the resource and nature valuation affect the ways people lives. Pelusco in DuPuis et al. (1996: 136) mentions that A state or state agency’s capacity to enforce this construction of tamed and wild places, and of legitimate and illegitimate users, has both political and economic consequences, affecting the state’s perceived legitimacy locally and internationally. Cindi Katz in Braun and Castree (2005) observed that nature is for state is an accumulative strategy. He observed nature from the instrumentalist view and mention that nature is the source of value. State has a capital purview in the nature. Cindi Katz (2005) has mentioned three observations on accumulative strategy. Nature seems as an arena for investment in future, secondly he talked that to secure the interest of investment at all scales nature has been commodified and finally he talked about the restructuring of the traditional means and mode of access. To understand nature as a reserve, pristine, forest are always constructed, produced and historical. Nature became an event of resource commodities what Polanyi has told as fictitious commodities. Today socialized nature a kind of nature in itself is human created i.e. biodiversity reserves and park zone and forest ranges are the historically produced and socially constructed through knowledge power discourses. Neoliberal state relation with the nature is a kind of politics that serve the socio natural relation of the capitalist process. The process of politics can be seen as once nature and its resources are being territorialized and set aside in governable space in the name of development, public interest and public purposes or getting accumulated by other means to set up the industry. As a process it also normalizes the fictitious commodities. In this vein, Watts et al. (2010) call it as commodification of everything. In the era of neoliberalism, conservation and privatization is mutually mixed up by the state. State make a park, ecological zone, bank of diversity and also work for preserving the natural resources at the same time state 328 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) allow extracting industry to generate more capital. Nature which is aside the local people became alien. State did it through several legislature and policy. State making of ecological zones, national park or preservation is an imperative kind of accumulative strategy of state. Preservation is the state politics and it show that nature can be located, fixed and produced outside the common societal culture. The undisturbed nature which nurtures the people and society are vanished by the state. State produced a politics of exclusion and inclusion in which ecological native who live in laps of nature from time immemorial are excluded and state along with capitalist bodies get included. Timothy Luke (1995) talked about the politics of preservation. He observed a case that the land preserved in the name of environment conservation will serve as memorials of environmental exploitation. The government policies on preservation and ecological restoration including ecological niche park is also for the administrative setup what Peluso and Vandergeest in Peet et.al (2011:264) observed a specific case from Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia and argued that “taking the jungle out of the forest.” They show how state set a boundary between forests and agricultural land and how forest became a political forest in which preservation and ecological restoration is a kind of state action to push nature into governable territory. Restoration is a resocialization of the nature (Kitz in Braun & Castree 2005) and both preservation and restoration of ecology is to serve the project of global neoliberalism. He mentions that preserves or national park were means of ennobling wasteland or landscapes that promised little in the way of potential resource extraction.... (2005:48) and the preservation of nature is a kind of state politics to give an environmental value to the nature. For Mahony (1992) the role of state to arrange a nature to produce more abstraction shows imperialism redux via nature. Arranging nature means that state fix or consolidates the nature of access through enclosure, territorialization and legislation. The mapping of the nature is not proceeding in linear forms. Many times it may be exercised through mechanism of public concern or by conflict. Rod Neumann (2014) explores the biodiversity conservation through political ecology lens and he mentions that it is a strategy that is anchored in the proprietary claims of the state. It is widely acknowledge that for centuries that a non-state people have enjoyed accessed and occupied the nature harmoniously but the rise of modern state and the need of defining territory produced a new kind of ecological citizenship. Neumann (2014) mentions the mechanism of state in utilization of natural resources. In this vein, he gave an example of Yellowstone the world first national park that was established in 1872. State territorial claim is a kind of political claim. It is because state wants to govern the nature which has a material and economic value in the neoliberal era. The contemporary developmental politics has root in neoliberalism and neoliberalism has a feature of accumulation that dispossesses the commons. So keeping in mind the politics of neoliberalism the succeeding section will try to emphasis on the strategy of neoliberalism. PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 329 Neoliberalism as a Developmental Strategy for Nature Accumulation Neoliberal structuring aims to expand the capital accumulation. Accumulation and legitimization is the dual role of the political state to serve neoliberal interests. The neoliberal structuring is done through financialization of capital that facilitates dispossession. It has deepened the Marx concept of Primitive accumulation. Like Marx, for Harvey (2009) argues for process of accumulation through dispossession. The use of Harvey concept shows how the competitive mechanism of market regulated and imposed by state restructured the property relation. The institutionalization of the natural resource and nature is the new form of state logic for growth. For growth, the pressure of global capitalism forced state to commoditize the nature. Robert W. Mc Chesney (1999) defines neoliberalism as a kind of capitalism. He aptly argued that it as a political economic paradigm of contemporary time period. He goes further and mentions that Neoliberalism is indeed “capitalism with the gloves off.” Neoliberalism is a kind of developmentalism in this era in which capitalist forces are stronger and more aggressive, and face minimal organized opposition than ever before. Its only happens when state facilitates the vision of neoliberalism on common ground. Nothing exists when Neoliberalism operates in naturalized setting of society. As a result, the neoliberalism as developmental strategy is increasingly difficult to challenge, and therefore, public sphere, civil society (nonmarket, noncommercial, and subsistence nature) barely exists at all. Neoliberalism operates - not only as an economic system, but as a political and cultural system as well as ideological system. Neoliberal democracy, with its notion of the market interest is more than the interest of others (ueber alles). Neoliberalism wants citizen to be consumers. Neoliberalism became an ideological fuel for capitalism and it is also related to mode of production debates. Not going in depth of debate on mode of production. I am going to discuss briefly about the capitalist mode of the production (CMP) to give more emphasize on the way state interacts with nature interaction. CMP produced and reproduced the existing societal reality. CMP is the structural logic of the neoliberal state to deal with nature or society. The role of the state is to serve the bourgeoisie interest and produced a regulative mechanism that caused a particular class rule. The development of modern nation-states can be seen from the dialectical interaction between societal economy and the state (Liodakis 2010). The feature of the CMP is to so dominant. The exploitation of the capital, nature and the extensive reproduction, commodification and accumulation of man and capital is the feature of the CMP itself where problem lies State through vice and virtue and by using the technology as a mediating factor to exploit the labour and nature. This all is done for developing the capital. Traditional society with a neutral character of technology is accumulated by the productive forces of CMP (a feature of state economy). The rapid extraction of the natural resources led countless problem i.e. poverty, marginalization, destitution and unemployment etc. 330 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) The nature of neoliberalism has been redistributive rather than generative. Harvey (2007) argues neoliberalism serves for particular class and bourgeoisie state interest. The concept of accumulation by dispossession shows the political tactic of state. By this, he has deepened the Marxian notion of primitive accumulation as i have discussed earlier. His notion includes (1) the commodification and privatization of land and the forceful expulsion of peasant populations (as in Mexico and India in recent times); (2) conversion of various forms of property rights (common, collective, state, etc.) into exclusively private property rights (2007:34) the subsistence economy get transformed by the juggernaut1 of neoliberalism. Instead of citizens, neoliberalism produces consumers. Instead of communities, it produces shopping malls. The net result is an atomized society of disengaged individuals who feel demoralized and socially powerless. In sum, neoliberalism is the immediate and foremost enemy of genuine participatory democracy. The neoliberal policy enables state to accumulate nature, where power relations clearly play to transform the nature. Barry Smart (2010) has mentions the work of weber and Veblen to discuss of modern capitalist system. He mentions the features of capitalism to consume natural resources. Smart mentions Weber who argued that material goods are given priority over human life in capitalism. State is in hurry to produce a productive future for the static nature. State claims are kind of environmental politics. Goldman & Turner (2011) termed it as politics of knowledge. The knowledge is produced, funded and advertised to serve the purpose of neoliberal state economy. Political ecology and state discourses particular on science and technology are new emerging field of academic inquiry. Political ecology has focused primarily on the politics that works for nature production, commodification, conservational and the economics related to nature and its products. The study argues state engage nature into many ways. To support the statement, we assume that nature is perceived or studied and valued by different social groups in different manner. It depends on the assumptions, vision, and management technique that have been imposed on nature by several actors. Among all actor state is sovereign one. To employ political ecology as a study discipline for my present study, we would like to mention the feature and the cross disciplinary nature of political ecology. It mainly focused on the politics behind the use and control of natural resources, environmental change, degradation and its representations. It favors to consider of the political over the ecological issue. It emerged from the inter alias of cultural ecology and political economy and also get insight from the neomarxism. Blaikie & Brookfield (1987) argue the origin of political ecology has economic and political roots. They observed it during the study of land degradation of the developing country. Political ecology as framework is fueled by its attraction to scholars of multidisciplinary backgrounds for drawing connections between social and ecological change. The paper employs political ecology because it mainly focuses on the power relation and political, economic process producing knowledge about nature and mediating knowledge, politics PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 331 of access, domination dispossession etc. The paper also chosen development context because Political ecology as a theoretical approach continues to be associated with the politics of development. Political ecology gets reflection of the range of academic work mainly from the geography, sociology, and anthropology. Blaikie (2012) defines political ecology as a critique involving gaps between the rhetoric reality and the less than reality, and between intention and outcome. State and Socialized Nature: Putting Politics first in Political Ecology There has been an expansion of interest in state nature relation within sociology, anthropology and geography. It is spurred by the rich optimist analyses of ecology and development issues within the global state. The analyses of these issue emerged out of the intermarriage of cultural ecology and political economy of resource use that also be a reason of the birth of political ecology. Political ecology also designs from the political economy of development, Marxism and post-structuralism that encompasses a diversity of theoretical and methodological approaches. At the heart of the political ecology, the idea of politics, power and domination should be analytical superiority of place. Political ecology deals with the way in which production of knowledge about nature is mobilized and contested politically. This knowledge includes ecological processes of making a zone, park and reserve. Some time it often combine understandings of physical processes with social histories of the development that has been transformed the nature. Further, the primacy of politics shows that the research field of political ecology considers political over the natural. Indeed it is a fact that political ecology seeks to understand the politics of environmental change, production of nature, and developmental politics along with the politics of societal change. Yet, political ecology tries to give more focuses on politics as a part of attempt to understand the changes and environmental problems. In my study I also attempt to focus on politics because the ingredient of politics determine the eco social problem as Bryant and Bailey (1997:4) mention All ecological projects and arguments are simultaneously political- economic projects and vice versa. Ecological arguments are never socially neutral any more than socio- political arguments are ecologically neutral. Looking more closely at the way ecology and politics interrelate than became imperative if we are to get a better handle on how to approach environmental/ ecological question. [Harvey in Bryant and Bailey (1997:4] After discussing the role of politics in political ecology research, this paper is going to talk about nature and state from the perspective of political ecology. Political ecology share a perspective of political economy but adopt a varieties of approaches in describing or investigating the ecological process, issues, episodic events and the human state interaction what Blaikie and Brookfield 332 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) (1987) termed political ecology as a ‘plurality of purpose and flexibility of explanations’. The preceding discussion talks about the role of politics in political ecology research. Now the succeeding discussion has attempted to discuss how nature lived in state boundary. Nature lives in state territorial domain. It directs our attention to how state is able to hold on to land, forest and other natural resources. State is major neoliberal actors who produce a bundle of powers and mechanism to maintain the power relation and restricting access. In this vein this section discuss about the socialized nature (a social nature) that is produced in state domain. Social nature is made from two assumptions. The first is that nature itself is not natural – whether it’s been in the form of resources, natural body or natural hazards. Second, nature in itself is changeable and social. We can see it in this world through saturated power and inequality. Eric Swyngedouw’s (1999) the concept of ‘socionature’ is to explore the benefits as well as the challenges of a more relational, non-dualistic sociological analysis of society and nature (see also Goodman, 2001). From these perspectives, ‘nature’ is not a separate category that is acted upon and then revealed, especially in it’s for Sociology of ‘Socionature’ that refers nature is in a commodified form. Rather, proposing that the nature is constituted by interconnected act who form networks and that act and include both humans and nonhumans, united in particular actor-networks, socionature offers a more multifaceted and openended understanding of the world. Neoliberal state has multiple interests and for serving its interests state work both inside and outside the economy. it can be seen through the ways state involve in contradictory process of intervention, regulation and deregulation. As Castree (2001) illustrates that neoliberalism is paradoxical in theory and practical. His observation is based on understanding of conflated process of commodification, privatization and commercialization. State organizes its subjects including people and things). State does it in the ways to make subjects easier to govern. Nature is a green capital (Scott, 2011). His study deals with development which is translated in privatization of the resource. Nature is a source of generating economic wealth and the exploitation of the nature by bourgeois is the main aim of capitalist society. The role of the state is to provide a necessary condition through natural wealth and nature can be abstracted. State as a social system that seeks to maintain the internal cohesion (2010:43) State has a bureaucratic rationality and capitalist state shared a neoliberal ideology to do the economic intercourse. State role in neoliberal era is to provide a material conditions under the market utilization of nature can be proceed. Class interest conflict power access and marginalization alienation is the subtheme of the Marxist analysis of the nature state relation. The nature of neoliberalism has been redistributive rather than generative. Harvey (2007) said it because neoliberalism serves the class and bourgeoisie state interest. His concept of accumulation by dispossession shows the politics strategy of state. By this, he adds in the Marxian notion of primitive accumulation. The notion includes (1) the commodification and privatization PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 333 of land and the forceful expulsion of peasant populations (as in Mexico and India in recent times); (2) conversion of various forms of property rights (common, collective, state, etc.) into exclusively private property rights (2007:34). For Foucault (2001) state action is a kind of governmentality. Applying the term ‘governmentality’, Arun Agarwal coined the term ‘’ environmentality’’. He used it to refer the knowledge, politics, institutions and subjectivities that come to be linked together to regulate environment and State power exists in multiple forms. Purdey (2010) mentions Gilpin definition of state and market. state is based on territoriality, loyalty, and exclusivity whereas market is based on functional integration and its work to locate economic activities which are more productive and profitable and state capture this processes and accumulate the capital to serve the interest. In capitalism, neo liberal market system is dynamic and expansionary. Taking about the features of capitalism as an apparatus Purdey (2010) mentions that it works beyond the production system not only it includes labour, land and capital but also incorporates every aspect of society into itself. He mentions that it is a processual phenomenon. It can be said that capitalism creates its own path dependency. Through democratic politics, state calculates the economic interest and it is especially encouraged by the capitalist democracy. Cohen and Rogers posit that prior to the particular interests of all actors satisfaction of the capitalist state is necessary condition for the satisfaction of all other interests within the system. Whitehead et.al (2007) mentions that in order to govern nature modern states have developed a range of specialist institutional division to manage and produce nature naturally. They mention that how state manage the nature through the bureaucratic administration and management. Managing nature and control over nature is the central subject of the state. Nature in state territory played a social life and the social life of nature is as in form of social cultural fabric. Whitehead et.al (2007:13) mention Foucault who refers Modern state as a governmental entity and it is characterized by the rational science of government, which is based upon the systematic collection of knowledge concerning that which is to be governed, and the use of that knowledge to ensure the ordered government of a particular person and territory through various techniques and tactics. The preceding discussion has attempted to talk about state interaction with nature and study observes that state interaction with nature is a processual event. The study has attempted to look at the processes through modern neoliberal state produced and reformed the nature. Framing is a similar kind of attempt that state made to transform nature. Framing is for the bracketing off of the nature and its objects. After discussing state politics of framing and knowledge production I would like to discuss the ways state interacts with nature and manufacture the power relation. The lens of political ecology suggests that state interact in a politicized 334 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) environment. The dimension of politicized environment as Bryant& Bailey (1997: 29) discussed is as below. Dimension of politicized environment Dimension Physical Changes Rate of Impact Nature of Political Human Impact responses Key concept Everyday Soil erosion, deforestation, salinization Gradual and may not even be perceived for a long time Cumulative and Livelihoods typically highly protests/ unequal; the resistance poor are the main looser Marginality Episodic Flooding high winds/ storm drought Often sudden May have Disaster but occasionally general impact relief drawn out but unequal exposure means that the poor are the main looser Vulnerability Gradual and Tends to have a Popular not necessarily general impact distrust of perceived but official also potentially experts unexpected Risk Systematic Nuclear fallout, pesticide concentration, biologically modified species The politics of modern state depend upon the two basic interrelated tendencies. Whitehead et al. (2007) calls it as centralization and territorialization. They mention that both are synonymous with the modern state apparatus. State, firstly, from the nature. The framing depends upon the state power and the production of Knowledge State through bureaucratic rationality, and knowledge bodies framed the nature. State became a central body of knowledge about nature. Centralization is a collection of knowledge to produce, manage and reproduce the reality. Knowledge legitimizes the power, in this vein, Scott (1988) has mentioned that state became a centre of calculation and the process of centralization is to make nature dynamic. Whitehead et.al (2007) refers Territorialization as the use of nature as a space to control and manage or to regulate. They told how territorialization of nature work through the authorized knowledge state construct and use knowledge politically. The politics of state is in question, however violence in name of resource access, control also help state to control people. The interaction of state nature is defined as what Mann (1984) called infrastructural power. In this vein, legal practice and management of nature is a kind of making a boundary objects (Forsyth 2003:141) and at the same time he argues that state administrative setup may be understood as boundary organization. PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 335 Political ecology became so important here because it questioning the state politicized role. Nature became an object of knowledge and state theologically determines nature. Determinism is a kind of political arrangement that serve a neoliberal interest of state. State intentionally arranges a territory and nature and hence the arrangement of nature can be understood as a political nature. I argue it as because state jurisdiction realizes territory as a state property. Nature became an object of knowledge and state theologically determined it. The boundary organisation is determined by the state. Giddens (1985) observed state as a reflectively monitored system of production. Reflective monitoring for Giddens is gathering of information, documentation and storage. it help state to advances its accumulative strategy. This kind of features of the state facilitates ordering of region, nature and time space. State reflective system manages control the social activity within its territory. Ron Johnston in Whitehead et al. (1996:37) argues that state act as a privileged institutional player to manage the nature. He explored that state features of accumulated administrative/ infrastructural capacity help to manage and regulate the nature. It is because state is only body which can reach into complexities and diversities of the nature. What state argued that through specialist knowledge producing bodies, laboratories and military able to deal with nature and in modern time state became an institutional manager of the nature. James Scott (1988) has provided an exploration about the role of state in the administrative management of the nature. The nature is politically manageable and state often undermined the local ecologies and local nature that had existed before. Weber’s analysis shows that state is a complex system of administrative structures. The observation of weber on state is as a differentiated set of institutions and personnel embodying 2) centrality in the sense that political relations radiate outwards from a centre to cover 3) a territorially demarcated area, over which it exercises 4) a monopoly of authoritative rule making, backed up by a monopoly of means of physical violence (quoted in Mann 1984: 185) whereas Driver (1991) has defined state from Marxian viewpoint. He has proposed three interrelated prepositions. Firstly he mentions that state is a super structural institution and the force of production is related to capitalist mode of production, in last he talks about the role of state in accumulation of a capital. Marxian assertion about state is nothing more than the apparatus that serves the capitalist interest. State role is to favour certain class interest and in neoliberalism state main focus is to favour certain class interest and at the same time state also reinforcing social alienation that can be observed in case of local social ecological scenario of ecology and ecological natives. Gramsci concept of political society is very nearer to the realist concept of State. Gill (1993) mentions that for Gramsci Political society is an institution which regulates society. At the same time Gramsci also make a distinction He refers state in an organic sense. The features of a state as society are the articulation of political and civil society. State hegemonies all keep them in governable 336 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) territory. State became a powerful actor amongst the all. State by making alliances, through power and knowledge capture the ideological structure of the society and at the same time giving assurance to subordinate community for their economic development. State domination on nature is based on what Stephen Gill (1993) has mentioned as a Fraudulent hegemony. State is hegemon and hegemonic state exercise domination over nature and society to serve their interests. Reinold (2012) mentions how hegemons actor exercises domination. He writes Hegemons might thus exert domination over marginalized segments of the society without ending the basis of their hegemony as long as the norms and the mores of the society at large legitimates such domination of pariah elements (Reinold 2012:29). He added in his statement and mentions how ruling class adjust its behaviour to maintain the consensual basis of the hegemony. Several legislatures or preservation policies and politics, inclusion, decentralization, participatory democracy is a kind of adjustment to facilitate the capitalist state interest. The ways state maintain its privileged position is as what Gramsci calls Fraudulent Hegemony. State to fulfil its capitalist interest develop a understanding about the societal requirement and at the same time try to capture the ideological realm by promising the assurance of economic development, right over natural resources or access of the nature. States as a dominated social group understand that hegemony need renewed regularly. So state produced a material concessions and at the very same time state also committed for the societal collective value. Conclusion The link with nature and increased state intervention through framing, knowledge production, planning, territorialization and centralization resulted marginalization. Environmental problem, land degradation, resource wars and conflict over resources is so common in these days. It is due to political repression and private capital accumulation. The new liberal policies and its accumulating character and the extraction of the natural resources for the production of surplus value is a second cultural logic of the capitalism. Capitalism and neoliberal policies of the state shapes the discussion of the nature. Nature is conceptualized as second nature, social nature, and humanized nature (Biersack and Green Berg 2006). Foster (1999) used the term metabolic rift to describe the new human environment which differs from the natural environment. He adds further and argues that the capitalist mode of production separates the human from the natural environment from which capitalist derive their subsistence and in return leads to its exploitation. Development involves the use of resources and their commodification. The political economy of land dispossession in neo-liberal regime can be conceptually defined as ‘accumulation by dispossession’ (Harvey, 2003) and ‘accumulation by encroachment’ (Patnaik, 2005). These two terms refers to a process whereby land, resources, services or knowledge that were considered individual or community property is acquired or privatized. PRODUCING SOCIAL NATURE: THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF STATE 337 Nature social property lives inside the geographies defines state ability to produce social forces that can make nature more productive, which can move in time and space has altered the preexisting social structure. Social nature in a capitalist state exists mainly for its investors and the common access to nature is strictly prohibited. The status of nature in capitalist society is in form of commodity fetishism or as an economic site. Ecological native peoples have been left in pervasive condition of marginality- their land, culture, resources and nature open to appropriation by others. It is because state and local people or group value resources for the different reason their interests and the ways of access are also likely to differ. State by valuation strategies often alienates the natives who have long histories of nature access. The state’s interests in nature are emerging issues of political ecology. Resource access, resource control, allocation, conflict, legitimate use of violence, degradation, competition over arenas of legitimacy, alienation, and management are the theme of political ecology. One should know that power and politics is the heart of political ecology and state action and interest are for power and economics. The state developmental politics and discourse on nature in name of conservation, park and biodiversity become a kind of contemporary lingo. Nature is constructed and produced in relation to exercise of power and control and the state plays a micro politics in the production of nature which can be varied from time and space. Political ecologist should adopt varieties of explanations and strategies to deal with these issues. . NOTE 1. Juggernaut (Giddens, 1990) refers it as fast moving and seemingly unstoppable force. BIBLIOGRAPHY Amin, S. 2006 Transforming the Revolution; Social Movements and the World-System. AAKAR books. 2010 Eurocentrism. NYU Press. Amin, S. Appadurai, A. (Ed.). 1988 The social life of things: commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge University Press. Blaikie, P. 2012 Should some political ecology be useful? 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Smith, N. 2008 Uneven development: Nature, capital, and the production of space. University of Georgia Press. Smriti Tandon MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR: RELIGION AND POLITICS IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA Introduction Space is not just about the illustration of spatial and geographical boundaries. It is also about the ‘aesthetic constitutions of the political’ (Jazeel, 2013: 154). Space may be symbolic, which is hegemonised by a certain ideology, much to the uneasiness of the ‘other’. Space may be occupying of cognitive structures, which result in the formation of new social groups or newer habitus. When the space is not merely a physical space, it may be created or mobilised. This created space produces forms of power and governmental frameworks for politics (Jazeel, 2013: 154). The Indian political history from the last several decades has been thwarted with mistrust between the majority Hindus and minority religions, especially the Muslims. The numerical dominance and cultural hegemony of one group has resulted in creating space in which religion can be used as a political weapon (Chandhoke, 2015: 20). The secular context The idea of secular was compounded with the receding of religion from the public domain. But this secularism did not fade away the religion. The French read into secularism – laicite – as a matter of national identity formed through the revolutions, where the ‘primacy of citizenship over devotion’ could be accepted (Calhoun, 2010: 1). In the rest of Europe, some institutional arrangement grants privilege to the authorised church. Madood (2012) called it ‘moderate secularism’, which was separation of church and state, yet some support for a given church. He further elaborated that ‘it is here, if anywhere, that a sense of crisis of secularism can be found’. Bhargava (2015: 58) adds to this that ‘substantive secularisation’ of European societies has led to extensive secularisation of European states. Irrespective of their religious affiliations, citizens here have access to ‘civil and political rights which are unheard of in religion – centered states, past or present’. He further points out that the immigration of Muslims in Europe has led to suspicion and doubts about secularism and reflects on the European bias towards Muslims. He believes SMRITI TANDON is a Ph.D. Research Scholar at the Centre for the Study of Social Systems at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, E-mail: smriti.tandon28@gmail.com 342 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) that Muslims will always be at a disadvantageous position as far as European secularism is concerned because the ideals of equality and individual freedom arose after religious homogenisation (Bhargava, 2015: 60). Attaturk’s Turkey tried to incorporate the French laicite as a modern value and breaking away from the internal Islamist politics. The prohibition of established churches, thereby protecting the religious differences and flourishing of all the religions, was a kind of secularism exemplified in the constitution of the United States of America (Calhoun, 2010: 3). The Indian secularism is different from that of the western idea of secularism. Gandhi sought secular through the organising principle of sarva dharma sambhava (which meant all religions should be treated equally) while Nehru preferred dharma nirpekshta (separation of religion and politics) while discussing secular. Madan (1987) believed that religion in India was a way of everyday life. So the concept of secularism, which meant separation of state and religion, was not really relevant in the Indian context. Nandy (2003: 3536), arguing on similar lines, suggested that the capacity to secularise society had reached its limits and this Nehruvian secularist agenda, which was being followed in India, or what he calls ‘official secularism’ tended to generalise the religio-cultural life world of the Indian society. Losonczi and Herck (2015: 1213) while discussing Nandy’s idea of secular point out that according to Nandy this official secularism had intentions of limiting the ‘democratic process by truncating the political personality of the citizen’. Nandy himself argued that this meant ‘pre-empting the creative role which politics might play with religious and cultural traditions […] and between politics and culture’ by separating them completely from each other. He explained that this strategy actually backfired in the Indian scenario as instead of keeping religion outside of politics, it forced it to enter politics by different means. He called it a ‘peculiar double-bind in Indian politics’ where the ‘ills of religion have found political expression’ but it has failed to keep a check on corruption and violence in public life through the moral groundings (Nandy, 2003: 37-41). Bhargava (2002) evoked the concept of ‘principled distance’ between state and religion to explain the distinctiveness of the Indian model of secularism. He argued that the Indian state was the facilitator to the religious practices that were followed by the citizens while maintaining that it could never have a religion of its own. Chatterjee (1998: 347) offered to view secularism as embedded in Western modernity and thereby employed by the Hindu nationalists in order to exclude religious and ethnic minorities from the public sphere of Indian modern institutions. They called the defenders of religious minorities as ‘pseudosecularist’ as the defenders spoke of tolerance within the domain of Hindu majority. Chatterjee puts together the model of ‘political tolerance’ wherein there would be political context for the groups to resist cultural homogenisation and push for democratisation from within (Chatterjee, 1998: 375). Another scholar whose work on ‘emergent secularism’ is well recognised is Bilgrami (1998: 475). He is of the view that secularism was imposed on the Indian MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 343 society instead of being negotiated among the various religious communities. He proposes a negotiated-emergent model based on discursive lines rather than on universal rationality. The secularism in India thus comes out to be a complex one and needs to be positioned in such a manner so as to be fused with religion and politics in its everydayness. Guru shaping the new ways of secularism in India The above discussed idea of secularism points out to the lacuna in the understanding of secular. The idea of secular being imported from the western enlightenment era and being forth in the Indian context without any deliberations still makes it an alien concept. Religion in the political context has been used by every political party in power irrespective of which side of the ideological spectrum it may have been. Not being rooted in the life world of the masses, secularism has many a times gone for a toss, due to the opportunism of the political leaders. The religious gurus have a far reach into the worlds of their followers. It is in this space or the lack of it, in which these religious leaders come together to colour the opinion of their followers in matters of political engagements, which they claim are matters of national interest. The key scholarly works of the times reflect that these new age gurus claim millions of followers (Warrier, 2006; S. Srinivas, 2008; T. Srinivas, 2010), and the class of these followers which each guru caters to is different, ranging from lower, middle, to upper. As for Ravi Shankar, the guru has 370 million followers globally (Vyas, 2016), with most from the middle and upper class. His organisation has registered its presence in 152 countries with many international ashrams in India, Poland, Canada, United States, Germany and China and vouches for a stress free and violence free society by employing knowledge and service. It becomes important to understand how Art of Living Organisation (AOL) fits into the global secular space. It is interesting to observe that AOL, though purely a Hindu ideological outfit with a brahmin caste born guru at its helm of affairs, still manages to attract not only Hindu followers but also Christians, Buddhists, Muslims and people of many more religious affiliations from throughout the world. This is primarily because it markets itself as a spiritual organisation with universal human values rather than a stringent Hindu organisation. However, the everyday practices and rituals within the organisation are primarily resting, drawing from the Hindu vedic scriptures and worshipping the large pantheon of Gods and animals that are part of the Hindu culture. The organisation manages to overcome these religious binaries by advocating vociferously for the idea of ‘one world family’ or ‘vasudeva kutumbakam’ by reaching out to the various cultural groups around the world and propagating spirituality as the unifying ideology irrespective of the political, religious and cultural orientations. In ancient India, the guru (a brahmin by birth) played the role of a Counselor to the king (a ksyatriya by birth). He was not only an advisor on 344 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) religious and social affairs but was consulted on matters of political importance as well. He was known as the Raj guru (guru of the State). Many gurus still assume the traditional role of political advisors to the governments because of their close association with the political leaders in power. ‘In the new Indian Republic, must politicians hide their gurus, or can they still display them (Jaffrelot, 2012: 80)?’ Here, Jaffrelot raises an important concern regarding the coming together of religious and political leaders. He later answers this question by stating that ‘the degree of secrecy varies because the association with a guru can reinforce the legitimacy of those politicians who know how to make use of him (Jaffrelot, 2012: 80).’ So the religious and political spaces usually seem to work in tandem in India as the gurus enjoy a natural legitimacy and close proximity to both their followers as well as the state leaders. However, the new age gurus have re-invented themselves with the times and often strategically align themselves with the political elites. The role of the gurus, who have transnational reach, thus trying to create a familiar discourse of secularism, seems inevitable in a country like India, where reliance on gurus is part of the existential reality. The paper reflects on the renewed synergy of the alliance between Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and AOL during the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the Parliament in India) elections of 2014. By outlining the Volunteer for Better India (VBI) initiative and the various mobilisation drives spearheaded under the flagship of guru Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, the paper argues for a change to new secular through good governance module within the Volunteer for Better India (VBI) initiative by creating and utilising the political, religious and virtual space. It becomes interesting to observe how AOL in this process, transforms itself from a religious-spiritual to a civil society organisation with civic and modern values. VBI was not a regular democratic exercise to garner votes. It was about altering the psyche of the citizens by pitching in different plans, as will be described in detail later in the chapter. Such an organised support for a party (here BJP) had never been witnessed in the history of the nation. Though it is not uncommon for the gurus to suggest to the followers, which party one should vote for yet this time a guru, himself strategised a political course of action and personally oversaw the execution of the plans to ensure the victory for BJP. AOL actually attained consensus on democratic grounds rather than just religious ones. It seemed to be a mutually beneficial relationship for AOL and BJP, the benefits of which were to be seen in the coming years with BJP in power. Though what was evident back then was a clean symbiotic relationship between a primarily right leaning party and a Hindu majoritarian organisation. So for this paper, they author views VBI as a recent example to not only understand a shift in the idea of secular, but also to understand the idea of religious space making within a political context. MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 345 Art of Living Organisation Before examining further, it is essential to know that Sri Sri’s AOL Organisation is based in Bangalore, the silicon valley of India. In the past decade numerous corporations and other Multi National Companies (MNCs) have established themselves in the city. The influx of new businesses has transformed the city into the leader of technological, economic, and urban growth in the country. The AOL international ashram and head quarter is located around 25 kilometres from the city and caters to the spiritual and religious needs of millions of people around the globe. The guru himself claims to be a humanitarian leader and has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize a number of times with the most recent being in 2014. Like many other spiritual organisations, AOL focuses on various breathing and meditation techniques through mantras of happiness. Though the organisation claims a secular base, its philosophy rests in the Hindu practices. By invoking the concept of service, or seva, the organisation has established a huge base of teachers and volunteers who work towards maintaining and bringing to operation the tenets of the organisation. It has a huge corpus which is modelled heavily on corporate style of functioning as it promotes a division of labour (Tandon, 2016), but also as Foucault would argue, leads to the disciplining of the minds and bodies (Foucault, 1975). As for Ravi Shankar, the hagiographical details emphasise him as a ‘divine human’ who has come to be recognised as a mediator in political standoffs internationally. Conditions for the emergence of Volunteer for Better India Initiative This section will elaborate on the conditions which led to the emergence of the Volunteer for Better India initiative (VBI). Additionally, it will examine how this initiative, which was veiled as the good governance module, led to the modus operandi for the nationalistic agenda. The fading away of the anticorruption movement, better known as India against corruption in 2011, saw the rise of many new faces in Indian polity. One of the faces was Arvind Kejriwal, a civil servant activist, who announced a new political party (Aam Aadmi Party - AAP) on 26 November, 2012 with the idea of ushering in alternate politics (Sharma, 2014). Though this movement has waned over the subsequent years, it had shaken the conscience of the people in India. Originally, it was inspired by the Gandhian principles of non-violence and truth, otherwise known as satyagraha. This movement had sown the seeds for a larger political turn of events to happen (Sitapati, 2011). This new found enthusiasm had captured the imagination of the masses including those of non-resident Indians who envisaged a corruption free and developed India. Adding to this was the lingering issues associated with a legacy of 10 years of scams and corruption that the Congress led government had left behind. Such was the disillusionment of the leaders of India, several prominent leads, such as Anna Hazare, Kiran Bedi, and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, the guru, decided to 346 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) come together to fight against this legacy of corruption. This was a huge task at hand and Ravi Shankar took up this opportunity to lead. The VBI was launched in New Delhi on February 3rd, 2013. The leaders explained this was an exercise in nation building and that it was a citizens’ collective action programme. The requirements demanded that volunteers provide one hour of service to the nation each day and to be instrumental in bringing about the transformation in the society which one wished to see. The VBI had many objectives, two of the primary objectives included 1) practicing the sacred duty of voting and 2) working towards a corruption free India. Both of these objectives meant that an agenda towards the good governance ideology has to be led by the BJP during the 2014 elections. Good Governance, an electoral idiom So what was the good governance module that was being promised to the nation by a party? The entire idea was meant not to restrict the governance but rather to act as a means of interaction between the government and other social actors during the decision making process. The goal was to foster an environment of greater accountability and transparency of the political structures (University Sri Sri Newsletter, 2014). It was aiming towards participatory governance. The idea of good governance seemed to be a dynamic concept that required a critical dialogue to explore it further. How ‘good’ was the question that would be asked in times to follow? Good governance from whose point of view and for whom? The present hour rested on capitalising on the ills of governance during the past regime and capitalising well to project the development work done by the Prime ministerial candidate in the state of Gujarat. The module of good governance rested on ‘sabka saath, sabka vikas,’ which meant ‘inclusion of all the people for their development,’ but its implementation was never clearly outlined. Thus, it remained an electoral idiom to attain power. i-vote for a better India To fulfil the objectives of the VBI, the ‘i-vote campaign’ started in first week of June, 2013. A meeting of the youth leaders was organised at the International Centre for Art of Living in Bangalore in the last week of August, which marked as the formal inaugural and training for i-vote for a better India (IVBI). There were around 350 youth from different parts of India, aged between 20 to 35 years, who had registered themselves for the training. Each youth took a pledge to do their part to increase the voter turnout and spread voter awareness. The youth were educated about the civic and political structures of the country through videos titled ‘Know Your Civic Quotient.’ The youths were trained in the process of registering to vote in India, the various forms to be filled out and the appropriate documents that were to be attached and submitted. The myths and misconceptions about voting were MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 347 discussed and the youth leaders were trained in how to organise and conduct voting drives. The IVBI initiative was a pan India social initiative of AOL to harness the services, time, resources, and skills of their citizens to build a better India. It was projected as an effort towards taking up responsibility in development of a prosperous and responsible democratic nation. The youths were the main agents of change and the drive aimed at tapping their energies and zest for change to promote nation building activities. It was professed that voting for the right party and the right candidate would ensure progress of the country despite the last 10 years of stagnant progressive change. At that time, the present Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, was the BJP candidate, and was pitted against the then Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, under whose leadership the country had witnessed multiple accounts of corruption. The i-vote for better India’s national report outlines the following goals. ‘Voter awareness, which included educating the individuals, especially the youth, about the importance of being part of the democratic process and using their right to vote to bring about social change. Voter registration, which required assisting individuals in registering to vote and decreasing the unregistered voter base by at least 33%, and increasing the ratio of male voters to female voters (currently at ~ 0.8). Voter deletion was also included in these aims, which cleaned the electoral rolls to reduce the ratio of fraudulent voting which is currently at ~ 20%. The other goal was to increase the voter turnout by 20% where it has typically been around ‘40-60% depending upon the region’ (IVBI, 2014:04). The importance of each vote was highlighted to the youth leaders. Some facts and figures in the national report outline that around 200,000 citizens in every constituency were not registered to vote, 70% of these unregistered voters belonged to 18-24 years age group. The average winning margin is ~ 74,000 votes or less than 5% of the total vote base in the constituencies. ‘If 50 people in each booth decide to register and vote, the election would have a different impact’ (IVBI, 2014: 04). These figures highlight the importance, as illustrated by the BJP initiative, to increase voter turnout to enhance the likelihood of victory. This campaign relied heavily upon society registration drives. Volunteers across the country visited individual households, raising voter awareness and reminding the citizens of the importance of each vote. Often, these efforts would include volunteers interacting one on one with people and helping many obtain a voter ID card. Furthermore, there were college registration drives which aimed to tap the energies of the youth. Like many elections worldwide, the youth voter turnout was likely to determine the outcome of the election so the VBI leaders across the nation visited colleges to encourage all young adults to vote. An ingenious strategy was put forth at the 348 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) national level where a competition was designed to encourage youth voting. Known as the Vote-athon, the leaders were tasked with enrolling colleges into a competition to determine which college would register the maximum voters nationally. Another interesting activity followed by the VBI was to take to the schools. Here children of the age group of 8 – 16 years, as the official voting age in India is 18 years, were educated about the importance of voting which in turn was conveyed to their parents and elders at home. Hearing one’s own kids speak of the importance of voting and the impacts on growth and development of the nation, made an impact on the parents likelihood of participating in the electoral process. The tagline, “You have taught us how to count, now we’ll teach you what counts the most,” was a popular campaign slogan at the time. The voter campaign was not just about making face-to-face connections but was also about raising political discourse on topics from morality and ethics. The VBI joined hands with the election commission bodies of 10 states in India, ensuring that all the work done by the volunteers was legitimately accepted by them along with their full support and co-operation. From the states of Jammu & Kashmir to Karnataka and across Assam to the interiors of Maharashtra, a wave of change was brought about by more than 10,000 volunteers working selflessly towards a vision of the better India. There were more than 100 Nukkad Nataks or Street Plays performed, quiz competitions conducted, 500+ voting awareness rallies, including many bike rallies, 1,000+ voting awareness drives, and even marathons (Run for a better India). Even a Desh bhakt (patriotic) week was organised from the 20th of January, 2014 – 27th of January, 2014 in which more than 10 Indian states participated with their volunteer groups (VBI, 2014: 14). The volunteers were constantly working day in and day out trying to meet at least 10 new people every day and requesting them to fill a happiness survey. This survey not only had questions about their own personal happiness and unhappiness but also inquired about what change they wanted to see in their country and asked whether they have a voter ID card? If not, the volunteers assisted them in obtaining one by taking their contact details and giving it to those volunteers working closely with the election commission. The sacred duty to vote was the national duty and the volunteers played on this sentiment by urging people to not only vote but vote for the right candidate (here Modi) whom they envisioned would empower the country. They cheered with slogans like ‘Ek din soogey to panch saal roogey’, which suggested that if you do not vote because you chose to sleep on the day of voting, you will weep for the next five years because of a wrongly elected government. Another slogan was ‘Sab kaam chod do pehle jake vote do’, which meant that you leave all your other work and go and vote first and foremost. MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 349 The Role of the Guru during the IVBI The guru took personal interest in ensuring the win for BJP. The volunteers and the devotees of the organisation were all influenced by the way guru (Sri Sri Ravi Shankar) campaigned on behalf of Modi. He would often describe his work in terms of developmental markers of the state of Gujarat. Modi was hailed as the ideal Prime Minister candidate and a great future leader of the country. Many devotees of the organisation who accept the Guru as an incarnation of Krishna (a Hindu God), spoke of Narendra Modi consulting guru for all major political decision making, just the way Krishna guided his friend Arjun, guru was guiding Modi. Such interesting comparisons were commonly heard in the field. The rationale for voting for BJP for most voters was the fact that the guru’s words ensured bringing about a change. There were 400 volunteers in Bangalore itself. During the meetings in the Ashram, the guru usually met the volunteers and spoke to them in person. Documentaries on the state of the country were showed as reasons why the country needed development and good governance. Guru’s messages always highlighted how the previous government had left the country in a lurch and how the AAP (Aam Aadmi Party), which had been formed after the India Against Corruption Campaign, was still a newbie. The guru’s speeches never failed to mention how a true Indian could not let the nation slip away in the hands of a ‘kacha’ party (not a very seasoned political party). He spoke of the ambitions of AAP to spread its base nationally in spite of his personal suggestions to Kejriwal, the AAP party head, to first establish itself in the state elections within Delhi. He believed that a ‘khichdi’ sarkar or a coalition government was not what the country needed. It needed BJP to win with complete majority. The guru made everyone pledge or take sankalpa, to work towards the same vision together by promising ‘sangachhdvam,’ which meant ‘we all will move together as one’. Overseas Volunteer for Better India Being a new age guru, Ravi Shankar has devotees globally. His organisation receives generous donations from the urban upper class Indians based outside the country. It was upon his insistence, that the Overseas Volunteer for Better India (OVBI) was launched in May, 2013. It aimed at providing a global platform for positive transformation to 23 million Non Resident Indians. The most significant contribution of the OVBI, was the creation of the Android App for the voter registration, known as Connect. The use of social media was to bring about the projection of Indian-ness. There were ‘Google hangouts’ with eminent personalities who inspired the ‘second generation Indian-American community to make a difference back home’. The President of the OVBI, Suresh Vasu, spoke of combining the financial and intellectual resources of the NRI community to ‘combat the ills facing our 350 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) country today’ (IVBI, 2014: 38). This initiative saw people from all walks of life come together to work towards a better India. The OVBI organised and celebrated various cultural and patriotic events and tried to instill the feeling of nationalism and pride within the community of Indians. Also there was a feeling of electing a party with the development and good governance agenda and a leader who could lead and be representative of the Indian community abroad. As a result, the OVBI is appropriately viewed as one of the influential factors in the Lok Sabha elections which enabled the return of a number of Indians to cast ballot. The Role of Social Media and Corporate support for VBI Social media had an extremely pivotal role to play. For any initiative to grow and scale in the manner VBI did, will need good dissemination of information. This election had the highest youth voter turnout on record. Facebook was the most heavily trafficked website that was used in raising voter awareness. For example, various Facebook groups were created to help the voters register. These groups created a virtual space for dialogue about various issues and also acted as a platform where people could post their creative ideas in contributing towards the initiative. New friendships thrived here as each person asked 5 others to join and the virtual world soon saw the thousands coming together to garner support for the cause. It became fashionable and trendy to update inked selfies on Facebook pages after casting vote. There were online instructions circulated and the VBI app, Connect, became popularised. There were more than one hundred thousand new voters registered through Connect (IVBI, 2014: 37). It was not only user friendly but would also inform the user on the election days. This was the smart phone revolution that captured the virtual space. Twitter handles like @SriSri, @bangaloreAshram, and @I_VBI were used by the guru and those organising the movement to spread the message and give direction to VBI. Thousands were tweeting for the campaign. People started to follow their favourite candidates on twitter. Here they could ask them questions directly and seek answers and promises for a better future of the country. Narendra Modi witnessed 11.1 million tweets about him from January 2014 to May 2014 which was 20% of all election related tweets (Indian Express, 2014). As it emerged clear that Modi was about to become the next prime minister, his twitter followers on @NarendraModi went up from 3,986,878 to 4,091,739 (India Today, 2014). His words were read very closely by the followers as well as the Indian media. His present twitter following is around 22.1 million (Indian Express, 2016) up from the earlier 4 million. The initiative saw more than 40 informative videos posted on YouTube. These videos were in four different languages, registered hundreds of views, shares and likes, and promoted the need to bring BJP to power (IVBI, 2014: MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 351 39). A helpline number was created by partnering with Just Dial to further help aid voter questions, such as where their polling stations were located (IVBI, 2014: 39). AOL roped in several corporations with big names like Tata Consultancy Services, Hindustan Unilever Limited, Kotak, Yes Bank, GenPact, Oracle, Google, Larsen & Tubro, Godrej, Network 18, 92.7 Big FM, Nasscom Foundations, Tata Motors, and Just Dial as corporate partners for the various VBI events. The Election Commission of India and the State Election Commission also partnered with the VBI (IVBI, 2014: 39- 40). The election results were declared on May 16, 2014. BJP was victorious, earning 282 seats out of 543 seats. Voter turnout increased from 58% in the previous elections to 66% in 2014. The guru was invited for the swearing in ceremony of the newly elected government, where Maheish Girri, an Art of Living teacher who had contested the elections from Delhi, was given a position in the cabinet of ministers. Though the VBI was a successful campaign, after the elections, the organisation asked the volunteers to focus on the ‘larger social good’ through the organisational banner rather than that of the VBI. The website has been taken off the internet and officially nothing associated with VBI exists any more. The irony was that the guru realised that most of the volunteers began to work in projects for the nation rather than doing the organisational work and gradually the momentum and enthusiasm were left to cool down. In the making of a ‘new secular’ space VBI was a historic initiative. The entire VBI was planned and executed to create space for a BJP led government at the centre. The guru himself had suggested being wary of the new found political ambitions of the Aam Aadmi Party. So the ethnography of the initiative exhibits the politics of creating space and how power, be it vested in a religious authority or a political authority, enables one to capture that space. The concept of space itself requires coming together of many forces. There are many contested boundaries which are crossed or overlapped. Here too, the political and national agendas of corruption and bad leadership were put forth as personal agendas to the people of the country. This instilled in every citizen a sense of duty towards the nation. The secret for the success was appealing to the conscience of every citizen and rekindling the hope for good governance and ‘ache din’ (good days) ahead. The idea was to not let any vote slip away from BJP by translating every interaction during VBI into a vote. The guru’s appeal to vote seemed like that of the ‘caste leaders’ for vote bank politics. The religious authority of the guru was working at a different realm to convert the religious into political. The volunteers of AOL led the initiative democratically. They were able to unite Indians throughout the country through the OVBI and VBI. This 352 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) success was a result of a combination of a global and local campaign, tapping into both Indians abroad and at home. It was not starkly ‘Hindu nationalism’ nor was it ‘secular politics’. This was a different kind of politics which may be best characterized as a ‘new secular’ movement. It was about capturing the cognitive space in such a way that the religious and caste boundaries would seemingly mitigate. It was about appearing to move ahead of the secular and communal binaries and was achieved by involving a religious organisation which claimed to have followers of all affiliations. The appeal laid in subtly converting not just the devotees of the religious guru as voters, but also citizens as voters. To achieve this, the virtual space was put to use in such a way as had never been done before in the history of the Nation. With smart phones and access to the internet 24*7, presence of the political ideologies was made possible. It was a classic Indian reverberation of Arjun Appadurai’s (1996) concept of ‘mediascape’ to connect the Indians world over through forms of media. Everyone could have an opinion and on social media every opinion mattered. Through the success of the social media campaign, the AOL was repackaging the old ideologies, reigniting patriotic fervour, which all translated to votes on the Election Day. ‘Religion is a cultural adjunct to social and governmental structures’ (Bourdieu, 1991: 16). The VBI initiative proved it to be true. It was a coming together of religious leadership to support political leadership. Though Bourdieu ignores the potential of religious habitus to transform experience and provoke social change, (Bruce, 2003: 11) yet, the ‘pace of social change, the proliferation of new media and the quantities of information’ that flow worldwide appear to influence against the ‘maintenance of firmly routinised dispositions to action and thought’ (Archer, 2012). The new secular This was not the ‘secularisation’ which Warrier (2003: 213-214) had argued for in her study of Mata Amritanandamayi Mission. For her secularisation meant ‘a process where religious affiliation comes increasingly to be seen not as a requirement, but as an option’. She argued for ‘a decline in the public, community-affirming and socially-binding aspect of religion’. This was not the secular realm which was about tolerance and not inter-mixing of state and religion. This was ‘new secular’ which had guised the communal under the pretext of an effervescent democracy. The idea of connecting people through ‘vote’ into a vibrant participatory democracy with a hope for good governance, was indeed novel. Voting for a particular ideology with a promise of development was put forth as sacrosanct by the religious guru. People of all religious affiliations were mobilised to vote in favour of BJP. It saw breaking away from the ‘categorical’ and ‘constitutional ritualism’ which is associated with the idea of secular (Ghosh, 2013). Voting itself was herald as a ‘sacred duty’ which was constitutionally sacred. This sacredness was found in public domain with social and political ramifications. MAKING SPACE FOR NEW SECULAR 353 This was a semblance of the secular as the vestiges of Hinduism, which was being guarded until the elections, kept appearing in the public space. So VBI crystallised a ‘new secular’, shaped in the ideology of governance. The ‘new secular’ was more palatable, therefore, a religious guru with organisational powers, resting his own ideas in Hindu philosophies, could still create space for such a formidable victory. This secular was neither about trying to project the ‘harmony of the religions as a product of modernity’ (Madan, 1997) nor completely discussing the ‘tolerance of state’ (Nandy, 1985) but of creating a discourse for national and religious identities to be linked as one, further contesting the secular. Here within the new secular the democratic forms had assumed new power and salience. It had begun to show that people would no longer shy away from wearing their religious and national values together. It was not pitting one religion against another. It was not flaring communal tensions like the Indian past had witnessed during the partition in 1947 or demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992, a mosque in Ayodhya. It was giving expression to the rights and responsibility of citizens without a conflict of religious and national identities. It had ushered an era of increased political participation and visible religiosity where the majority Hindus (~80%) and minorities (~20%) would exercise their right to vote being fully aware of their religious preferences (The Hindu, 2015). New secular was about kindling an ‘alternative subjectivity’. It was not about eliminating religion from democracy but of using it politically to ensure that any road to nation building, in the coming years, would have to go through the new secular. It was about taking democratic decisions without losing the awareness of one’s moral life. Though it brought religion and state together, yet it was marketable because it was with a promise of creating space for well-meaning democracy. Conclusion The paper has argued for the interplay between the religious and the political agendas to make way for a new secular space. In this paper the conception of the religious space is not about a physical or geographical place which is contested. Rather the paper contributes to the understanding of religious space making by arguing for thoughtful consideration of cognitive spaces which are shaped in the minds of the citizens through the politics of religion and democracy. To explain further, these mental structures are created by the centres of religious power and authority for political advancements. This contributes to the understanding of religious space as a lived reality. The practice of religion in the real world is about convenience and choice which leaves religion to occupy the cognitive space of the believers. In this light how can theorising of religious space discuss only the physical? As Lefebvre (1991 cf. McAlister, 2005:3) puts it ‘any given local space in a tripartite synthesis of physical, mental, and social spaces that operate simultaneously [...] Space is always a part of material culture, always social, always produced.’ 354 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) But the challenge arises when one realises that no more can religious space making be only what it has been till now. There have occurred changes in the ways private and public spaces have been imagined and played out by the religious actors with cognitive being associated with the private domain. But one must not ignore that the private leads to the creation of the public domain. These spaces can no longer withstand being concrete, non negotiable physical spaces but have to transform into intangible and fluid spaces owing to the political and social demands of the times. How can religious space reinvent itself to become a new public space? The answer points to the fact that the boundaries of religion and politics are no more clearly drawn and religion itself witnesses political pressures and many a times succumbs to them. VBI was actually a demonstration of this attempt to bring the private or religious to the public or political. This paper makes an attempt to show how religious enters the public sphere, though not without contestations. Identity politics in the form of Hindu majoritarianism, the idea of Hindu nationalism and the hegemonic discourse of Indianness perhaps are some of the internal contestations which VBI represents. But the larger politics is played out in the open based on the relationship between a guru and his followers who transformed the national to a ‘sacred discourse’ and the nationstate to a ‘sacred space’ which was adorned by the ‘scared event’ that was election with a ‘sacred duty’ to vote. The paper sees an interweaving of religion, politics and the secular. The paper has brought out careful manoeuvring of the camouflaged political propaganda to create a dialogue for the new secular realm. The paper also touches upon social networking as an innovative virtual space for discussing the opinions and for connecting for common agendas, reminding one that religious identities will keep making ways for assertion through political standpoints. The paper opens up newer ways of understanding the politics of religious space making in a country like India where diversified religious traditions keep on reclaiming their space and challenging each other in order to coexist. REFERENCES Appadurai A. 1996 Modernity at Large. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. Archer M. 2012 The Reflexive Imperative. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bhargava R. 2015 Beyond Moderate Secularism. In: Losonczi P and Herck WV (eds) Secularism, Religion, and Politics: India and Europe. 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In: Cordenillo R and Staak SV (eds) Political Parties and Citizen Movements in Asia and Europe. Stockholm: The Asia-Europe Foundation, Hanns Seldel Foundation, pp.39-59. Sitapati V. 2011 What Anna Hazare’s Movement and India’s New Middle Classes Say about Each Other. Economic and Political Weekly 46(30), 39-44. Srinivas S. 2008 In the Presence of Sai Baba: Body, City and Memory in a Global Religious Movement. Hyderabad: Orient Longman. Srinivas T. 2010 Winged Faith: Rethinking Globalization and Religious Pluralism through the Sathya Sai Movement. New York: Columbia University Press. Tandon S. 2016 Exploring Well Being in Indian Context. Indian Anthropologist 46(1): 63-78. The Hindu 2015 Available at http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/census-2011-dataon-population-by-religious-communities/article7579161.ece University SS 2014. Faculty of Good Governance and Public Policy. Newsletter, Cuttack: 112. 2014 i-vote for a better India: Technical and Outreach report. 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Modern Asian Studies 37(1: 2): 213253. Sili Rout ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND IN SCHEDULE V AREAS: A CASE OF HIGHLAND ODISHA This paper focuses on the endemic problem of land alienation in Schedule Areas of India, particularly in a tribal dominated district of Koraput of Odisha, by analyzing the historical roots of land alienation in these areas and the resultant unrest, leading to conflict – sometimes violent – between the tribes and the non-tribes, and between the tribes and the State. The paper has revealed that, how the state of ‘non-political’ unrest has transformed into ‘politically motivated’ organized movement for arresting the incidences of tribal land alienation and restoration of restored land under the umbrella organization of Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh (CMAS) with the tacit support of the Lal Bahini or the Red Army. Since the State did not do its bit in restoring and redistributing already restored land among the tribes, it lost the sympathy of the tribal people. Further the State coercion added fuel to the agony and frustration of the local tribes, aggravating the breach of trust between the people and the State. This paper is an ethnographic narrative, with the primary data been collected by qualitative ethnographic method, such as observation, interview and case studies. The secondary data, of course, has been collected from various Government records, NGO reports and Newspaper reporting. Land has occupied a central position in tribal life. Verrier Elwin has very rightly noted that Land is not only the source of livelihood for the tribal communities; it is also connected deeply with their sense of history and it is a symbol of social prestige (Elwin, 1963). The tribal society heavily depends upon two major sources of production, those are, land and forest, which are described as ‘twin pillars of tribal economy’. Their relationship with land, is as old as the hills, it is something like their ‘philosophy of life’ (Rao, 1987).According to Gnanatha Patra1 ‘the portion of forest land in hilly slopes, cleared by tribals by dint of their capacity and labour for cultivation, is called as tribal land’ (Upadhaya, 2014). The relationship can be defined as symbiotic. One depends on the other in such a way that if one is destroyed the other will also be destroyed. The same holds good for the relationship between forest and tribals. SILI ROUT, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Central University of Orissa, Koraput, Odisha E-mail: sili.rout1990@gmail.com 360 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) But the gradual dispossession and denial of land right of the tribals has left them on the edge of scarcity. The problem relating to land alienation among tribals has always sought attention of planners, policy-makers, academicians and activists. The reason being, even after so many progressive and protective legislations, tribal people all over the country are continuously threatened over their land rights. In the contemporary context, the threat over land rights of tribals has taken a complex picture than ever due to the so called industrialization, urbanization, commercialization and infrastructure development. In case of Orissa, this scenario is devastating and the tribals are the worst sufferers of land related issues. The tradition of being landless labourer is a totally new and alien concept among the tribal communities. The existence of this category among them at present is a sign of land alienation (Ambagudia, 2010). This process of land alienation has gained momentum over the years through different patterns and sources. These conflicts are nothing but the product of series of deprivation, marginalization and alienation, which has given rise to unrest among different communities and dissatisfaction with the State authorities. It presents a complex picture of contemporary violent community conflicts in Odisha. Given the background the present paper shall discusses on the endemic problem of land alienation in Schedule Areas of India, particularly in a tribal dominated district of Koraput of Odisha, by analyzing the historical roots of land alienation in the Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon Block of Koraput2 (comes under Fifth Scheduled Areas) and the resultant unrest leading to conflict – sometimes violent – between the tribes and the non-tribes, and between the tribes and the State. This ethnographic field work was conducted during the year 2016-17 in the Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon block of Koraput district. Primary data have been collected by qualitative ethnographic method, such as observation, interview and case studies. Secondary data, of course, have been collected from various Government records, NGO reports and Newspaper reporting. Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon block of Koraput district have received a great attention due the unrest among the tribals to restore and reclaim their ancestral land that has been encroached by the non-tribals. This has not been the first tribal uprising in the history of Koraput, the district has witnessed several such kind of uprising and unrest in each decade but without any significant changes at the ground level. To understand the present land issue of the Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon blocks, it is essential to understand the history of the district (Koraput) as well as the blocks and its land revenue administration from the King and Zamidar period to the present political regime. ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 361 Historical Overview of Land Revenue Administration in Study Area Koraput is one of the southern districts of Odisha and famous for its mosaic of tribal life and distinctive tribal culture. The district takes its name from Koraput town which is the seat of the district administration. Koraput district was formed under the province of Orissa on 1st April 1936 when Orissa became a separate province3. Prior to separation, it was under the control of Madras Presidency. The entire District has been declared as a scheduled Area under the Presidential Scheduled Areas Order, 1950. The District is divided into two Revenue Sub-divisions (Koraput and Jeypore), 14 Tahasils and 14 Community Development Blocks, 01 Municipality and 03 Notification Area Councils. There are 226 Gram Panchayat 1985 Revenue villages in the district. Land revenue administration during the king was of the ancient Feudal system. During that period the lands were controlled and administered by two major systems, Roytwari4 system and Mustajari5 system. In this type of system there was an agreement between the landlords and tenants; there was a register of each village and villagers were appointed by the estate as Per the revenue Naik. The office was hereditary and normally held by a dominant individual6, who was an influential person in the village. Due to the lack of written documents on land survey and land settlement in these areas, it is not possible to know what exactly the amount of land was held by each Royt. Generally, the amount was calculated in terms of yoke or seed capacity. The majority of the Naiks and Mustajaris appointed by the estate were non-tribals. There was exploitation by the Naiks and Mustajaris which forced many tribals to be displaced from their land. Tribal communities did not have a tradition of being landless labourers or tenants in their own field and this gave rise to the inhuman system of Goti/ Bethi7. During Pre-colonial period these areas were autonomous in terms of their own administration and ownership over land holdings. Practically, among the tribal communities, there is no concept of land right. According to them like water, air and sun, land is also a gift of God. These two sampled blocks are the bordering area to Andra Pradesh. So Immigration started from the Kings period and there was a large scale immigration from the year 1932 following the opening of Raipur Vizianagaram railway line. It is very clear that the inflow of immigrants into the region from other area has increased the land issue in the area. Several business communities, like sundhis, sahukars, and liquor merchants heavily infiltrated the area and gradually eliminated tribals from their land and forcibly and illegally acquired their land (Interview with Gananatha Patra, 2016). The Britishers first established a factory in the year 1682 at Vizagapatnam, which became an entry point for them to the Koraput region. Captain Richard Mathew entered into the Koraput region on January 15, 1775, and become the first European to penetrate into the hill country of Jeypore. 362 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) The only interest of the British was to collect revenue from zamidars / kings. In 1802, permanent settlement was introduced throughout the area but there was no direct administration until 1863. In the pretext of ‘meriah’ and ‘Sati’, misrule or anarchy, British took the direct administration and Lieutenant J. M. Smith was stationed at Jeypore in January, 1863 (Orissa District Gazetteer, Bell, 1945). The British were only interested in collection of revenue from land and exploiting the forest resources. The inclusion of the tribals into the State and state administration by the British through the zamindari system was the beginning of dispossessing the tribal from their customary land rights. In order to increase the land revenue, they introduced many Acts but none of them were to simplify the land revenue system rather, such Acts put more pressure on the tribal tenants to pay more rent. Different land revenue Acts introduced by the British are given below: Madras Estate land Act, which came into force in the district from July 1, 1908. This law was meant to govern the relationship between the land holder and the tenant but it was not at all helpful for the tenants. As far the rights over land was concerned, the British rule did not attempt to become the negotiator of any such rights, nor did it intend to set up any principles for their determination. The Agency Tracts Interest and Land Transfer Act was one of the most important enactments that was introduced on August 14, 1917. This was the first step introduced by the British government to check and prevent the transfer of lands from tribal to non-tribal, which was taking place rapidly in the area. The area was first treated as backward tract under the Government of India, Act 1919 and in the Government of India, Act 1935, it was classified as a partially excluded area. In spite of all these Acts, the commercial despot and the imperialistic ambitions were prominent. As a result, the life of tribals became worse. For the first time in 1938, there was a survey and record of rights operations carried out in the district in small scale. The operation was suddenly suspended due to the World War of 1939 to 1945 and was later in 1947, but the priority was given to developing the area. According to the final report on the major settlement operations in Koraput district from 1938 to 1964, ‘people could not take advantage of the passing of this Act as they were uneducated and ignorant, even transfers were made after the date. The estate officials remained completely indifferent in the matter and muted the names of the transferees in the estate records. This left practically no documentary evidence for proving transfer of the lands of tribals to non- tribals. Further, this Act did not affect the relinquishment of land by tribals in favour of the land holder. So in several cases the Act was dodged by the tribals relinquishing his lands in favour of ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 363 Jeypore estate and the shrewd non- tribals transferees in obtaining the same from the estate employees’. Some important land legislations8 in Odisha are as follows: Orissa Estate Abolition Act. 1952: No provision for protection of tenants. Zamindars were allowed to keep 33 acres of land for personal cultivation. Orissa Scheduled Area Transfer of Immovable Property (OSATIP) Regulation, 1956: No monitoring. Orissa Survey and Settlement Act 1958: Establishment of uniform through defective systems, rights of tenants not recorded during settlement operations. Orissa Land Reform Act, 1960 (Amended in 1965, 1973 and 1974): By explicitly banning tenancy, the law is unable to address the problem of share-cropping. And no provisions were made to record concealed tenancies. Orissa Government Land Settlement Act, 1962: 70 percent of the land the State holds is meant to be distributed among non-existence since economic reforms in 1991. Orissa Prevention of Land Encroachment Act (Amended in 1982) 1972: Penalties too low to act as a disincentive to encroachers; massive scope for corruption. Odisha9 Government Land Settlement (Amendment) Rules 2013: No special provisions for STs. Besides these land legislation, the Government of Odisha has also launched a number of projects related to land rights. With a view to restoring land to the beneficiaries, the State Government launched the Mo Jami Mo Diha (My Land My Homestead) campaign in 2007 to protect and ensure land rights of the poor, especially the SCs and STs, who were allotted lease of government lands earlier or to restore their lost land within the existing legal framework. The campaign aims to verify physical possession of ceiling surplus land, homestead land lease cases, wasteland distribution for agricultural purposes and has restored cases of Regulation 2 of 1956 and Section 23 of the Land Reforms Act. Consequently, by the end of March 2009, a total of 9, 27,711 applications were received from across the state out of which 5, 45,777 applications have been disposed off (Government of Odisha, 2009). Alienated Land- Tribals in Struggle The Government created Tahasil at Narayanpatna on 04.08.1996 only to finalise the long pending land disputes with two revenue inspector circles, one at Narayanpatna and the other at Borigi, after bifurcation from Koraput Tahasil. Subsequently three more revenue inspector circles one in Bandhugaon, 364 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) the second one is in Almonda and the third one at Kumbhariput have been tagged to the Narayanpatna Tahasil. This Tahasil is spread over Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon blocks comprising of 21 Gram Panchayats with two hundred eighty revenue villages having 68 hamlets. The geographical area of this Tahasil is 11, 071 Sqare Kilometers having a population of 1, 42, 867 out of which 74 597 Scheduled Tribe, 58584 Scheduled Castes and 9686 others. The Tahasil is bounded by Parvatipuram of Andhra Pradesh in the east Lakhmipur Tahasil in the west, Rayagada Tahasil in the north and PottangiTahasil in South (interview with Sudhakar Pattanaik, 2017). Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon blocks are immediately neighbouring to Parvatipuram of Andhra Pradesh, so immigration started from the king’s period. Some business communities like sundhis, sahukars and liquor vendors heavily entered into the area under the pretext of business and gradually started exploiting tribals by making them addicted to cooked country liquor and grabbing their land. With regards to the land issue in the study area, the Land Registration Act which was passed in 1885 came into effect in 1933. The Registration Act was not implemented in Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon. To check the massive scale of land transfer from tribals to non-tribals, the Orissa Scheduled Area Transfer of Immovable Property (by Scheduled Tribes) (OSATIP) Regulation, 1956, was passed. The OSATIP Regulation, 1956 was implemented by the late Nabakrushna Choudhury, former Chief Minister of Odisha. Unfortunately this Act has proven to be insufficient in Protecting tribal rights, as the law permitted the transfer of patta land from tribals to non-tribals after obtaining permission from the mandatory authority, but in such transactions, manipulation was high and innocent tribals often lost their land in dubious transfers. The basic demand of tribals in the study area is to implement act 2/56 and give them back to their original land. To achieve this demand, the tribals of Bandhugaon and Narayanpatna blocks are on struggle under the Banner of Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha. Over the periods they have learned through their experience that it is necessary to unite under an organisation and struggle to realise their demand. This is the phase marked as the state of ‘non-political’ unrest that has transformed into ‘politically motivated’ organized movement for arresting the incidences of tribal land alienation and restoration of restored land under the umbrella organization of Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh (CMAS) with the tacit support of the Lal Bahini or the Red Army. This process of land aliena-tion has gained momentum over the years through different patterns and sources. The emergence of land tensions enabled the tribals to form the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha in this area. When the Ryot Kuli Sangham [Peasant Labourers Association] of Parvatipuram (Vizianagaram District of Andhra Pradesh), which had spread its roots in Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon area of Koraput District in the name of Chasi Mulia Samiti, was declared a banned organisation in 2006, it reincarnated ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 365 itself as the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha (Peasants, Labourers and Tribals Association), under the leadership of Nachika Linga, Arjuna Kendruka, Nachika Chamara and Wadeka Singana while Gananath Patra acted as their advisor (Nayak, 2015). The day of June 26, 2006 reckons with the struggle for land under the aegis of CMAS. On that single day 2000 tribals with their agricultural tools cum and traditional arms in hand had marched from village to village in Narayanapatna block and took into possession of 6 acres of land in Podapadar, 12 acres in Dekkapadu, 7 acres in Bachinaputti and 14 acres of dry land from the same village (Interview with Srikantha Mohanty, 2016). For this compelling land absorption from sahukars, the police arrested Comrades Nachika Linga and Shyamand who were charged under section 144 in the area. A public meeting of 4000 people was held at Narayanapatna condemning the state repression. The meeting of CMAS gave a lot of resurface to the tribal people. They held the lands firmly and brought them under cultivation. Even after Linga’s arrest, the other members of the sangha shouldered the responsibility. The people occupied some more land in 2007. By the year 2008, the total extent of land under the enjoyment of the people was 118 Acss. In the past, the Sahukars who went to Bandhugan from outside wrested the lands of tribals by force. A company, named Sterling Tree Magnum Ltd., about 12 years back, bought 200 acres of such lands from these Sahukars. The company erected a fence around the lands. It propagated that it will grow special Teak trees in the land and shareholders will get a huge return at the end of 20 years. They promised a share of Rs. 1800 /- will ultimately deliver Rs. 1, 00,000 /-. So many people from plains bought the shares of STM Company. After bagging huge amount, the company abandoned the project, which is illegal in all aspects. After analysing these facts CMAS decided that the tribal people have every right to take back their lands. Since the 8th of May, 2009, the Narayanpatna conflict fueled-up under the banner of the CMAS. The CMAS formed the Lal Bahini (Red Army) with the aim to collect information regarding the activities of the police and to protect the tribals. On the 15th of June, 2009, they forcefully occupied more than 1,500 acres of land in Narayanpatna block. On that day, the CMAS forcefully cultivated 500 acres of land in Narayanpatna headquarter, 100 acres in Bikrampur, 70 acres in Balipeta, 40 acres in Tentulipadar, 20 acres in Harikudia, 4 acres in Kanika village etc. (Dharitri, 17 June 2009). After occupying land on 15 June 2009, the CMAS organized a meeting in the Dumusil village of the Balipeta panchayat, where the Collector and the Superintendent of Police of Koraput district rushed to the spot and talked to the tribal leaders Nachika Linga and Pendruka Singana. During their dialogue, the tribals demanded their full rights on water, land, and forest. The Government Authorities assured them of delivering justice. In spite of the Government 366 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) assurance, on 6 July 2009, the CMAS started its next phase of restoring alienated land and on the very next day, i.e., 7 July, 2009, and occupied more than 400 acres of land. The reason was that the marginalized tribal communities had been listening to all types of rhetoric promises from the Government for too long; reality, however, seemed to tell a different story (Interview with Sudhakar Pattanaik, 2017). The militant way the tribals wrested back their lands under the occupation of STM sent shivers through the spine of the non-tribal land grabber. So they came to the conclusion that they have no option but to give back the lands to the original owner- tribals. In Kattukapeta, 300 acres land is under the occupation of non-tribals. This land originally belongs to the tribals of Kaviti, Kesubhadra, Raghumeda, Yeseda, Sunapolamanda, Adugumvalasa, and Kattulpeta village. The Sundhis, Sahukars, and other non-tribals took away these lands from tribals by deception. In return, for lending 12 Kunchalu (kgs) grains in scarcity times, the sahukars snatched 12 acres of land from Raita Melleka (a villager of Kesubhadra). Bobbiliraju, a sahukar, used to go to that forest for hunting and gave some mutton to the tribals and in return for that, after a few years, he snatched away 30 acres. A garment trader from far away Nellor (a town in A.P.) had been selling garments Son credit basis to the tribals of this area. Accusing the tribals that they were unable to clear the debt, the trader took hold of 15 acres in Almonda and 30 acres in Kattulpeta. The non-tribal landlords of Kattulpeta were enjoying the lands of tribals illegally and behaved adamantly for a long time. They tried to deceive the people. They declared to distribute the lands and also join sangham. But the tribals understood this nefarious design of the landlords and rejected the offer of the latter. On July 12, 2009, five thousand tribals marched into the lands and reoccupied 350 acres at Kattulpeta. The impact of the reoccupation of STM company lands and the lands at Kattulpeta had a widespread impact in the entire district of Koraput. The tribals in other pockets of the district also started asserting their right to the land. But rumours spread that some anti-social forces would enter other pockets on July 15 to loot and ransack the house of tribals. The rumour became a reality with the entry of 600 new persons into the area. As 10,000 tribals entered into those pockets, the antisocial elements silently went way. After these, 10,000 people with traditional weapons in their hands marched towards Bandhugaon and up to Neelabadi crossing (a distance of 6 km). During the march, the tribals reoccupied 350 acres of land in Kattulpeta, 250 acres at Neelibadi, 5 acres at Yesada, 10 acres at Jagguguda and 12 acres at Dasini village. In this community, conflicts between the tribals and non- tribals forced a large number of non-tribal families to leave their villages in both blocks, but this impact could be seen largely in the Narayanapatna block and created the fear of insecurity among the latter. All non-tribals, including the Dalits, were attacked and deemed as anti-tribals and exploiting groups. During the months ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 367 of May-June of 2009, in the both blocks, 500 families from 25 villages, which were Dalits and Shundis, had to leave their home and land to save their lives. Carrying their mission further, the CMAS indulged in restoring the alienated tribal land by force. Many members of the CMAS members were arrested by the Narayanpatna police in response to increasing violent activities of the organisation. Nachika Linga, along with his follower Kendruka Singanna, Andru Nachika, Kumudini Behera and several villagers protested at the Narayanpatna Police station on November 20, 2009. During this protest, violent clashes took place between the Police and the members of the CMAS. Two important leaders of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha, Kendruka Singanna and Andru Nachika were killed in police firing. Many people were injured and police arrested 37 members of the organisation. Nachika Linga escaped from the scene and continues to be at large since then. The police have issued a non-bailable warrant against him. Aftermath of the 2009 agitation by CMAS While land restoration was carried out by the members of Sangha, side by side two prominent leaders, Nachika Linga from Narayanapatna and Arjuna Kendruka from Bandhugaon were preparing ground to contest from the Laxmipur Assembly constituency (Koraput District). By 2009, serious differences cropped up between Arjuna Kendruka, who led the Bandhugaon Block and Nachika Linga of the Narayanpatna Block. While Kendruka believed in a non-violent movement to secure land (by requests and donations) from the big land owners, Linga went on to grab land violently from these landlords. Linga also promoted people for violent movements to capture land from land lords, and to secure freedom from liquor and freedom from bonded labor. Difference also emerged over the utilization of CMAS funds. Kendruka could have manage to secure a ticket from the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) to contest from the Laxmipur Assembly constituency (Koraput District), during the 2009 State Assembly Polls, with CMAS support, while Linga was interested in getting the ticket. Subsequent developments gradually brought fraction in CMAS-Narayanpatna and CMAS-Bandhugaon. Linga, who headed CMAS-Narayanpatna, progressively engaged in more and more violent activities, while Kendruka, heading CMAS-Bandhugaon began to express opposition to these methods. Finding an opportunity to corner the support of the tribals, the Maoists also increased their influence among CMASNarayanpatna followers and the faction under Linga’s leadership increasingly acted as a Maoist front organisation. However, unhappy with CMASNarayanpatna, the people of Laxmipur vowed to resist the organisation’s attempts to expand its activities in th area. Further, a meeting attended by around 15,000 supporters at Laxmipur under the leadership of Kumuda Saunta (chairman of the Laxmipur Block) on September 11, 2009, demanded a ban on 368 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) CMAS-Narayanpatna for its recurrent violent activities (Nayak, 2015). Linga was declared as ‘most wanted’ by the Narayanapatna Police. After the partition of CMAS, the land restoration was totally clogged for two years. From 2012, a large number of CMAS members and supporters surrendered before police. Even, Linga’s close associates and supporters from his native village, as well as other villages, surrendered before the Police and pledged not to support the violent activities of Sangha. Odisha Police claimed that more than 2,400 CMAS supporters and sympathizers have surrendered. On March 11, 2014, Linga also eventually surrendered himself before police. After Linga’s surrender, CMAS Narayanapatna lost its base and strength; the sangha was lacking a strong personality who could shoulder the responsibility and carry forward the sangha’s activities in Narayanapatna. Whereas, in Bandhugaon, sangha got support from the land activist and was able to continue its land restoration activities from non-tribals. According to U/S 3(B) of OSATIP (by S.Ts.) by regulation -2000, sub-collector or competent authority was directed to collect the non-filing 3(B) form with in three months and if any non ST encroacher fails to provide this non-filing 3(B) form within the said period then such encroached land would automatically be considered as the STs land. So in this connection researcher asked for a RTI report on the transaction of land between STs and non STs. It was shocking that out of 153 villages, data was available only for 18 villages. With regards to the cases, altogether only a total 87 cases have been identified, out of which decision on 18 cases have been declared. In these 18 cases only 7 cases are declared as genune transactions and 11 cases were reverted, 69 cases were still pending. In the report it has also been mentioned that 96 Acres of land in study area is virtually in the hands of non tribals, but in recent period Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha of Bandhugaon have restored 21 acres in Nilabadi, 3 Acers in Kesubhadra and 18 Acers in Dandabadi. Exploring the relationship between the CMAS and the course of land restoration further, one may wonder about the process of distribution of restored land. In this context, it is important to cite the interview of Gananath Patra, the adviser of the CMAS, who stressed on the process of land distribution. The CMAS gave utmost importance to three important principles of distribution of restored land (Upadhyaya, 2014). First, the priority was given to those who had lost their land through illegal transfers. The second priority was given to those tribals who did not have any land in their name. Third Priority was given those Dalits who were interested in cultivation but they were landless. While restoring the land and distribution among the landless, the CMAS ensured that they were not dispossessed again. ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 369 Concluding Remarks Even after 22 years of creation of Tahasil office at Narayanpatna no steps have been taken to identify as to which land belongs to whom, rather in most of the cases, permissions have been issued to the non-tribals for getting the lands on very low costs and pattas have been issued to them. In some cases the land owned by the tribals have been grabbed by the liquor traders (non tribals) who have also forced tribals to work under them on their own land as bonded labourers. The decades of injustice caused and compelled the fight for the justice which has been denied by the Government. The truth is that the 5th Schedule of the Constitution was specifically designed to address but which the government is unwilling to act upon the massive land grab by non-tribals, mostly liquor vendors and moneylenders. Instead of implementing laws against land alienation, the government has penalised and punished the CMAS when, they tired of waiting, had decided to reclaim their alienated land on its own. It is shocking that bonded labour was rampant in this area till CMAS intervened and freed hundreds of gotis. In spite of the alienation of tribal lands over a long period and in spite of the struggle of the tribals for the restoration of the land, the district administration did not respond. Instead, the administration restored the repression on the victim tribals. The tribal after being organised and made conscious of their rights, started taking back the lands themselves. NOTES 1. Gananatha Patra was a member of the Marxist Leninist group called United Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India; (UCCRI-ML) he is also a legal advisor to Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha (CMAS) from its formation since 1994. Please see more at- http://hotnhitnews.com/Odisha-Terming-CMAS-as-Maoist-frontalorganisation-is-conspiratory-Gananath-Patra-Interview-Hotnhitnews175027092012.htm 2. In exercise of powers conferred by sub-paragraph 6 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution of India, the revised Presidential Order titled “ The Scheduled Areas (states of Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh & Odisha) Order 1977” has declared the full districts viz. Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh, Koraput (which now includes the districts of Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangapur and Rayagada) , Kuchinda tahasil of Sambalpur district, Keonjhar, Telkoi, Champua, Barbil tahasils of Keonjhar district, Khondamal, Balliguda and G.Udayagiri tahasil of Khondamal district, R.Udaygiri tahasil, Gumma and Rayagada block of Parlekhemundi tahasil in Parlakhemundi Subdivision and Suruda tahasil (excluding Gazalbadi and Gochha Gram Panchayats), of Ghumsur sub-division in Ganjam district, Thuamul Rampur and Lanjigarh blocks of Kalahandi district and Nilagiri block of Balasore district as Scheduled Areas of the state. After reorganisation of districts in the state, 7 districts fully and 6 districts partly are covered under the Scheduled Areas of the state (ST & SC Development, Minorities and Backward Classes Welfare Department, Govt of Odisha). 3. S.C. Bhatt (ed.), The Encyclopaedic District Gazetteers of India, New Delhi: Gyan publishing House, 1988, pp. 679-680. 4. Under the Ryotwari system the peasant, as owners of land paid revenue directly to the 370 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) state officials. There was no one who stood between them to claim rent. Yet revenue demand in the Ryotwari areas tended to be very high. The Ryotwari system was first introduced in Madras. 5. The Mustajair is an agent for the collection of rent who was paid either by a grant of land or percentage of the rents collected. The office was hereditary and normally held by an influential person in the village. 6. The concept of ‘Dominant Individual’ was developed by S C Dube In his paper entitled, ‘Dominant Caste and Village Leadership’ presented at a seminar on Trends of Change in Village India. Dube have disagreed over the concept of dominant caste proposed by M N Srinivas. He holds that the power remains concentrated in hands of a few individuals rather than diffused among the caste members. Please see more at- http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/sociology/biography-of-shyamacharan-dube-and-his-contribution-towards-sociology/35020 7. Bethi System Another evil practice which more or less prevailed in all feudal economic systems was a system of Bethi or forced labour. Like Goti system it was a native to the soil of the hill districts of Koraput and Ganjam of South Odisha. The Ryot or tenants of the hill tracts of South Orissa would not condensed to labour for a daily wage. In fact, there was no such thing as a labouring class, in the sense of a class of people who voluntarily offered to work for wage. Please find details in the book ‘Contractual Labour in Agricultural Sector’ by S.N. Tripathy, Year-2000, Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi. 8. Sahu, S. K. (2011) Exploration of Land and Cultures: The Odisha Story and Beyond, Social Change, SAGE Publications 41(2), 251-270. 9. The name of the state was changed from Orissa to Odisha, and the name of its language from Oriya to Odia, in 2011, by the passage of the Orissa (Alteration of Name) Bill, 2010 and the Constitution (113th Amendment) Bill, 2010 in the Parliament. Therefore, the text of present study reflects both the words ‘Orissa’ and Odisha wherever required. REFERENCES Ambagudia, J. 2010 Tribal Rights, Dispossession and the State in Orissa, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 45, No. 33. pp. 60-67. Bhatt, S.C. 1988 The Encyclopaedic District Gazetteers of India, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, pp. 679-680. Dash, S. G. 1998 Tribal Land Systems and Social and Protective Legislation in Orissa. Cuttack: R K Enterprises. Dharitri, 17 June 2009. District Gazetteer Koraput, 1945, Bell, RCS. District Gazetteer Koraput, 1966, Senapati. ALIENATION AND RESTORATION OF TRIBAL LAND... 371 Elwin, V. 1963 New Deal for Tribal India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi. Nayak, D. K. 2015 Odisha: Maoists: The Revolution in Retreat, Indo-Canada Outlook. (2015, January) Patnaik, K. S. 2009 Narayanpatna, Malkangiri District slipping out of the hands of Naveen Government, News web. Rao, B. J. 1987 Land Alienation in Tribal Areas of Andhra Pradesh. Warangal: Kakatiya University. Sahu, S. K. 2011 Exploration of Land and Cultures: The Odisha Story and Beyond. Social Change, SAGE Publications, Vol. 41, No.2, pp. 251-270. Upadhaya, B 2014 Narayanpatna Land Struggle: A Conversation with Gananath Patra. Social Change, SAGE Publications, Vol. 44, No.2, pp.291–300. Interview with Gananatha Patra, 2016 (Note: Gananath Patra, the legal adviser to the Chashi Mulia Adibasi Sangha, was released from Koraput Jail in April 2012 and he is at his Rourkela residence, he is not keeping well. So the author had conducted a telephonic interview thrice.) Interview with Sudhakar Pattanaik, 2017 (Note: Sudhakar Pattanaik, is a senior Journalist from Koraput. Author have conducted interview with him several times.) Interview with Shrikant Mohanty, 2017 (Note: Shrikant Mohanty, is an activist from Puri, have worked intensively for the land right of the tribal people of Bandhugaon block. Author have conducted interview with him several times.) Suchismita Sen Chowdhury, Ananya Chanda and Chandan Bej PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS IN MAINSTREAM SPORTS: A STUDY IN WEST BENGAL Introduction “A game is defined as a recreational activity characterized by: (1) organized play, (2) competition, (3) two or more sides, (4) criteria for determining the winner, and (5) agreed-upon rules” (Roberts, Arth and Bush, 1959). The games of the world as classified in terms of distinctive patterns of play by Roberts, Arth and Bush include: (1) physical skill, (2) strategy, and (3) chance. The study on 82 tribal communities suggested that all three types of games could be found among these tribal groups (Roberts, Arth and Bush, 1959). Bourdieu (1991) viewed sports in relation to the social classes and noted that i) sports must be considered a “field” which has its own dynamics, history, and chronology and is relatively autonomous from the society of which it is a part. An important argument raised by him by noting “Sport, like any other practice, is an object of struggles between the fractions of the dominant class and between the social classes”. He further stated that we must understand both what led to the “shift whereby sport as an elite practice reserved for amateurs became sport as a spectacle produced by professionals for consumption by the masses” and the political economy of all the accompanying personnel and industries involved with equipment, production, administration, etc.; and the relationship between a social class and its sports participation will depend on spare time, economic and cultural capital, and the meanings and functions attributed to the sports practices by the various social classes. Bourdieu (1988) elaborates the links between the locations of people in social space and their patterns of participation in and attention to different sports as a key aspect of the sociology of sports. Participation in sports is closely connected with the socio-economic status of the sports person. Previous studies on sociology of sports suggested that people belonging to higher class prefer sports such as lawn tennis, golf, SUCHISMITA SEN CHOWDHURY, Assistant Professor in Anthropology, Mrinalini Datta Mahavidyapith, Birati, Kolkata – 51, ANANYA CHANDA, Research Assistant, Cultural Research Institute, Kankurgachi, Kolkata-54. and CHANDAN BEJ, Research Assistant, Cultural Research Institute, Kankurgachi, Kolkata-54. 374 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) gymnastics, swimming, badminton, and squash to maintain the status quo. It is also observed that in India sports like tennis, cricket, badminton, swimming are played in private schools (mainly upper and middle economic classes), while the government schools focuses on the rural games of football, wrestling, boxing, kabbadi, handball, athletic, volleyball, each requiring a simple infrastructure (Gahlawat, 2016). Studies also suggest that parents of both middle and lower social economic classes, socialized their children into the peoples games of soccer, basketball, and volleyball (Mazrui, 1987). Sports have often been cited as a site of conflict and resistance, while a number of studies suggested that sport is the vehicle for upward social mobility for the minorities (Washington and Karen, 2001). A study in Chattisgarh suggested that “Tribal Sports person (boys) were superior in terms of motor fitness. They had shown their superiority in all the components of motor fitness i.e. shuttle run (speed and agility), chin ups (arms and shoulder strength) and vertical jump (explosive strength) compared to non tribal sports person” (Agashe and Karkare, 2013). While talking about fitness, we must not forget the age factor associated with sports. Swaim et al. (1998) in their study pointed competitive sports could be developmentally beneficial of the young adolescents if it is planned properly. The problems in competitive sports faced at the middle level are repeated injuries, unreasonable expectations of coaches and guardians and discontinuity of the players due to growing interest in other things, spending more time in education, losing interest due to not having fun or disliking the coach etc. But even then participation in sports helps in their physical and psychological development. Tribal situation in India and West Bengal The Scheduled Tribe (ST) population of India constitutes 8.6 percent of the total population. As per 2011 Census there were 10,42,81,034 Scheduled Tribe population in India showing a significant decadal growth rate of 23.7 percent. The sex ratio among the STs is 990 which was higher than the sex ratio of total population (943). The Scheduled Tribes are notified in 30 states and UTs of India. The number of notified Scheduled Tribe communities in India is 705. There are 23 million tribal households in India. In West Bengal there are 40 enlisted Scheduled Tribe communities, although the number of individual tribal group is 47. As per 2011 Census they constitute 5.8 percent of the total population of the state and their population is 5296953. They inhabit 1241874 households of the state. The sex ratio of the state’s ST population is 999 which was higher than the sex ratio of the STs of India. The effective literacy rate of the tribal population of India was recorded to be 59.0% which is much less than the total population of India (73%). Female literacy rate among the Scheduled Tribes is even very low (49.4%) compared to the males and the gender gap in literacy is recorded to be 19.1 percent. the work PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 375 participation rate among the Scheduled Tribe population of India (48.7%) is little higher than the work participation rate of total population (39.8%) of the country. The literacy rate of the tribal population of West Bengal is 57.93%, while the female literacy rate is 47.71% only.1 There are a number of schemes implemented by the state as well as government of India for development of the Scheduled Tribes. These could be broadly divided into two segments: 1. Schemes for livelihood development and 2. Schemes for educational development. Under livelihood development programmes institutional support is given from Ministry of Tribal Affairs for development and marketing of tribal products and Minor Forest Produce. Financial assistance is provided through The National Scheduled Tribes Finance and Development Corporation (NSTFDC) through its’ state wing to implement income generating activities among the tribal people. Some of the schemes sanctioned by areas under: i) Dairy, Poultry, Pumpset/ Minor Irrigation, Goatary, Piggery, Horticulture etc. in the Agricultural Sector. ii) Bamboo Furniture Making unit, Flour/ Rice Mill Unit, Steel Fabrication, Gem Stone Cutting and Polishing Unit etc under the Industrial Sector. iii) Automobile Workshop, Book Binding, Data Processing, Tent Hose etc under the Service Sector. iv) Auto Rickshaw, Goods Carrier etc under the Transport Sector etc.2 On the other hand educational schemes include scholarships at different levels sponsored by both state and central government. A state level scholarship Sikshashree is given from class V to class VII students which include annual scholarship of Rs. 800/-. Another scheme Kanyashree is meant for prevention of early marriage of the girls. It includes scholarship of Rs. 500/- per annum for the girls aged 13 to 18 years and a onetime grant of Rs. 25000/- is given to the girls turned 18 and continuing education. Pre-matric and post-matric scholarships are paid by the central and state government together. There are scholarships for higher education (M.Phil and PhD and Post doctoral research).3 Sports in India Sports are played at different levels in India, starting from local to regional to national and upto international level. Sports are considered to be economically important for a country. The National Sports Policy of India, 2001 formed by the Central Government, in conjunction with the State Government, the Olympic Association (IOA) and the National Sports Federation focussed on integration of Sports and Physical Education effectively with the Education Curriculum. The United Nations adopted the theme of “Sport for Development and Peace” in its Agenda in 2001, which demonstrated the close linkage between Sports development and Youth development. The draft of the National Sports Policy of India, 2007 noted that “Sports, games and physical fitness have been a vital component of our civilization, as is evident 376 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) from the existence of the highly evolved system of yoga and a vast range of highly developed indigenous games, including martial arts”. There are different schemes for encouraging the sports personalities in India. There is special cash reward for medal winner sport personalities and Coaches. Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay National Welfare Fund for Sports Persons (PDUNWFS) is meant for assisting outstanding Sportspersons of yesteryear, living in indigent circumstances who had brought glory to the country in sports. There is provision for government pension for the outstanding sports person4. Although there is no particular scheme for helping or encouraging tribal sports personalities in India, but Sports Authority of India accommodates a number of ST players for taking coaching on the basis of their talent. One of the traditional tribal sports archery has gained importance at the international level. A number of tribal players in India could be found to have succeeded in different state or national level competitions. Sometimes news paper reports or television news comes into focus with the name of tribal players like Monika Soren or Bhabani Munda for their achievement. But there is little or no record of the Scheduled Tribe players in the state of West Bengal or in India. The Scheduled Tribes hardly get chance to come into the news for their achievements. Participation in sport is the way through which they can be successful and represent the country. For mapping the tribal sports personalities of West Bengal a study was undertaken by the Cultural Research Institute through the Tribal Development Department, Government of West Bengal in 2016. The aim of this study was to find out the Scheduled Tribe sports talents associated with different main streams games. Focus was given on the players who have played at the state, national or international levels. Significance of the study Different studies suggested that sport is not an isolated domain of interest for the social scientists. Rather sport is more commonly viewed in relation with the class and socio-economic condition of the sports persons. Even a particular sport may have association with higher or lower economic class. India is a country with diverse culture and ethnicity. There are ethnic games and traditional sports at various corners of the country. The Scheduled Tribes form a considerable portion of India’s population and a number of players are involved in mainstream games and sports. To understand the level of involvement of the tribal players and to find out their difficulties, a study was done in West Bengal. It was also important to know the opportunities they can get to become a successful player. Methodology For data collection different sports associations of West Bengal were contacted and requested to provide a list of existing tribal players. Name of these sports associations are Sports Authority of India (SAI), Indian Football PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 377 Association, West Bengal Kabaddi Association, West Bengal Kho Kho Association, West Bengal Basketball Association, West Bengal Volleyball Association, Bengal Hockey Association, Cricket Association of Bengal and Bengal Olympic Association. Some local level institutions like Bolpur Special Area Games Centre (SAG) and Gorkha Archery Training Centre in Kalimpong. A structured questionnaire was used for this purpose containing name of the player, age, sex, educational level, community, participation in state, national or international level competitions and their contact details. The associations provided list of 314 Scheduled Tribe (ST) players from which 143 players were filtered who played at state/national/international level competitions. Field work was conducted in 7 blocks of 5 districts having more than 40% of Scheduled Tribe population. These are Kalchini block of Alipurduar, Ranibandh block of Bankura, Nagrakata and Mal blocks of Jalpaiguri, Nayagram and Binpur 2 blocks of Paschim Medinipur and Manbazar 2 block of Purulia district. Information on upcoming tribal players and successful players were collected from these districts. From these five districts a list of 597 players was collected. Among them only 36 players were found to have participated in state/national/international level games. Different clubs and coaching centres were visited for collection of information on the tribal players. For the present study only the state and national level players were interviewed. A list of state, national or international level players was prepared from the data collected. Some success stories of the players were also documented. Pictographic documentation was also done during the practice session of some tribal players. The coaches were also interviewed as per availability. The data was analysed and tabulated through MS Office Excel. Data collection and field work was conducted from January, 2016 to June, 2016. Findings In terms of total population three districts in West Bengal shows high tribal concentration, namely Alipurduar (25.62%), Darjiling (21.52%) and Purulia (18.45%). On the other hand Paschim Dinajpur district (16.61%) has maximum tribal population in respect of total Scheduled Tribe population of the state (Census, 2011). Tribal sport talents have been found from all these districts. Tribal girls and boys in the villages of West Bengal involve them in different traditional sports and games. But only a few of them get chance to participate in mainstream sports and play for the country. Mapping the talented sportspersons belonging to ST communities From the well known sports associations of Bengal 143 talented players were found including 89 males and 54 females. Among the players identified from the studied districts 22 are males and 14 are females. There are three major games in India namely, cricket, football and hockey. The team games 378 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) like football, hockey, volleyball, kho kho, kabaddi pull most of the tribal players. Although cricket is the most popular game of India, but hardly any tribal boy or girl could be found in cricket (Table No.1.i and 1.ii). According to the coaches cricket training is comparatively costly and unaffordable by the tribal players. A number of tribal players are associated with different premier division football clubs of West Bengal like East Bengal, Mohun Bagan, Mohammedan, Tollygunge Agragamy etc. The Scheduled Tribe (ST) players participate in State level championships, National League and Indian Super League which has immense commercial value. The chart 1 shows the involvement of ST players in different sports as found during the study. The association level data shows most of the female players are associated with Archery (24.07%). There are international level players and winners of different competitions in Archery. For example Monika Soren won Asia Cup in 2015, she also own National Award in the same year. Suparna Singh is a Gold Medallist at the National level in 2016. They got training in Sports Authority of India (SAI). Monika Soren and Suparna Singh were recommended by their school Barakhagri Anchal Janakalyan Vidyalaya situated at Nayagram block of Paschim Medinipur district. This school is well known for grooming sports talents in Paschim Medinipur. The school authority has constructed a multi-gym for training the students having sports talent with the grant received from the Department of Youth and Sports of the government of West Bengal. The district level data shows that the females are successfully participating in football and Karate. Bhabani Munda is a well known football coach in Kalchini block of Alipurduar district. She formed a club namely Kalchini Dooars 11 with 55 girl players. A number of tribal players are the members of this club and participated in state level competitions. Bhabani Munda received the Real Hero Award in 2013. She is Chart 1: Involvement of ST players in different sports PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 379 the winner of L’Oreal Paris Femina Women Awards in 2014. Recently she own Bangaratna Award in 2016. A karate training institute was found in Matiali block of Jalpaiguri district. Two successful ST players were found from this institute namely Alina Lakra and Rakesh Mahali. One of them is international level player. Importance of SAI as a nodal training institute There are a number of schemes implemented by the SAI with a view of promoting sports at Sub-Junior, Junior and Senior levels. The schemes are as follows: National Sports Talent Contest Scheme (NSTC) - This Scheme is being implemented by the Sports Authority of India to scout sports talent in the age group of 8-14 (Sub-Junior level trainees) years from schools and provides them scientific training for different sports. Army Boys Sports Company Scheme (ABSC) – This scheme for SubJunior level trainees. The main objective of the Scheme is to make use of the good infrastructure and disciplined environment of the Army for training boys in the age group of 8-16 years of age, to achieve excellence in sports. SAI Training Centres Scheme (STC) - The STC scheme is aimed at grooming junior level sports persons in the age group of 12 to 18. Extension Centre of STC /SAG - Trainees in the age group of 12-18 years are adopted to develop sports standards in schools and colleges Special Area Games Scheme (SAG) - This aims at scouting natural talent in the age group of 12-18 years for modern competitive sports and games from inaccessible tribal, rural and coastal areas of the country and nurturing them scientifically for achieving excellence in sports. Centre of Excellence Scheme (COE) – This is the only scheme meant for senior level trainees (12 to 25 years). Sports persons who achieved best four positions in all age group in National Championships in individual events and are winners or Runners-up in Team events are selected and provided scientific training. The ‘Come and Play Scheme’ of SAI was initiated to encourage local sports persons in areas where SAI sports facilities/Centres are operational. SAI provides hostel facility to the players under 18 years of age. The equipments of archery are very costly. SAI provides the equipments. For the tribal players it is difficult to arrange safe accommodation facility in the city as they are mostly from remote areas of different districts. Hostel is the utmost requirement for the girl players which is provided by SAI. But getting chance in SAI is not easy. The players have to go through the tough selection process. Scheduled Tribes are also good athletes. Anil Soren and Debarjun Murmu are national level players and they are still associated with SAI. 380 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Debarjun Murmu is a 19 years old athlete taking training in SAI since last 4 years. His native village is in Jhargram block of Paschim Medinipur district. He is a national level champion in 400 meter hurdle race. Moumita Munda is a 16 years old girl from Kalchini block of Alipurduar district taking training for Archery. She has participated in National Junior level championship. Like them many players are taking training at SAI, Kolkata and other Institutions. These are accommodating tribal girls and boys having talent and preparing them for bigger platform. They are experiencing a new dimension of life as sports person after being accommodated in the renowned training institutes. But at the beginning the local schools and training centres have played an important role for encouraging them and helping them get better chance for training. Age specific distribution of the ST players The talented tribal players were divided into three age groups depending on their participation in state/national/international competitions. From the associations 11 sub-junior level players below 14 years were found, while from the studied districts 8 players at this group was recorded. Most of the players in associations are senior level players (61.54%). All the football players associated with the local clubs are senior players. District level information depicts most of the players are at junior level that is within age group 15 to 18 years. There are 30.77% junior level players in the associations as these associations organise competitions for the trainees of different age group. SAI do not provide hostel facility to the players above 18 years which is a problem for senior level players (Tale No. 2.i and 2.ii). They can take training but they have to arrange for accommodation in mess or in rented house. In the studied districts players within 18 years were mostly found as the senior players generally get admission in the sports associations of Bengal and stay in Kolkata or discontinue sports due to economic problem in the family. Often the girls get married sacrificing their sport career. According to the archery coach at SAI, the players are always treated according to their performances in game. The players are selected on the basis of physical fitness and at least having one or two achievements in school or state level championships. According to the physical strength and ability of the players, the coaches often decide the type of sports where the player may be accommodated. The tribal sport persons generally come mostly from economically backward families. Sometimes it becomes difficult for them to carry costly equipments, specially for archery. Proper guidance of the coach helps a girl or boy to become a great sports person. Community wise distribution of ST players The Santals are the major tribe of West Bengal. They form nearly 50% of the total tribal population of the state. Other two major tribes are PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 381 Oraon and Munda. During the study most of the talented players were found to belong to these three tribal communities. These communities have more exposure to education and they are more aware about different schemes and facilities meant for tribal people. At different sports associations Oraon forms the majority (45.45%) followed by the Santals (37.76%), while in districts the Santal forms the majority (55.56%) followed by the Munda players (19.44%). It may be because these three tribal groups have more exposure about sports. Hill tribes like Bhutia, Tamang and Lepcha also involved themselves in different mainstream sports like football, archery, Karate (Table No. 3.i and 3.ii). In this context name of two sisters Paril Lepcha and Leerum Lepcha should be mentioned. They have own a number of medals in state and national level games. Their parents were also archers and they have established Gorkha Archery Training Centre at Kalimpong for giving training to the upcoming players. Paril Lepcha is now working under West Bengal police service. Some other tribes are also participating in different sports. Educational status of the ST players As per available data the players of different associations show that they are mostly studying in class IX to X (40.32%) or have studied upto that level. Some of the players are continuing after Madhyamik. Only 3 females were found to be graduates. The district level data on 36 players depict that the players are either studying at the middle school or in class IX-X as most of the identified players of five districts are sub junior or junior level players. Only one male graduate player was found from the district (Table No. 4.i and 4.ii). It is important to note that the players do not get chance to attend school regularly. Retention in one class or dropout is a common scenario for the talented ST players. The reason is more attention in sports than in education. The hostellers do not even attend school for months and sit for regular examination. Conclusion and recommendation In India sports are considered to be of great economic value. Some mainstream team games like cricket, football, hockey, kabaddi are played at the international level. Individual players also have contributions in international competitions in the events like archery, athletics, gymnastics etc. Such sports fetch lots of money to the players. Special sports quota is there in government jobs. The Scheduled Tribe players can take sports professionally and catch the opportunity to apply for the government jobs. In the recent decade commercialisation of sports led many players to become a global entity. Although the Scheduled Tribe players could be hardly visible in commercialised platform of sport, but the talented players can be successful at international level if they receive proper coaching. 382 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Since most of the tribal players are from poor economic background, they do not get proper diet which is required for their grooming. They could not arrange kits and accessories as per requirement. Sometimes the players at the district level face problems getting qualified trainer. The upcoming talented players should be taken care of their performance by making arrangements for better coaching facility. The coaching centres at the district level may be supported by supplying the sports kits through the government. Yearly stipend may be given to the upcoming players so that they can concentrate more on sport. The successful players may be given one time reward for encouraging them. Local level government mechanisms may take necessary action to help the tribal players by making arrangements for coordination with the state level sports associations. The players above 18 years should also sit for various examinations for job as economic stability is important for them. Sports should be taken as carer by the Scheduled Tribe players as they have potential to become a successful sports person. Table 1.i Gender wise distribution of players Associated with Different Sports Associations Type of Sports Scheduled Tribe players Male Female All Players N % N % N % Archery 1 1.12 13 24.07 14 9.79 Athletics 4 4.49 4 7.407 8 5.59 Basketball 1 1.12 0 0 1 0.70 Football 27 30.34 0 0 27 18.88 Hockey 34 38.20 9 16.67 43 30.07 Kabaddi 7 7.87 9 16.67 16 11.19 Kho kho 6 6.74 5 9.259 11 7.69 Volleyball Total 9 10.11 14 25.93 23 16.08 89 100.00 54 100.00 143 100.00 PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 383 Table 1.ii Gender wise distribution of players found from five districts Type of Sports Scheduled Tribe players Male Female N % Archery 1 4.55 Athletics 4 18.18 Football 5 22.73 Kabaddi 1 4.55 Karate 1 4.55 Kho-kho 10 45.45 Total 22 100.00 N All Players % N % 1 2.78 4 11.11 13 92.86 18 50.00 1 2.78 1 7.14 2 5.56 10 27.78 14 100.00 36 100.00 Table 2.i: Age group wise distribution of the players Associated with Different Sports Associations Sl. Age group wise distribution No. 1 Sub Junior Level players (Below 14 years) Male Female All Players N % N % N % 4 4.49 7 12.96 11 7.69 2 Junior Level Players (15 to 18 years) 23 25.84 21 38.89 44 30.77 3 Senior Players (Above 18 years) 62 69.66 26 48.15 88 61.54 Total 89 100.00 54 100.00 143 100.00 Table 2.i: Age group wise distribution of the players found from five districts Sl. Age group wise distribution No. 1 Sub Junior Level players (Below 14 years) 2 Junior Level Players (15 to 18 years) 3 Senior Players (Above 18 years) Total Male Female N % N 7 19.44 1 11 30.56 10 % All Players N % 2.78 8 22.22 27.78 21 58.33 7 19.44 4 11.11 3 8.33 22 61.11 14 38.89 36 100.00 384 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 3.i Community wise distribution of the players Associated with Different Sports Associations Sl. No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Community Bhumij Bhutia Ho Kora Lepcha Munda Oraon Santal Tamang Total Male Female All Players N % N % N % 2 1 1 1 2.25 1.12 1.12 1.12 0.00 1.12 51.69 35.96 5.62 100.00 4 7.41 0.00 1.85 0.00 3.70 11.11 35.19 40.74 0.00 100.00 6 1 2 1 2 7 65 54 5 143 4.20 0.70 1.40 0.70 1.40 4.90 45.45 37.76 3.50 100.00 1 46 32 5 89 1 2 6 19 22 0 54 Table 3.ii Community wise distribution of the players found from five districts Sl. No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Community Bhumij Lodha Mahali Munda Oraon Santal Total Male Female All Players N % N % N % 1 1 1 3 5 11 22 4.55 4.55 4.55 13.64 22.73 50.00 100.00 4 1 9 14 28.57 7.14 64.29 100.00 1 1 1 7 6 20 36 2.78 2.78 2.78 19.44 16.67 55.56 100.00 Table 4.i Educational status of the players Associated with Different Sports Associations Sl. No. Educational levels Male N Female % N All Players % N % 1 Class V to VIII 18 25.71 17 31.48 35 28.23 2 Class IX to X 32 45.71 18 33.33 50 40.32 3 Class XI to XII 20 28.57 16 29.63 36 29.03 4 Graduate 0.00 3 5.56 3 2.42 100.00 54 100.00 124 100.00 Total (Note: 70 From the association data on education was received from 124 players as IFA could not provide the education data of the footballers) PARTICIPATION OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBE PLAYERS... 385 Table 4.ii Educational status of the players found from five districts Sl. No. Educational levels Male Female N % N All Players % N % 1 Class V to VIII 14 63.64 1 7.14 15 41.67 2 Class IX to X 3 13.64 11 78.57 14 38.89 3 Class XI to XII 4 18.18 2 14.29 6 16.67 4 Graduate 0.00 1 2.78 14 100.00 36 100.00 Total 1 4.55 22 100.00 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT We are thankful to the Director (Dr. Prasenjit Debbarman) and Deputy Director (Dr. Smiran Bisai) of Cultural Research Institute, Backward Classes Welfare Department and Tribal Development Department, Government of West Bengal for allowing us to conduct a research on ‘Mapping of Tribal Sports’ in West Bengal with the financial assistance from Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India. This paper was presented at the National Seminar on Tribal Development organised by the Cultural Research Institute (Kolkata) on 15th and16th June, 2017. We are thankful to all the Sports Associations for providing us information. Special thanks should be given to the players for their cooperation during data collection. NOTES 1. Data Source: Census of India, 2011. 2. Data Source: Official website of Ministry of Tribal Affairs. 3. Data Source: Official website of Ministry of Tribal Affairs and Backward Classes Welfare Department, Government of West Bengal. 4. Data source: Official Website of Ministry of Youth Affairs and sports. REFERENCES Agashe, C.D. and Ajay Karkare 2013 “Comparative Study between Tribal and Non-Tribal Sports Person of Chattisgarhrelated to their motor Fitness”, Tribal Health Bulletin, Vol. 9 (1&2) PP. 46-51. Bourdieu P. 1984 Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press Bourdieu, P. 1991 “Sport and social class”. In C Mukerji, M Schudson (ed.) Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies. Berkeley/Los Angeles: Univ. Calif. Press. Gahlawat, P. 2016 “A Study of the Relationship Between Social Economical Status and Sports Participation”, Academia, Vol. 6, Issue – 7, PP. 76-82. 386 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Mazrui, A.A. 1987 “Africa Triple Heritage of Play-Reflections on the gender gap”. In Bakker W.J. and Maugan J.A. (ed) Sports in Africa, Essay in Social History. New York: Africana. Robers, Jhon M., Malcolm J. Arth and Robert R Bush, 1959 “Games in Culture”, American Anthropologist, Vol. 6, No. 4, PP. 597-605. Swaim, John H., C. Kenneth McEwin and Judith L. Irvi, 1998 ‘Responsive Middle Level Sports Programs’, Middle School Journal, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 72-74. Washington, Robert E. and David Karen 2001 “Sport and Society”, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.27, PP. 187-212. Web pages (accessed on 2nd and 3rd February, 2018): www.Census of India.gov.in https://tribal.nic.in. http://www.anagrasarkalyan.gov.in. https://www.yas.nic.in/sports/national-policies. http://sportsauthorityofindia.nic.in Sulbha Rai ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE RESPONSES Assam is the homeland for many races and communities and possesses a rich ethnic diversity. The ethnic diversity of the state represents a complex mosaic nature of the social set up with both tribal and non-tribal population. Today, these diverse ethnic communities are facing a crisis situation that emerged out of the eagerness to protect and promote the respective ethnic identity and culture. The crisis stems further in the form of ethnic conflict some of which have been violent and have attracted media attention over the past few years. The Government of India (GoI), on many occasions, had devised various strategies and structural adjustments to meet the aspirations of the competing ethnic communities in the state. However, all such measures have not been adequate to address the issue of ethnic conflict and as such have become a matter of concern for the policymakers and advocates of peace. In this backdrop, the present paper probes the issue of ethnic conflict in the northeastern state of Assam. The paper deals with some of the significant research questions such as - What is the nature of the ethnic conflict in Assam? What are the causal factors for such conflict? What has been the GoI’s response? How effective has been the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in dealing with the issue of ethnicity? What is the current debate on the updation of National Register of Citizens (NRC) and what is the possible implication? The paper follows a historical and analytical method and incorporates secondary sources of data to support the arguments and findings. Introduction Assam represents one of the eight states in India’s Northeast Region (NER). Like the rest of Northeast India, Assam has a rich ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. Today, such diverse ethnic communities, instead of assimilating with each other are facing a situation of alienation and isolation (Sharma 2018: 74). This has caused many of the communities eager to protect their respective identity, political space and to have control over resources. On many occasions, such situations have been manifested in violent ethnic clashes. Ethnic conflict in Assam is not something new or recent phenomena; rather it has been a cyclical issue questioning the larger composite SULBHA RAI, Research Scholar, USHSS, GGS IP University; New Delhi 388 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) social existence of Assam. Over the years, much has been debated and discussed over the causal factors of such conflict, yet there solution seems a challenging task for the GoI. Today, it is a concern for the policymakers and advocates of peace and thus becomes significant for an investigation. In this background, the present paper probes the issue of ethnic conflict in the Northeastern state of Assam. It deals with certain significant research questions such as - What is the nature of the ethnic conflict in Assam? What are the causal factors for such conflict? What has been the GoI’s response? How effective has been the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in dealing with the issue of ethnicity? What is the current debate on the updation of National Register of Citizens (NRC) and what is the possible implication? The paper observes that the issue of ethnic conflict in the state could be understood under certain aspects. The unabated immigration, politicization of ethnicity and culture, identity politics as well as the ethnic assertiveness remain as the major causes behind the ethnic conflict in Assam. It further observes that the GoI has devised various policies to address the issue from time to time. However, such policies have not been adequate and are exclusive in nature, meeting demands for a few sections of the population at the cost of the other, resulting in further tensions.The paper follows a historical and analytical method and incorporates secondary sources of data to support major arguments and findings. Assam in India’s Northeast Region Assam with an area of 78,438 sq. km represents 2.39 percent of the total land area and also accounts for up to 3,200 km of India’s International boundaries, with Bangladesh and Bhutan. The state acts as a gateway to the other Northeastern states as it is surrounded by the state of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura as well as West Bengal. Assam’s physiography is dominated by two major riverine systems – the mighty Brahmaputra and its tributaries; and the Barak River and its tributaries. These two rivers have the valleys that are separated by the Karbi Hills and the North Cachar Hills, both of which are an extension of the Shillong Plateau. In terms of demographic composition the state has a population of 3.12 crore, with the religious break up– 61.47% Hindu, 34.22% Muslim, 3.74% Christian (Government of India 2011). Inhabitants of the state belong to different races, religion, castes, tribes and speak multiple languages. The predominant languages that are spoken in the state are Assamese, Bengali, Hindi and Bodo. Assam and the horizon of the Assamese society which is represented today by the number of districts and areas are quite different than the precolonial Assam. Assam was annexed into colonial jurisdiction after the signing of the Treaty of Yandaboo in 1826. The said treaty was signed between the Burmese king and the British East India Company that ended the first AngloBurmese war. Staring from the expansion of the colonial jurisdiction to its ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 389 Map 1: Map of Assam (District Wise) Source: Maps of India, Map of Assam, retrieved from https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/ assam/assam-district.htm subsequent transfer to tdhe Indian Union, Assam became a melting pot for many races and communities to settle and inhabit. Today, the population of Assam can be distinctly categorized as ‘the tribes of the hills, the tribes of the plains, and the nontribal inhabitants of the plains’ (Sharma 2018: 74). Apart from the majority Assamese language speaking population, there exists a complex mixture of several dialects and languages as shown in the table below (insert table 1 and 2 here). Nature of Ethnic Conflict in Assam Assam having a complex social set up comprising of various ethnic groups has occasionally witnessed various social unrests and turmoil in the form of inter-ethnic conflicts. Notable among them are – the Nellie Massacre between Assamese (mostly Tiwas and Lalungs, categorized as Scheduled Tribe [plain])and Bengali speaking immigrants; Bodo and non-Bodos in the areas of Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) under the jurisdiction of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC); also including the Karbi and Dimasa conflicts in the Karbi Anglong and N. C. Hills District. The infamous Nellie massacre took place on February 18, 1983, lasting about six hours. Reportedly 390 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) armed mobs (ethnic Assamese) attacked and killed as many as 1,800 Muslims (unofficial claims: 3,300) across 14 villages in the undivided Nagaon district of Central Assam, on the pretext that they were illegal migrants from Bangladesh (Rehman 2009). The case of ethnic conflict between Bodos and non-Bodos in the BTC is another major instance. The said area had witnessed violent ethnic clashes with severe casualties between Bodos and Adivasis (consisting mainly tribes of Central India like Santhal, Munda and others who were brought by the British to work on the Tea Estates) in the late 1990s and recently in 2014. Also, the conflict between Bodos and Muslims in the year 2008 and 2012 are the notable instances (South Asia Terrorism Portal 2017). Although the ethnic conflict in Assam has been associated with an inter-group phenomenon, it also has a manifestation in the form of subnationalistic or ethno-nationalistic aspirations. The concept of sub-nationalism implies the idea of expressing and emphasizing of the ethnic distinctiveness and identity of a particular ethnic community. In this context, Sanjib Baruah (1999) in his work discusses the case of sub-nationalism among the ethnic Assamese population that emerged as a result of the self-perception of being a distinct and internally coherent community. The author observes that such distinctively defines a ‘sub-nation’ within the larger framework of the Indian nation-state and pan-Indian identity. Assam in the last few decades has experienced the trauma and disturbance, resulting from social turmoil and unrests that is based on the ethnic distinctiveness and self-determination. Additionally, due to the presence of multiple ethnic, religious and linguistic groups in the same economic and socio-political space, prospect of conflicting and competing ethnic demands are significantly raised. Such a situation attracts a grave concern as it takes the form of ethnic armed conflicts quite occasionally in the state resulting in secessionism, insurgency and inter-ethnic conflict. Further, identity-based politics, easy availability of small arms, porous international boundary and poor border management, thin State administrative capacities along with the external support from neighbouring countries creates an ideal ecosystem for various ethnic insurgencies operating within the state vis a vis the NER to thrive. Thus, based on the above line of observations, it can be said that the ethnic conflict in Assam is dynamic in nature. The dynamism could be located in terms of (a) Conflict for preferential rights based on ethnic origin; (b) Conflict for creating separate ‘homeland’ and (c) Conflict in the form of Tribal vs. Nontribal and Tribal vs. Tribal, discussed as under. The Conflict for Preferential Rights Based on Ethnic Origin Conflicts in Assam, especially those on ethnic lines are primarily due to the demand for preferential rights based on ethnic origin. Many of the communities in the state have been conflicting for their respective preferential treatment by the GoI. Such communities have shown the character of ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 391 chauvinism towards other (minority)community. For instance, the Assam Government introduced the official language bill in June 1960 trying to make Assamese the sole official language of the state. Then on June 12, 1972, the academic council of the Guwahati University took a decision that the medium of instruction at all colleges under it would be Assamese, and English would continue simultaneously for the next ten years. Further, on February 28, 1986, Board of Secondary Education, Assam (SEBA) issued a circular regarding the educational curriculum. It said that non-Assamese students from class V onwards would have to learn Assamese as a third language in place of Hindi till class VIII and from class VIII onwards Assamese would be a mandatory subject. Such policies have been outrightly rejected by other communities in the state such as the Bodos. The fall out of this development was the demand by Bodos for their respective ethnic preferences. Sloganeering as ‘divide Assam 50-50’, the Bodos started to demand a separate, independent ‘Bodoland - a homeland for the ethnic Bodos’. Further, the clause 6 of the Assam Accord1promises specific provisions for protecting the cultural identity of the ‘Assamese people’. The Bodos disapproved the Clause ‘as they fear the clause might give legitimacy to the imposition of Assamese language and culture’ (Singh 2010: 3). Similar instances could be observed among other ethnic groups such as Adivasis, KarbisandDimasas. The Conflict for Creating ‘Homeland’ Many of the communities in Assam have been indulged in violent activities seen in terms of their armed struggle for the creation of separate ‘homeland’. The concept of homeland here depicts the demands – for the creation of separate statehood, for autonomy as well as for secession from the Indian union. This form of conflict is seen as Tribal vs. the State where there is a tribal group that is resorting to armed struggle against the Indian State to meet its political objectives. In Assam, there exist several communities that have organized themselves and are currently engaged in attaining their respective political objectives through armed struggle. The armed ethnic militias could be observed in the case of communities such as ethnic Assamese, Bodos, Karbis, Dimasas, Adivasis and Rajbongshis. On many occasions, the territory which one community claims as its ‘homeland’ overlap with the territory claimed by the other community. This shows the complexity of accommodating the varying demands of the ethnic communities. The Tribal vs. Non-tribal and the Tribal vs.Tribal Conflict Another characteristic of ethnic conflict in Assam is the existence of a conflict between one tribal population against another tribal population, e.g. ethnic conflict between Karbis and the Diamsas in the Karbi Anglong District of Assam. The other form of conflict is between the tribe and the non-tribal population, such as the conflict between the Bodos and the Muslim population 392 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) in the Bodo inhabiting areas of Assam.At times, it is also observed that there is conflict within the same tribal population. However, such conflict is seen as a result of the clash of interest or due to the differences in political objectives. The latter form of conflict is viewed as ‘internecine’ conflict which is considered to be mutually destructive for a particular ethnic community. Origin of Ethnic Conflict in Assam: Outlining the Causal Factors The causal factors for the emergence and existence of ethnic conflict in Assam are many. H. N. Das (2004: 70) identifies the factors such as the perceived discrimination and injustice, a desire for self-expression, better economic development and the aspirations of local politicians to be responsible for the rise of sub-national and ethnic conflict in Assam. Whereas Singh (2010) relates the conflicts in Assam to the issues of immigration, competition over the control of natural resources as well as the subsequent polarization of its society and polity. This paper,however, locates the various causal factors under the following three major subsections: Identity Politics and Politicization of Ethnicity Every ethnic community has certain distinct traits or characteristics in terms of cultural practices, language and dialects. This creates a sense of belongingness towards that particular ethnic community, which in turn results in ethnic distinctiveness. The formation of ethnic identity, according to Paul Brass, involves three processes. Brass observes these processes as – (a) ‘within the ethnic group itself for control over its material and symbolic resources’, (b) ‘between ethnic groups as a competition for rights, privileges, and available resources’, and (c)‘between the state and the groups that dominate it, on the one hand, and the populations that inhabit its territory on the other’ (Brass 1991: 247). In Assam, many of the conflicting ethnic communities are facing a crisis situation regarding the protection and preservation of their respective identity. In fact, in today’s Assam, the trend of multiculturalism has been replaced by varied monoculturalism. Such a crisis has emerged out of an ‘insecurity factor’ that one ethnic group faces against another. Thus, identity becomes crucial for any ethnic group. In this regard, Baruah (2004) argues that identity is directly related to the emergence of the educated elite in the concerned community. He goes on to explain that when any particular group comes into exercising power in terms of political, social over other such groups, there is a tendency of playing a role of hegemony and ruling nature (ibid).The chauvinistic nature of the majoritarian group generates a discriminatory feeling among many smaller groups in spite of having a common social set up. The smaller groups desire for a self-expression for its respective identity demands for its interests which results in a conflict situation with the dominant group. As Garg (2007) points out that the intolerance and imperviousness lead to the growth of a feeling of discrimination ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 393 and alienation on the part of the smaller group whereby the dominant group possesses a tendency to brand all group aspirations and demands as antinational or secessionist without, going into their merits or demerits. Arguably, the smaller ethnic groups especially the tribes of Assam are believed to have experienced crisis about their culture and identity. With the exception of a few political leaders and a very small elite section; most of the tribals have perpetually experienced not only an identity crisis in Assam but also economic exploitation and social, cultural and political oppression (Hussain 1992). From such an identity crisis, emerges the ethnic assertion. Generally speaking, ethnic assertions result when a particular ethnic group/community makes attempts to safeguard its identity, culture and language. For instance, Saikia argues that ‘claims to ethno-nationalism of the Bodos can be interpreted as closely intertwined with issues of institutional and social exclusion based on language politics’ (Saikia 2011: 60). When such identity crisis or ethnic assertions come in the interplay of the political sphere, it results in the identity politics. In Assam, the political consciousness about the ethnic identity has caused by in the loss of assimilations which further created a tendency of separatism among many of the ethnic communities in the state. The rise of the tensions could be seen based on the identity politics. The politics of identity and ethnicity is believed to be socially constructed phenomena whereby the articulation is done depending on the vested interests of the community.Hill and Wilson (2003) defines the term ‘identity politics’ as the articulation, construction, invention or commodification of culture and identity, that are perceived to be traditional, modern, radical, local, regional, religious, gender, class, and ethnic etc. to achieve political ends. Politicization as such is not a negative term as it promotes group consciousness, awareness about rights and entitlements. Rather, it implies that the ethnic, cultural, linguistic aspects that are crucial to ethnic identity and diversity have a political interference. It is this interference when made inadvertently or out of any political motivations makes the crisis situation worse. Assam is currently experiencing identity crisis among many of its communities based on sub-nationalistic sentiments. Arguably, the ethnic conflict in Assam among many other causes incorporates to a great extent the politicization or political orientation that has gone wrong. In this regard, Garg (2007) observes that politicisation ‘takes place at two levels- on one level, politicisation of people’s cultural, linguistic and most importantly ethnic sentiments resulting in ethnic conflicts and at another level, politicisation by the decision makers as part of their effort to find a solution to the conflict’. 394 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Immigration and the Demographic Pressure Assam has witnessed immigration that dates back to the British colonial era when the colonialistsintroduced many indentured labourers from across the then(mainland) India. The colonial power also encouraged many immigrants to settle in the state for the administrative purposes. Although this aspect did not seem to be a problem in the initial period, however, due to the expansion of Assamese middle class there was competition, both in the context of cultural subordination and for the bureaucratic jobs leading to the tendency of better relations with the immigrants. The partition of India caused a major influx of immigrants in Assam which was further accelerated after the liberation of Bangladesh in the 1971. During the secession of East Pakistan from Pakistan in 1971 where India is believed to liberate Bangladesh generated a large influx of refugees from Bangladesh. The immigration from Bangladesh did not limit to Assam only, other parts of the NER also had the influx of migrants from Bangladesh. But in Assam, the illegal migration from Bangladesh became very routine activity because of the porous border that Assam shares. It has been argued that the increasing influx of Bangladeshi immigrants in the state is due to a number of interrelated factors: economic, environmental, religious and political. Hence, there exists both pull and push factors for migration of population from Bangladesh in the NER. Immigration in Assam has been an emotive issue and over a period of time, it has caused various social unrests many of which have been violent. The immigration, especially the illegali imigration affected the state of Assam and its indigenous people in various aspects. The major impact was on the demography of the state. During 1971-91, the Muslim population grew nearly twice as much as the Hindu (Madhab 1999: 320). The governor of Assam in the year 1998 assessed the growth rate in Assam with Hindu population at 41.89 percent and that of the Muslim population at 77.42 percent from 1971 to 1991 (Das 2007: 9). Millions of Bangladeshis have moved from to India in the past 30 years. The Indian Government figure is 15 million (Hazarika 2004: 777). However, today the population statistics in Assam becomes a muchcontested issue with varying organizations, newspaper reports and studies fixing their numbers anywhere between 10 and 15 million or even more (Sharma 2012: 297). The impact of immigration on the demography of Assam remains a highly controversial issue and has led to a popular movement called as the ’anti-foreigner agitation’ or the Assam Agitation that lasted for six years (1978 – 1985). The movement demanded the detection of all illegal immigrants and their deportation, including deletion from the voters’ list. Besides the demographic pressure, immigration in Assam is believed to have (1) created pressures on land, (2) Caused unemployment to the Assamese people claiming themselves as native to the region, (3) decreased the native Assamese percentage vis-à-vis the immigrants both in consecutive censuses ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 395 and electoral rolls and as a result (4) fomented social tensions that often have ignited ethnic and communal riots (Das 2007: 9). Geographic Isolation and the Feeling of Alienation Historically tracing, in pre-colonial Assam, there were many ethnic groups such as the Ahoms, Bodos and Kacharis which used to live amidst cooperation and unity. Many ethnic communities having in spite of their ethnic distinctiveness, they together used to represent the sovereignty of Assam. Be it at the time of war or peace, there existed a harmony among many races (Karna 2008).However, such ethnic cohesiveness started to deteriorate soon after the British Annexation of the state. Many of the British policies such as the ‘line system’, ‘excluded and partially excluded area system’ are seen as exploitative and exclusive rather than the general welfare of the people (Guha 1977: 2). Such policies were devised to strengthen the British imperialism and restricted the interaction between the hill people and the plains.The subsequent transfer of the state to Indian Union further created isolation among its population due to the fact that the entire northeast region became landlocked. Also, the policy of the GoI towards the region per sewas motivated by the security imperatives rather than the developmental imperatives. This further caused a sense of neglect and a tendency of separatism among the ethnic communities. Analyzing the State Responses to Ethnic Conflict To address the deep-rooted issue of ethnic conflict and to meet the aspirations of the various ethnic communities, the GoI has come up with certain specific measures. The paper locates such measures in four major headings the creation of new states on the basis of ethnicity, granting of autonomous district councils for the tribal population, developmental measure as the panacea to conflict; and the currently debated issue of NRC updation. Creation of Newer States on the Basis of Ethnicity Historically speaking, India’s NERwas represented by Assam, Tripura and Manipur. The present-day Arunachal Pradesh was denoted as North East Frontier Agency (NEFA). Among the three, Manipur and Tripura used to be the princely states, where as Assam represented the rest of the Northeast. Soon after independence of India, with the beginning of the process of nation-building, the Indian state witnessed sub-national challenges to pan-Indianism from the NER. Assam being a multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic state, witnessed several ethnic crises in the form of insurgencies for secessionism and separate statehood. The GoI as a solution to such crises, adopted the policy of creation of separate state based on ethnicity and ethnic sentiments. Soon, the states such as Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagalandwerecarved out of Assam to suppress the various ethnic demands. The state of Nagaland was created in the year 1963 followed by 396 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Meghalaya in 1972 and Mizoram in 1987. However, such a measure has invited newer troubles for the GoI as demands for separate statehood from other ethnic communities in the region started to emerge. Scholars like Baruah (1999) argues that the GoI’s such piecemeal approach to the ethnic problems in the Northeast had further created a tendency of separatism in the multi-ethnic frame of Assam. The recurring sub-nationalist challenge in the state shows that the GoI has failed in resolving the ethnic crises. Granting of the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) Granting of autonomy and statehood in the Northeast India has been one of the most significant structural changes in the administration. The concept of ADCs has been introduced in by the GoI to ascertain the representative structures at the local level to the tribal population of the region.The Sixth Schedule enshrined under the Article 244 of the Indian constitution grants local autonomy towards governance and rights for natural resources. The arrangement is meant to protect and privilege the local residents over and above the outsiders in matters of land and resources. Under this arrangement, there are three ADCs that have been constituted in Assam (see table 3). These ADCs are Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC),DimaHasao District Autonomous Council (DHDAC) and the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). Apart from the autonomous councils mandated in the Sixth Schedule, six other statutory autonomous councils were constituted in Assam after prolonged agitations by other smaller ethnic communities. These non-Sixth Schedule Autonomous Councils are the Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council, the Mising Autonomous Council, the Deori Autonomous Council, the Sonowal Kachari Autonomous Council and the Thengal Kachari Autonomous Council (Singha 2016: 498). These institutional arrangements are meant to address ethnic movements in Assam and can be seen in terms of legislative Acts for the various plain tribe and backward class population. Such arrangements are monitored by the Department of Welfare of Plain Tribes and Backward Classes under Government of Assam. Likewise, there exist institutions for various non-tribal, ethnic communities in Assam as well. These are constituted on the basis of ethnic identity, its protection and development. It is argued by many scholars that the creation of territorial/ autonomous councils may generate further tensions given the complex mosaic structure of population characteristics in Assam. In Assam, such councils have been created as a‘knee-jerk response’ to the rising conflicts in the state.In this sense, the territorial council on the ground of ethnicity is an unending process. It is further believed that any policy that seeks to protect the interests of ethnic communities will lead to a proliferation of such identities and would further divide the society because it sends the signal that ethnic identity is a useful political platform (Mahanta 2008: 99). Today, this fragmentation seems ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 397 a difficult task to control in the state.For instance, following the ethnic insurgency movement by the Bodos, the GoI signed an accord with the conflicting Bodo groups and formed the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) in 2003. The signing of the accord was seen as a success story to many as it could end the conflict with the disbandment of the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) – the conflicting groups. The success of this accord was largely due to its proper implementation and the co-operation engendered between the Bodo and non-Bodo communities. The council was enacted to provide special facilities to 25 percent of the Bodos at the cost of 75 percent non-Bodoswithin the proposed BTC area. However, even here we can see problems for the longer success of similar accords. The said accord gave birth to further ethnic problems in subsequent periods as this arrangement was challenged by other ethnic communities in the state such as Rabhas, Tiwas, and Mishings. In 1995, the Government established Autonomous Councils for these three communities as a pre-emptive measure to ward off future conflicts (Verghese 2004: 68). The formation of these accords bear out Rajagopalan’s observation that: ‘one of the great fears generated by demands for autonomy is that they snowball; a state cannot grant greater autonomy to one segment of its citizenry without coming under pressure to do so with others’ (Rajagopalan 2008: 20). Similarly, Singh observes that creation of these councils ‘does not guarantee the resolution of tribal problems, rather it has only aggravated their posturing for more autonomy’ (Singh 2010: 4). Thus, it can be argued that the accords have always tended to overlook the collective interest and well-being of the communities per se. Updating of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) The updating of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) has attracted much of the media attention since past few years. The Union government had agreed to update the NRC in Assam in accordance with the Assam Accord, 1985. As per the said Accord, those living in Assam failing to prove their citizenship or family lineage prior to the midnight of March 24, 1971, would be considered as illegal nationals and have to be deported to their country of origin. For the first time, the updating of NRC as a pilot project was started in 2010. However, it was protested by the All Assam Minority Students Union (AAMSU) which turned to be violent and police had to open fire, causing casualty of four protesters (South Asia Terrorism Portal 2018). Following the violence during the protest, the project was aborted. The updating exercise resumed in March 2013 and in October 2014, the Supreme Court ordered that work on the NRC to be completed by January 31, 2016, but the NRC authority missed the deadline and the apex court is now directly monitoring the exercise. It is argued that the ongoing NRC updation will produce a large number of illegal Bangladeshi nationals. Nonetheless, the deportation of this junk of population can be considered as next to impossible given the fact that India 398 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and Bangladesh does not have a treaty regarding the deportation of the illegal immigrants. The state government on many occasions has asked the Central Government for the same. However, the issue has never been featured in bilateral meetings between the two countries. Besides, the Bangladesh Government never accepts that its nationals have entered the Indian territory illegally. For instance, in October 2017, the information minister of Bangladesh, HasanulHaqInu conveyed that in the past 30 years, there has not been any migration from Bangladesh to the neighbouring state of Assam (Bhattacharya 2017). Further, it is also true to mention that in today’s world, deportation has to be followed by the prescribed international protocol and is not a unilateral matter. Also, there remain other technical issues attached to the deportation process. In this context, Baruah (2018), can be quoted who observes that: ‘to take back one’s own nationals may be an obligation under customary international law, but in practice, it is not an easy matter. The costs and benefits for a country deporting an unauthorised migrant and the country readmitting the person are asymmetric. In crude financial terms, if the country of origin gains from remittances from expatriates, it has no interest in cooperating with the destination country in their deportation. But more importantly, signing a readmission agreement with an economically more powerful country is unlikely to be popular domestically. Almost all these cost-benefit calculations would apply if India and Bangladesh were to enter into a discussion of a bilateral readmission agreement’. Despite the current media/public discourse covers the completion of NRC proceedings and the deportation of illegal immigration, the possible fate of the said population has not attracted much of the media attention. Many scholars observe that the NRC updation may create a section of the population that is ‘stateless’, similar to the case of the Rohingya population in Myanmar (See Bhaumik 2018; Baruah 2018). There is a high possibility that this section of the population may act as fodder for the radical islamist groups, thereby inviting security apprehension for the Indian State. In this regard, Bhattacharya (2018) observes that the NRC proceedings have already spurred radical islamist activity in the areas inhabited by the illegal migrants in Assam. Such observations cannot be ruled out considering the changing security environment in the South Asia. Developmental Measures Development is a multi dimensional concept and as such implies various meanings. However, the developmental approach/measure here implies GoI’s efforts in alleviating the economic backwardness and improving the living conditions of the population of Assam. In fact, development has been considered by many as the ultimate panacea to all sorts of internal conflicts in Assam. This could be traced from the decade of the 1990s,when the GoI liberalized its economy and framed the Look East Policy2 in its pursuit for economic growth and development.With the setting up of a development paradigm, Assam as a border ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 399 state has been put at the forefront of India’s developmentalist track (Sharma 2017). The initiation of the development discourse can be witnessed from the various government projects and related policy initiatives. Various connectivity and infrastructure development projects have been taken up by the GoI to connect the state with neighbouring countries for smooth transaction of economic trade and commerce. Under regional and sub-regional groupings such as BCIM3 and BIMSTEC4, the GoI has taken up several connectivity projects, including the hydroelectric projects. The said projects are said to improve the economic condition of the northeastern states, generate employment opportunities and resolve internal conflicts (Mahanta 2012: 21). However, all such measures are relatively new and yet to produce the envisaged outcomes. Conclusion The paper has probed the issue of ethnic conflict in Assam. Among many other causal factors, ethnic conflict in Assam revolves around certain core issues that act as the prominent driving forces such as immigration, ethnic assertivenessandidentity politics. As a response to the ethnic conflicts in the state, the GoI hasfolloweda mix of various policies based on the spirit of accommodation. Such policies could be observed in the form of creation of statehood and granting of ADCs. However, the policies have not been adequate as they lack inclusiveness which is an indispensable part of any composite social structure.Beside these, the recent strategies include the updation of NRC, devised especially to address the long persisting issue of immigration and the developmental aspects.The latter is a recent phenomenon and the GoI has not gone to the development discourse in the state at its full scale yet. On the aspect of NRC updation in the state, it is highly implausible that this would contribute to resolving the long-lasting issue of immigration and ethnic problems and may rather create newer social tensions. Table 1 Distribution of population by scheduled languages in Assam (Census, 2011) Mother Languages Total Population Percentage of Population Assamese Bengali Hindi Bodo Nepali Santali Oriya Manipuri Others All Total (ASSAM) 15095797 9024324 2101435 1416125 596210 213139 218552 168133 2371861 31205576 48.37 28.91 6.73 4.53 1.91 0.68 0.70 0.54 7.60 100.0 Source: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs (2011) 400 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 2 Scheduled Tribes Population of Assam (Census, 2011) Name of the Scheduled Tribe Total Population Bodo 13,61,735 Miri 6,80,424 Karbi 4,30,452 Rabha 2,96,189 Kachari Sonowal 2,53,344 Lalung 1,82,663 Dimasa 19,702 Deori 43,750 Others 616112 All Scheduled Tribes 38,84,371 Population of Assam 31205576 Source: Statistical Profile of Scheduled Tribes in India (2013) Ministry of Tribal Affairs, statistics division, Government of India Table 3 Institutional Arrangement for Ethnic Minorities in Assam Sl. No. Nature of Autonomy Status 1 Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council 2 DimaHasao District Autonomous Council —do— 3 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) —do— Source: Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, Government of India 1. The said Accord has been framed in response to the Assam agitation (1979-1985) that aimed at preservation of Assamese identity and deportation of ‘foreigners’ – meaning illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. 2. The said policy was devised in 1991 to establish economic relations with the neighbouring countries in the East. In 2015, LEP was renamed as an Act East Policy with an objective of establishing pragmatic relations with the neighbours in terms of economy, culture and development in the Northeastern states. 3. BCIM represents a forum among the four countries – Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar. The said forum is for regional cooperation/sub-regional organisation of Asian nations that is aimed at greater integration of investment and trade among the four countries. 4. BIMSTEC represents the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation. It is a regional organization comprising seven Member States lie in the littoral and adjacent areas of the Bay of Bengal constituting a contiguous regional unity. For details see ‘About BIMSTEC’, URL: https://bimstec.org/?page_id=189 Sixth Schedule NOTES ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 401 REFERENCES Baruah, S. 1999 India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality. USA: University of Pennsylvania. Baruah, S. 2018 “Stateless in Assam”, The Indian Express, 19 January, Accessed 27 June 2018, URL: https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/nationalregister-of-citizens-5030603/ Baruah, A. K. 2004 “Identity Crisis in North-east India and its consequences”. 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Bhattacharya, Rajeev 2017 “No migration from Bangla to Assam: B’desh minister”, The Assam Tribune, Guwahati,01 November, Accessed 9 May 2018 URL: http:// www.assamtribune.com/scripts/mdetails.asp?id=nov0117/at063 Bhattacharya, Rajeev 2018 “Assam NRC updation has spurred radical Islamist activity; security forces say outfits may exploit discontent among migrants”, 30 June, Accessed 2 July 2018, URL: https://www.firstpost.com/india/assam-nrcupdation-has-spurred-radical-islamist-activity-security-agencies-sayoutfits-may-exploit-disaffection-among-migrants-4637951.html Bhaumik, Subir 2018 “In India’s Assam, A Rohingya-Like Refugee Crisis in the Making”, 24 March,Accessed 13 May 2018, URL: https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/ politics/article/2138246/indias-assam-rohingya-refugee-crisis-making Brass, Paul R. 1991 Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison. New Delhi and Newbury Park: Sage. Das, H.N. 2004 “Ethnicity and Insurgency in the North-Eastern Region of India.” In Thomas Vattathara and Elizabeth George (eds.) Peace Initiatives-A North East India Perspective, Guwahati: Don Bosco Publications, 6683, Guwahati: Don Bosco Institute. Das, S. K. 2007 Conflict and Peace in India’s North East: The Role of Civil Society. Washington: East West Center. 2007 “Aspiration for an ethnic identity- evolved or created a question asked in the context of Assam.” Paper presented at the Seminar on Ethnic Identity, Social Formation and Nation Building with special reference to Northeast India, Dibrugarh University, Dibrugarh: Assam. March 26-27. Garg, P. 402 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Government of India 2011 Census 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner. 1977 Planter Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826-1947. New Delhi: People’s Publishing House. Guha, A. Hazarika, S. 2004 “Land, Conflict, Identity in India’s North-East: Negotiating the Future”, Futures, 36: 771-780. Hill, J. and T. Wilson 2003 “Identity Politics and the Politics of Identities”, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 10 (1). 1–8. Hussain, M. 1992 “Tribal Question in Assam”, Economic and Political Weekly, 27, (20/ 21): 1047-1050. Karna, M. N. 2008 “Conflicts amid the Historical Experiences of Identity, Nation and the State in North-eastern India.” In Walter Fernandes (ed.) Search for Peace with Justice: Issues around Conflicts in North-east India, 1827. Guwahati: North-eastern Social Research Centre. Madhab, J. 1999 “North-East: Crisis of Identity, Security and Underdevelopment”, Economic and Political Weekly 34 (6). 320-322. Mahanta, N. G. 2008 “What Makes Assam A Perpetual Conflict Zone? Going Beyond Management to Conflict Transformation.” In Walter Fernandes (ed) Search for Peace with Justice: Issues Around Conflicts in Northeast India, Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre. Mahanta, Nani Gopal 2012 “Conflict Dynamics in a ‘Shatter Zone’: The Shifting Terrain.” In Nani Gopal Mahanta and Dilip Gogoi (eds.) Shifting Terrain: Conflict Dynamics in North East India, Guwahati: DVS Publishers. Rajagopalan, Swarna 2008 Peace Accords in North-east India: Journey Over Milestones. Washington: East West Center. Rehman,Teresa 2009 “An untold shame”, Tehelka, March 14, 6 (10), Accessed 12 June 2018 URL: http://www.tehelka.com/2009/03/an-untold-shame-2/ Saikia, Pahi 2011 Ethnic Mobilization and Violence in northeast India. London: Routeldge. ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 403 Sharma, C. K. 2012 “The immigration issue in Assam and Conflicts Around It”, Asian Ethnicity. 13 (3): 287-309. Sharma, Indrajit 2017 “The Growing Role of Assam in India’s Foreign Policy”, Eurasia Review20 June, Accessed 29 July 2018 URL: http:// www.eurasiareview.com/27062017-the-growing-role-of-assam-inindias-foreign-policy/ Sharma, Indrajit 2018 “Tea Tribes of Assam: Identity Politics and Search for Liberation,” Economic & Political Weekly LIII (9). 74-78. Singh, M. A. 2010 Conflicts in Assam. Bangalore: National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS). Singha,Y. Monojit 2016 “Ethnic Politics in Assam: Conflict and Accommodation”, International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications 6 (7). 494-499 South Asia Terrorism Portal 2017 “Assam Assessment,” Accessed 19 April 2018 URL: http://www.satp.org/ satporgtp/countries/india/states/assam/index.html South Asia Terrorism Portal 2018 “Assam: Assessments- 2018”, Accessed 19 May 2018, http:// www.satp.org/terrorism-assessment/india-insurgencynortheast-assam Verghese, B. G. 2004 North-east Resurgent: Ethnicity, Governance, Development. New Delhi: Konark Publishers. Nivedita Mitra CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA Introduction Tribes are the important part of the population in our country with their own significance and cultures. Most of the concentration of the country’s total population is found in central zone of India comprising of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajastan, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar and West Bengal. Tribes are distributed almost in all districts of West Bengal in varying degrees of concentration. Most important among them are the Santhals followed by Lodha, Bhumij, Kharia, Birhor etc. Economically these tribal groups show considerable diversity. The range spreads from hunter-food gatherers like Birhor to settled cultivators and industrial labourers like. Santhal, Munda etc. Among these above mentioned tribes Birhor is one of the most primitive, semi-nomadic, least known jungle tribe found in the forest clad hilly region of Chotanagpur, which at present consists of Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau, Singbhum(East and West) and Dhanbad districts of Jharkhand State and Purulia district of West-Bengal. Birhor is a small community of people with unique tribal characteristics. As per 1911 census, there were 3085 Birhors (1489 males and 1596 females) living in the region of Jharkhand state. There were hardly 128 Birhors (65 males and 63 females) in Purulia district (formerly known as Manbhum district). They survived on a very simple stage of subsistence economy and used to lead a nomadic life, moving around in isolated groups. The name ‘Birhor’ is derived from the word ‘Bir’ meaning ‘Jungle’ and ‘Hor’ meaning ‘Men’ in santali. Thus, the literal meaning of Birhor is ‘Jungle Men’. They are also identified as foresters, woodmen or forest cutters. Ethnologically, the Birhor people are dark skinned, short statured, long headed, wavy haired and broad nosed and show features that resemble the people of the Munda and the Santhal tribes of the same region (Roy, 1925:28). The Birhors, according to their mode of living are divided into two divisions that is ‘Uthlus’ (wanderer) and the ‘Jaghis’ (settled). NIVEDITA MITRA, Research Scholar, Department of A.I.H.C&A, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, E-mail: nibesmailbox@rediffmail.com 406 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) The Birhors of Purulia district is a small tribal community with unique characteristics who has migrated from the forest areas of Ranchi and Hazaribagh districts of Jharkhand state to a nomadic life in jungles at western part of the districts, and settled themselves in Baghmundi, Balarampur and Jhalda I community blocks of the district and comprise of only 0.023% population. Figure 1: Baghmundi Block Map of Purulia (Source- official Website) The area under Baghmundi and Jhalda Police Station of Purulia District forms an extension of Hazaribagh plateau. The Baghmundi plateau is characterized by undulation relief and rugged hills which are traversed by many perennial and seasonal streams. In Jhalda, there are series of isolated groups of hills and peaks which ultimately form a rectangular range in the South known as the Ajodhya Hills. Because of such characteristics features of the terrain, some parts of the region are most difficult to approach. The peaks of Baghmundi and Jhalda are covered by small but dense jungle with few mango and mahua tree along the foothills. The most important trees of this regions are Sal, Kusum, Kend, Mahua, Palash., etc. Useful creepers like ‘Chihorlata’ and at the higher altitude, bamboos grow more or less in abundance in this region. There are also many wild fruit bearing trees around. Game birds like pea-fowls, grey-partridges, pigeons, sparrows and paddy birds are also found, though are not in plenty in this region. Wild animals like boar, hare and monkeys are also found (Choudhury, 2004) CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA 407 Being a hunting-gathering tribe, Birhor considers forest their home, supplier of food, giver of fortune and protector of their lives. Here in the forest live their god and goddesses, the spirits of their dead ancestors move around in the still hours of night and the complete forested environment provides them utmost pleasure in their day-to-day life. Thus, living within the forest ecosystem, they have developed specific set of responses to the immediate environmental situations from a long time in the past which has given rise to particular pattern of life, i.e., culture. The hunter gatherers living in the midst of the forest and depending exclusively on the forest resources have developed cultural pattern specifically integrated with the variegated forest based factors. Forest ecology designs the cultural development of these people. The people always prepare themselves to cope with the ecological setting of the forest in their daily behaviour pattern. But nowadays the environment in which these peoples are living is in a rapid process of change, due to which certain issues have come up regarding their existence and their transformance. Therefore, a need has been arisen here to understand these peoples in the face of their changing ecology and its affect on their cultural pattern. In this paper, The researcher has tried to throw light on the cultural changes in the Baghmundi area through various discussions with Birhor of Purulia, mainly in the Baghmundi block. Brief outline of the Birhor Social organisation Like other hunter gatherer society, Birhor organized their social structure in two forms, one for the purpose of food quest and other for the purpose for marriage and kinship. The households and bands are the two important social units for performing their socio-economic activities. Keeping in mind the features of the hunter gatherer society the term band or Tanda used here to designate the unit. A band or Tanda comprises of a number of households or individuals having nuclear families belonging to same or different clans (Mehta, 2004). Household and band groupings of Birhor always underline pattern of kinship. The household is built around a nuclear family while a band comprises of a number of small patrilineal descent families and are dispersed over a number of small groups. Customarily, a son, on marriage, set up a separate household with his wife. The patrilineal “clans” (killi) are divided into smaller exogamous units called bansa. Marriages frequently involve sister exchange and daughter exchanges. Brother- brother, sister- sister, and brother- sister ties are the most enduring kinship links (Adhikary, 1999). Birhor devote their full time activities and thinking patterns to the 408 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) food searching expeditions. As the food quest to be a needs joint enterprise specially when hunting of different animals are concerned, Birhors have felt the necessity of small group formation. These are known as bands. A Birhor band is composed of relatives. Generally, the band organization is effective with the joint participation of the males from the single patrilineal descent group. The family and the lineage are the basis of social organization of Birhors. They are found to reside in a peculiar residence known as tanda. The tanda is generally constituted by 10 to 15 families and sometimes a few more. It works as a unit of food quest. The social organization of Birhor tanda is characteristically influenced by varied principles based on their socio-economic patterns centring round forest ecology. The tanda is the ideal unit of the development of forest culture. Economy The traditional occupations of the Birhors was based on hunting of animals, gathering of roots tubers and collection of chop creepers for preparing rope from its fibres. Thus, their total movements in relation to the economic operations are completely forest oriented. The tanda moves according to the availability of the games and chop creepers. When a campaign group finds that the resources of its daily life are being exhausted, then they shift to another place where resources are available. Two varieties of monkeys, Maccacus rhesus andPresbytes entellus,are hunted by the Birhor with rope- net traps by using a long hunting net and strong bamboo stick. The nets are handmade with ropes from bark fibres of the Bauhinia creeper. The elongated rectangular nets are set in jungles in a semi circular manner by the members of a hunting party, which normally consists of seven to ten members. The hunters then take strategic positions in the jungle and chase the monkeys towards the net traps by beating the trees. The game hunted is shared with all the members of the party (Adhikary, 1999).While distributing the sale fifty percent of the cash belongs to the owner and other fifty percent is distributed to the other members. Two kinds of nets (ghari jhari and tur jhari) are used in hunting. The formers are used for hunting monkeys (gari) and the latter for entrapping rats (tur) and the other small animals. Jhari means net. Hunting is pursued both communally and individually by the men (Adhikary, 1984:32). Game is hunted primarily for consumption; live monkeys are sold if customers come to their camp. Moreover, skins of langur (Presbytes entellus) and rabbit are taken for sale in the local markets. Hunting occurs mainly in winter and summer seasons. The making of ropes and rope- products is carried on throughout the year. This is the principal economic of the contemporary Birhor. They peel fibres from the bark of the Bauhinia creeper and weave them into various kinds of ropes,Pagha, Jara, Sikuyar, Jhalkari, Barhidora etc. (Chakroborty, 1976). Normally the men of the household collect bark from the jungle while women CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA 409 prepare the articles and take them to villages for barter and sale. On market days, however, both men and women trade at the local markets. Women weave the rope products by hand, using only common knives and wooden clubs. A household of six adult members can produce upto 12 to 14 pieces of rope in one day. Rope and rope products are bartered for paddy or maize or other food grains. Some Birhor men work as magico- religious experts for the surrounding village people. Patterns of settlement and movement Being hunter-gatherer they move from one Jungle to another and make temporary hut/ settlements at the outskirt of mountain or some peasant village, known as kumbhas. It is a conical hut constructed with branches of trees, leaves and creeper with a single doorway. Normally six to eight households settle together. The duration of their stay does not exceed more than a month. During the rains, their camps may last for a longer period. One or two households may also move independently, joining another band, visiting relatives or arranging marriages (Adhikary, 1999). Tanda organization Each tanda has a headman elected supernaturally. He is called the ‘Naya’ or the priest. The Naya appoints two other men of his local group known as ‘Pahan’and ‘Gorahito’. The duty of the Naya is to pray for the welfare of the people and the Pahan help him in his work. The duty of the gorahito is to communicate the news to the people for attending the hunt, sacrifices and the puja. The tanda organization is not only based for the purpose of securing food by hunting. A large association of men belonging to different tanda come together for inter tanda association hunting (Disum sendra) also known as regional hunt. It is an annual hunting expedition which starts before the full moon in the month of Baisakh. Apart from the inter tanda association, the men from numbers of tandas gather together at weddings and panchayat. The heads of the families of the tandas take part in the panchayat. The panchayat looks after the customary laws. Those who do not obey the laws are punished according to the decisions of the panchayat. Religion and spirituality The Birhor society is divided into a number of clans each of which has a traditional home on hills or mountains. Each clan has a deity ‘Buru Bonga’(hill god) who resides on hills or mountains. Once a year in every settlement the men of each clan assemble at an open space outside their hut to offer sacrifice to their presiding spirit of ancestral hill. The most noteworthy feature in Birhor totemism is the belief in the vital connection between the human clan and their totem, the hill, which is the original home, or the spirit of such hill. The paramount importance which the Birhor attaches to his clan spirit known as 410 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Buru- Bonga or hill god, regarded as guardian spirit of the clan, and prominent place is assigned in clan sacrifices to the emblem of the clan totem (such as a bit of skin or hair or horn of totem animal or wings or feather of the totem bird). Birhor identifies three broad categories of supernatural entities: bonga, hapram and churgin. The bonga include all personified supernatural entities of non human origin, while the hapramare the spirits of their ancestors. Both are benevolent spirits. All the evil spirits (including the spirits who have died in an unnatural manner) are categorized as churgin. The hapramlive close to the bonga (God) and work as intermediaries between the bonga and theBirhor . They protect their descendents from the churgin (Adhikary, 1999). Life Cycle Different types of rites, rituals, restriction and prohibition mark the life cycle of the Birhor. Before the birth of a child, certain things are observed or maintained. During pregnancy, the members of the house must abstain from invoking any spirit and offering sacrifices the husband must not eat the head of any animal offered in sacrifice. Generally, for twenty-one days after the birth the mother and the child are considered as impure. During this period no puja or sacrifices are celebrated in the tanda. Previously, the pregnant women or any other sick person were not taken to the hospital for the treatment. This trend has been changed now and Birhors goes to the hospital for their treatment. The Tathi or First Purification This ceremony is celebrated on the seventh day. The baby’s head is shaved, men and women have purifactory bath. After that the Naya (priest)facing the east, offers a chicken to ‘chowrasi’(shrine under palastree, worshiped after the child birth). On the twenty-first day, final purification is performed. The head of the family offers the sacrifice of the chicken and ricebeer to the spirits of the ancestors and pray for the health and longevity of the baby. For the first nine-month the diet of the child consists of honey and mother’s milk only. It was known from the previous work on Birhor and from the field survey that not a single drop of water is given to the child as they belief that due to their profession they have to spend most of the time in the jungles and remain thirsty. Thus, they have a good self-control on thirst. The Name giving ceremony or the ‘Saki’ This ceremony takes place in the following manner. A bowl of water is placed in the open space in front of the hut. A handful of rice and grass (dub) are placed on the ground as ‘saki’ or witness. A grain of ‘til’ (seasame) seed CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA 411 representing the baby’s name and ‘dhan’ (unhusked rice) representing paternal grandfather are dropped into the water of the bowl. If the til seed and grain of the dhan floats till they meet, the baby is named after the paternal grandfather. Another process of naming the child is naming the child after birth day, birth month and the natural calamities or circumstances for exampe of the child is born on Tuesday he was named as ‘Mangal’ (Roy, 1925). Some childhood customs A common custom observed in most of the tribal group, found among the Birhor boys, is burning wick of a lamp and producing scar on the arm, generally done within the age group of ten to twelve. Birhor girls of same age must have tattoo marks made on arm and chest with an iron needle. Floral designs are commonly used. It is their belief that if a girl is not tattooed her spirit on her death will remain in the other world. The children socialize ccording to their cultural tradition. Food gathering and trapping of birds and animals are their socialization process. Tattoo is been observed today both in the body of tribal and non-tribal group. Marriage Marriage is the most important social event in Birhor life. Marriage is indispensable among Birhor for attainment of status and also for economic cooperation and progeny. Endogamy is practiced within the tribe concurrently with clan exogamy. Marriage among the Birhors does not concern patrilineal descent group directly. Most of the marriages are sister exchange and daughter exchange. On the appointed day the bride is given a pair of sari and blouse and the price for one maund of rice and one goat. There the Naya worship ‘Chando Bonga’ (Moon God). After this with the exchange of mango leaf garland the marriage starts. Then according to the advice of the Naya the groom put vermillion paste mixed with oil on the bride’s forehead. The next day the bride leaves for her –in-laws place. Some rituals are held there, followed by feast. After everything is over, a new hut is built for the newly married couple where they start their new life. Nowadays Birhors hardly Practise sister exchange and daughter exchange marriage. Death In their society, Birhors believe that death is caused by some supernatural power. When a Birhor is at his last gasp, his son or wife put a little water into his mouth. Then all present there walk out of the hut leaving the door open so that the departing soul may not be obstructed in the way. Whenever, a Birhor may happen to die, two earthen vessels one in which rice and the other in which vegetables were cooked, are taken out from the hut of 412 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) the deceased and laid upward until the ‘Hoyon’ or the shaving ceremony. When the pall bearers return home after the burial, all the old fire in the tanda are extinguished and the ashes in the hearth of all the huts in the tanda are thrown away and every Birhor in the settlement takes bath. Changes Observed The changing situations due to the environmental factors like deforestation restrictions imposed on the use of forest resources and prohibition on killing of the games have gradually resulted in a cultural change in the life of Birhors. Keeping this changing situation in mind, the changes observed are discussed below. ‘Birhor Resettlement Scheme’ This scheme was planned firstly to put an end to the nomadic life of the Birhor under this scheme each family was persuaded to resettle for which a ward was established in Baghmundi named, Bhupatipally. The Birhor now resides in the semi-pucca rectangular houses provided by the government (Govt. Of west Bengal, 2004) and not in kumbha which were made on branches of trees designed in triangular shape. Changes have also been observed in the construction of their houses. They now build their houses with mud wall and tiled khapra (baked tiles). A hearth is located outside the house in the courtyard. Figure 2: Birhor Kumbha (Courtesy: Roy, 1925) CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA Figure 3: Mud built house of the Birhor Figure 4: Govt built houses of the Birhor in Baghmundi block 413 414 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) They now use woods for making windows and doors. The house possesses slightly a raised floor. There are two compartments inside the house. The pets are being kept in the courtyard. During the rainy season a drain outside the house is dug to drain the water. Thus, from nomadic life they became sedentary. But from the study of the report, it was observed that the process of sedentarisation, was adversely affected because of the poor housing scheme. The Birhor who traditionally lived in leaf thatched huts have failed to live, and maintain mudhouses with big windows and tiled roofs, and most of the hut have been reduced to ruin within a year or two. Passing through all these hazards of socio-ecological adjustments, presently, there are only few families of the Birhor. Occupation With the adoption of a sedentary life, the Birhor economy has undergone a major change. To improve their economic condition each family was given few acres of waste land, a mud hut, a pair of bullocks, a cow, agricultural implements, seeds etc. In addition, a common provisions of school, Figure 5 : livestock provided to the Birhor CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA 415 Figure 6. Rope making activity rope making –cum- production centre, community hall and minor irrigation schemes have been initiated. A number of schemes like goatary, basketry, house construction, wage labour, etc. were being implemented (Govt. of West Bengal, 2004). These are the changes in their economic life after their settlement. Presently, they have started to adapt to other activities like agricultural labour and industrial workers. These types of occupation help them to earn more than their traditional activities. Moreover, they are exposed to complex market economy for their subsistence, which in turn has made their interaction with the agriculturalists and the villagers. They depend on them for various exchanges of goods and services. This is how they manage to make their both ends meet. At present they not only consume rice, various roots and forest products but have also started consuming potato, tomato, brinjal and other vegetables. These crops are produced by them through plough cultivation in their own fields. Rope making is also widely practiced till today. This is how, they are gradually being introduced to a settled life and plough cultivation. Other cultural changes occur in their traditional dress, shirts and blouses and petticoat are slowly becoming popular. With their earlier childhood custom like tattooing their interest is increasing towards glass bangles, anklets, 416 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) earrings and lace for hair. They have also taken fancy to vessels and other utensils of brass and aluminium for their household. They use modern match boxes at present along with their traditional thondi and chakmaki pathar (flint stone) for fire making. They now also own transistors-sets, searchlight, bicycles, etc Discussion Thus, the information gathered from the preceding pages reveals that the Birhor categorically classify as one of the ideal primitive communities of the world, totally dependent on forest ecology. They represent a community which is in the speedy process of transition. The forest is the basic geographical unit which moulds the environment pattern, and the people living in this environment develop specific cultural perspectives. Ecological degradation and resettlement programmes are the two factors which force them to accept the newly introduced items of life. The newly built brick houses in place of their traditional leaf-huts or kumbhas, the free distribution of agricultural lands and bullocks were implemented to stop their wandering all through the forest which in turn destroyed their age old values of life. It can be said that the Birhor and the forests are synonymous with one another. Therefore, any development scheme which puts them away from the forest oriented thinking is bound to fail. It is evident from the close study that though after their settlement they started living a sedentary life, with agricultural and wage labour work as new occupation but still they have to face the financial uncertainties as they do not get the wage labour work regularly. Moreover, due to lack of knowledge they fail to cultivate the land. Thus, besides the manual labour work on wages they continued their foraging and trapping habit. They still fabricate rope from chop (Bauhinia vahii) fibres collected from the forests. It is still the forest which provides them food, when there is no grain at home. But with the deforestation and industrializations the forest has become unsuitable and inadequate to support these families on permanent footing. The market for their finished products has also become limited and constant. This has brought competition within the Birhor sellers themselves. The demand curve owing to constant and large supply has gone down in the market. Hunting and gathering work has also been affected. Many times they returns with empty hands. Chop have been affected. Chop fibres are not available these days as much as it happened to be in the earlier days. Thus, with the passage of times they are also trying to mould themselves according to the situation. But still it needs a lot of attention in this matter. What we see is the method implemented behind the changing of Birhor life is that settled life has been imposed on them and “this imposition of a settled life, not properly planned and executed, had led to more failures than success” (Bose, 1972:32). Therefore, lastly it can be said that the forest ecology oriented cultural traditions of the Birhor requires a systematic analysis for its CULTURAL CHANGES IN BAGHMUNDI, PURULIA 417 proper evaluation at the time of bringing any change to this nomadic community. The other changes are the household activities which are no longer pursued together. The band is observed only during the annual hunting. No longer are the primitive huts made of twigs and branches are found. Now the huts are constructed with mud, bricks, and straws with rectangular ground plan and are organized in a systematic pattern and not in a scattered manner as were found earlier. Coming in contact with the neighbouring villagers they have learned to cook the food, dress to minimum cover themselves and use ornaments that are found in the market. Thus, besides hunting equipments, few earthen pots, steel and aluminium utensils, umbrellas, hurricanes are also found in the house of the Birhor’s. Being primitive they lacked social awareness. Previously the Birhor’s whatever condition it may be did not use to visit the hospital even if the patient was in critical condition, neither they used to sent their children to the school. Presently a positive change among them has been observed. They take their patient to the hospital so that they may get the proper treatment. Earlier delivery used to take place in their tanda but now it takes place in the hospital, which is a safer place for the pregnant lady. Another change is that the Birhor, parents are sending their children to the school. They still worship the mounds representing their ‘Burha-Burhi’. These mounds are placed within the Birhor settlement and also found in the courtyard of some of the Birhor families. These mounds are being built every year before the puja. Figure 7: Mound worshipped by the Birhor 418 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Acknowledgement I would like to thank my supervisor Late professor Subrata Chakrabarti under whose guidance I have undertaken this work on Birhor. His valuable suggestion has helped me a lot. Moreover I would like to thank the people of Birhor community for providing me the information required for my work. NOTES 1. The term tanda used here denotes settlement. 2. Bonga is the local term used for God in the tribal group. 3. Kumbha is the mud hut built by the Birhor with leaves, twigs and branches. 4. Baghmundi block is selected here because more concentration of Birhors are found in this block of Purulia District REFERENCES Adhikary, A.K. 1984b Society and World View of the Birhor: A Nomadic Hunting and Gathering Community of Orissa. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. Adhikary, A. K. 1999 “The Birhor”, in Richard ,B.Lee and Richard ,Daly, (eds.)The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers, pp. 248-251. New York: Cambridge University Press. Bose, N.K. 1972 The Birhors, Some Indian Tribes. New Delhi: National Book Trust. Chakraborty, B. 1976 “Relationship between Ecology and Economy: A case study on the Birhors” , Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute 12(1& 2). Chaudhari, K. Sarit. 2004 Constraints of Tribal Development. New Delhi: Mittal Publication. Government of West Bengal. 2004 Baseline survey report on the Birhor. Purulia: Cultural Research Institute, BCW Department. Mehta, P.C. 2004 Ethnographic Atlas of Indian Tribes. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing pvt. Ltd. 1925 The Birhor: A little known Jungle Tribe of Chotanagpur. Ranchi: Man in India press. Roy, S.C. Nakuleswar Mukherjee ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY The present paper is an attempt to analyse the origin and cultural traditions of Pandit community in Kashmir. Historical evidence shows that, Kashmir was a place of Indian subcontinent where sages and rishis practiced spiritualism and spent their time to learning and teaching. They were believed that the Vedic Aryan blood in their vain. Kashmiri Hindus contained the predominant part of masses until the advent of Islam in the Kashmir Valley in early fourteenth century. The first scientific historical document of India, the ‘Rajataringini’, written by a Kashmiri Brahmin (Kalhana) discusses the beginning of the mythic phases of the Valley of Kashmir and their peoples. Tradition and beliefs help them to relate supernatural, came from adjacent spirits, which highly cultural sensation beings that are seen as being basically kind. The paper assesses the origin of Kashmiri Pandits and their socioreligious practices that made a significant explanation of their social identity. In addition, this paper examines the traditions, festivals and beliefs of Kashmiri Pandit community, which is significantly, enlighten themselves to set up a new way of life in the Kashmir Valley. Introduction The Brahmin community had increased unique social and custom conventions intermittent from one place to another places in the Indian subcontinent. Among these people, the Brahmin groups, who lived in the valley of Kashmir is known as Kashmiri Pandits. Their limited members and partial topographical seclusion from whatever is left of the subcontinent developed through thousands of years some extraordinary rudiments of socio-religious behaviour. The commitment to the researchers of this state to Sanskrit writing has essentially been momentous (Ataov, 2001:17). On a connected plane, they are legatees of the non-dualistic school of thinking known as Kashmir Shaivism. They formed and shaped a race, which separated from the world in this Valley, remained on high by ethical and morals of the perfection and the superior manner of their inheritance. Ancient Kashmiri history has described the Pandits, the predominant inhabitants of Kashmir, very intelligent people NAKULESWAR MUKHERJEE, Research Scholar, Department of History, University of Kalyani, Kalyani, District- Nadia, West Bengal, India, E-mail-nakul.mu@gmail.com 420 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) with a high sense of humour and sharp foresight. The present study investigates the socio-cultural identity as well as geographical identity of Pandit community in Kashmir with a focus on their geographical and racial origin, everyday lifestyle and beliefs which is important as a contemporary research issue in the present day situation of Kashmir. The current issues emerged when some ethnographic evidence stated that the Pandits are aboriginal of the Kashmir Valley in North India. They have a place with the most astounding position of Brahmin communities among the Hindu society and they designated as ‘Saraswat Brahmin’. About the origin of Pandit community in Kashmir, Campbel raises the theory of penetration. Pandit Anand Kaul criticises the penetration theory and shows that the Pandit community is aboriginal of the Kashmir valley. It is important to know and comprehend the foremost particular elements that raise questions about the origin of the Pandit community, specifically in the setting of general religious and social practices. In this study, an attempt has been made to examine the geographical and ethical origin and the cultural pattern of Pandit community in Kashmir which is different from other than Brahmin community in India. In addition, this paper also evaluates the traditions, festivals and beliefs of Kashmiri Pandit community, which is significantly, enlighten themselves to set up a new way of life in the Kashmir Valley. Origin of the Pandits Before ‘Kashmiri’ is a significant time period which has loosely been applied for numerous streams of immigrated particularly from Turkey, Iran, primary Asia and Afghanistan, and settled inside the valley. There is a near bearing of the Ando-Aryans on the racial composition of the Kashmir’s. In reality, the Indo-Aryan religions and languages have extensively affected the mode of existence of the Kashmiris. The affect of Sanskrit on Kashmiri language is powerful and cogent to at the prevailing time. Kashmir has also obtained ethnographical inclinations from Indo-Greeks which have inspired the race structure of the humans to a large extent (Husain, 1985:78). According to Dr. Kachru, “the Aryans, in search of their fertile lands, reached Kashmir. With their arrival, first the Pisacas and then the Nagas were either driven out from the Valley or assimilated by the new comers” (Husain, 1985:28). As indicated by the legend, as specified in the Rajtarangini and the Nilamatpurana, the valley of Kashmir was a major mountain lake, called Satisar or the pool of Sati1. It was the heaven garden of the divine beings. Amongst them, one day showed up the evil spirit Sangrahasura who was overpowered by the bewitching excellence of Sachi, master of the rulers Indra’s consort. His seed fell into the lake and got treated to conceive a progeny of Jalodbhava. These persons, out of fear, fled from their homes and hearths and the ruler got to be destroyed. Nilanag, their pioneer in gloom welcomed this father Kashyap to save them from the hands of evil presence Jalodbhava. ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 421 Kalhana says that, Kashyapa executed the evil presence of the lake, Jalodbhava with the help of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. After his passing, the water of the lake was depleted off and the area was named as ‘Kashyapmar’ and which is known as Kashmir (Kalhana,1900:5). The pre-notable period, as specified the Nilamatapurana and the Rajtarangini, shows that after the valley was drained out, Brahmins were brought here by Kashyapa (Shali,1993:35). In those days, it was said that the tribes from Central Asia called Nagas, Pishachas and Yakshas lived there. They used to offer inconvenience to these Brahmins and as educated by Nila the ruler regarding the Nagas, the Brahmins of and on offered sustenance’s and garments to these tribes, who then permitted them a serene time. In both the Nilamatpurana and the Rajtarangini we discover the names of a few groups, to be specific Mlechhas, Nishadas, Khashas, Dards, Bhauttas, Bikhshas, Ekargas, Damaras, Tantris and Nyayaks who continually offered inconvenience to the leaders of the nation furthermore to the Brahmins. The groups of the region, be that as it may, are characterized by religion also i.e. Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Sikhs, and so forth (Banerjee, 1956:15). Nilmatapurana “shows that Kashmir was not only a beautiful piece of geographical territory, with its own cultural singularity but was a reservoir of thought and creativity which spilled over to India and countries beyond, contributing to some of the basic aspects of India Civilization” (Kaul, 1999: 1). The two most usually offered understandings of the term Saraswat Brahmin are: Brahmins who live in the west of the underground river Saraswati; or Brahmins who are adherents of Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of learning. Another version of the origin of ‘Saraswat Brahmin’ is related to the descendants of great ancient sages Saraswat Muni, who lived on the bank of river Saraswati. One of them was settled in the western Konkon coast where they called themselves ‘Saraswat Brahmins’. In the modern theory about the origin of Pandit (Brahmin) community in Kashmir raises some questions. Various historians, sociologists and anthropologists have explored two different theories. One is aboriginal and another is penetration theory. After the decisive examination of character, everyday lifestyle and continues movements of South Indian Saraswat Brahmins, S.L. Pandit stated that “…Others moved further north in to the valley of Kashmir and, permission of the Naga tribes who then ruled over this region” (Pandit, 2000: 145). Pandit Anand Koul shows that, “There are no chronicled records of Pandits having come to Kashmir from somewhere else, however numerous spectators have guessed about conceivable Jewish, Greek, or Persian roots” (Pandit, 1924: 1). But According to the study of Campbell shows that, “The Saraswatee Brahmins are also called (in the south at least) ‘Kashastalee’ a name which seems still to mark the time when they were considered to be of Kashmeeree or Kasha origin” (Pandit,1924:63). He also stated that, “The Kashmir Brahmins are quite High-Arian in the type of their features, very fair and handsome, with high chiselled features, and no trace of intermixture of the blood of any lower race… The figure of the ordinary 422 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) working Kashmeeree is strong and athletic. But none of them are martial, and the Brahmins are in this respect no exception” (Campbell, 1866: 57-58). Hinduism integrated within of its fold an extensive mixture of statements of faith and doctrines. There were monotheists and polytheists all associated mutually under this religious faith. It included people innocent in one God, as similarly disciples having self-belief in thirty-three crore of devtas. The persons playing praise to icons and common powers likewise called themselves Hindus. They had respect for the Vedas, the cow, the class conveyance and the Brahmins. Kashmiri Hindus have uses various surnames, like, Agha, Atal, Bakshshi, Bamzai, Chak, Dhar, Gango, Jalali, Hangaloo, Kher, Mattoo, Tikko, Warikoo, Zutshi etc. But, Bhat, Kaul, Raina are the most common surname used by Kashmiri Pandits. Wakhlu stated that, “Most of the surnames of Kashmiri Pandits tell nothing of their origins and are mainly nicknames” (Wakhlu, 2011:6). Kashmiri Hindu surnames also originated from animal names, village names and traditional stone, metal pots names. But “the only genuine origin of a Kashmiri Brahmin is from his or her Gotra, based their origin from a respective Aryan sage” (Wakhlu, 2011: 7). According to S.K. Kachru, “Gotra refer to a particular Brahmanical clan. Kashmiri Brahmins are said to have originally belonged to only six gotras, viz., Dattatreya, Bhardwaja, paledeva, Mudgalya, Dhaumyayana and Aupamanyava. By intermarriage with other Brahmins, the number of gotras multiplied to 199. The belief that the Pandits are direct descendents of Kashyap Rishi is repudiated by many” (Kachru, 2012: 246). It is comprehensively accepted occurrence that until the outset of the fourteenth century the majority population of the valley was Hindus. Tradition asserts that the prosecution of the Hindus was so ardent that only eleven families of Hindus remained in the valley. Their posterity is understood by the name of Malmas, as transcendent from the fugitives and the Hindu of Deccan, who came to Kashmir later on and is understood as the Banamas (Madan, 1989: 13). Some historians, however, settled that the Malmas Hindus to be the descendants of Kashyap the saviour of the valley, and that the Banamas Brahmins were foreigners, who came from other countries (Madan, 1989: 13). The Hindus who dwell in Kashmir now are with a few skill that the Levite Brahmins were a efficacious and numerous body, emit great prestige over the country and its rulers, there is habitual name of the fighting class, and it evident that a vast dominant part of the old Hindus more likely than not been horticultural ‘Jats’ of the ‘Vaisya’ division (Census, 1933: 290-91). Presently there is no hint of the Jats among the Hindus of Kashmir. Be that as it may, there are still Khattris in Srinagar, known as Bohras, are occupied with exchange and cut off from correspondence with the Khattris of the Punjab. Historian Michael Witzel was confused about the actual origin of Kashmiri Brahmins because, “the early books of Kalhana’s history of Kashmir, the Rajatarangini, give some legendary stories about ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 423 their settlement. These accounts usually stress the role of a new king or governor or of a new royal family in carrying out the import of non-Kashmiri Brahmins” (Witzel, 1991: 3). But he cannot deny the fact that, “the history of the Kashmiri Brahmins may go back much beyond what Kalhana reports, all the way to the Vedic period”( Witzel, 1991: 4). According to Superintendent of Census Operations and Revenue Member Khan Bahadur Munshi Ghulam Ahmed Khan, “Up to 1340 A. D. there was not a single Mohammedan in Kashmir. The proselytes to Islamism in Kashmir were mostly from the original Hindu population, strangers and foreigners but few” (Census, 1902: 240). The Brahmins of Kashmir were commended for their learning and educational accomplishments, and they are known as Kashmiri Pandits all over world. The Sanskrit word Pandita implies a cultured personage. Despite the fact that for the most component known as Kashmiri Pandits, they indicate themselves as Bhatta or Batta, which is the Prakrit word with ‘wonderful researchers’. Campbell observed that, “they rule by the brain and the pen, and not by the sword. It is this character that has gained them the favour of so many rulers of a different faith” (Campbell, 1866:58). At the season of Sultan Zain-ul-Abedin, the Pandit society was developed as an inside separation. The Sultan had restored certainty among the Brahmins and he felt the requirement for preparing themselves for the new open doors that may be offered to them and for any possibility that may emerge in future.2 According to S.L. Pandit, “Apart from the tolerant phase of Muslim rule first firmly inaugurated by Zain-Ul-Abidin and later zealously revived by Akbar, the history of Kashmir was marked about this era by the emergence of other harmonizing factors among both the Muslims and Brahmins of the valley. While the scholarly Brahmins evolved a new universal aspect of Hindu ethos in the form of Shaivism, the Muslims were deeply involved in a tolerant aspect of Islamic Sufism marked by the rise of what is called the Rishi cult in Kashmir” (Pandit, 2000: 147). In this composite arena the Kashmiri Pandits swung progressively to the investigation of Persian, the court dialect, and looked for act as authorities, interpreters and agents in the administration (Yoyng hasband, 1909: 108). They were energized by the rulers in these interests. It appears that a tradition soon got to be set up whereby a large portion of the children in a Pandit family concentrated on Persian (the court dialect) and stand out or two gave themselves to the investigation of Sanskrit and the sacred writings. Their scholarly predominance over whatever remains of the populace must be conceded. They were snappy of dread and have great recollections. Arrogance was one of their assailing shortcomings. However, some of them were exceptionally unrivalled, reliable, genuine, lucid and innovative (Koul, 1913:15). It is absolute true observation that the Pandits are original inhabitant in the valley of Kashmir. Anthropologist P.N. Bhattacharjee observed in his studies, “Barring the secretor factor, the blood group systems-Ai A2 B 0, MNSs, and Rh denote that the Muslims and the 424 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Pandits are homogeneous populations, as expected, because the majority of the Muslims were originally Hindus” (Bhattacharjee, 1966: 92). It was chosen that a little girl’s child of a man ought to be made bhasha (dialect, i.e. Sanskrit, the dialect of the sacred writings) Batta to oversee to the religious needs of his maternal grandfather’s group. Bhatta also uses in compounds indicating their sons, such as bhatta-putra, bhatta-suta, bhattataneya, bhatta-dayada etc. This group is exceptionally best in class in instruction, more than seventy percent of its part being proficient. In India we have seen a considerable measure of Kashmiri Pandits have turned out to be surely understood executives and government officials. History specialists are, in any case, concurred that over the span of time this division of work advanced into a twofold division of the general public based upon occupation and invigorated by endogamy. Those Pandits who gave themselves to the investigation of the sacred writings and the execution of religious obligations were known as the bhasha bhatta or all the more just, the gor (got from the Sanskrit ‘master’ for ‘aide’ or ‘preceptor’). The writing of Albiruni shows that a Brahmin is called in various ways. “When he is busy with the service of one fire, he is called istin , if he serves three fires, he is called agnihotrin, if he besides offers an offering to the fire, he is called dîksita” (Witzel, 1991: 39). The individuals who kept on examining the sacred texts without taking up clerical obligations were known as the Pandit or joytishi (crystal gazer). The adherents of mainstream occupations were known as the karkun (labourers). The joytishi have not developed into an endogenous gathering, as have the gor, and may intermarry with the karkun, yet nor with the gor. The cleric class does not intermarry with both of alternate classes, but rather the joytish and karkun do this. The joytish Pandits are scholarly in the Shastras and elucidate them to the Hindus, and they draw up the timetables in which predictions are made about the occasions of the coming year. The cleric class performs the customs and services of the Hindu religion. The limitless dominant parts of the Pandits have a place with the karkun class and for the most part keep up their work as a state government worker (Lawrence, 1895: 302-304). Numerically preponderant and economically better off, the karkun have arrogated to themselves the higher position in the Pandit social hierarchy. The gor are regarded as inauspicious, mean and greedy. The main reason for this attitude seems to be the fact that they receive food and other gifts from their yajaman (clients or patrons) in the name of the dead. According to the observation of T.N.Madan, “hereditary occupational specialization, endogamy and an explicit, differentiation in social status has thus produced an internal subdivision of Pandit society into two sub-castes” (Madan,1989:20). It is very interesting to note that most priests do not even now wear leather made footwear because contact with leather is polluting to a Brahmin, and tie their turban in what must have been the earlier Mughal fashion. The karkun turban is about Persian style, though in recent years many priests also have adopted ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 425 it. The ladies and especially the Hindu persuasion prefer their clothes to be of very bright colours, light oranges and pinks being their special colours; and they certainly brighten up their surroundings. The family priests are played a pivotal role in the religious practice of Kashmiri Hindu community. In such circumstances the Kula-gar (priest in the lineage) may officiate at only such important occasions as initiation and marriage. So, “The relationship of a priest with his yajman is hereditary. Its permanency is unaffected by any arrangement that may be made for its suspension for reasons of convenience. If a priest dies without leaving a son, or any closely related agnate, behind him, the right to serve his clientele may be inherited by his daughter’s son. On every occasion that he provides his service to a client household, the priest receives a fee (dakshina) in cash or kind, or both, the amount of the fee varies with the economic status of each household and the importance of each occasion. In rural areas such fees are nominal, but a priest receives from all land - owning households a certain quantity of paddy at harvest time. He also gets all the money which the boys of his client - households receive from their kith and kin on the occasion of their initiation” (Madan, 1989: 20). Like the other part of India the priests are economically dependent upon their yajman, who include priests also as even a priestly household need on certain occasions the services of a specialist which a member of the household itself does not customarily provide. The Brahmins of Kashmir were skilled recites of the Vedas and called Bhumideva. They are also received the traditional designations- vipra, dvija, dvijanman, agrajanman, bhumideva, vasudhadeva and they are highly respected among various communities of Kashmir valley. Traditional Culture of the Brahmins The achara of the Kashmirians agrees in maximum respects with that of the Indian Brahmins, however indicates also some very excellent peculiarities. The rites of worship, such as the morning and the evening (Sandhya) prayers, as well as rites for specific activities, sanskaras or sacraments are executed extra or much less scrupulously. Since soonest times, the life of a Hindu has been managed by a progression of services and customs, normally known as sanskaras. These sanskaras expected awesome significance with the progression of time, started with the conception, and ruled the entire of the life of a man with the kirya karma being the last custom (Cunningham, 1932:75) . A Hindu child is introduced this world by nothing down the precise time of the conception, an occupation done by the celestial prophet. The crystal gazer mentioned a note of his objective facts with respect to the impacts of stars and planets as janam kundli. The mother is known as ‘rosa’ and if this is her first tyke, then she is known as a sadh piai. On the ninth day after the conception, called sunder the mother and the youngster are showered at a favourable hour and in the wake of washing, seven vessels both of dirt or 426 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) bronze are loaded with sustenance. On the eleventh day a purging function, the kahnehar occurred and the mother of the youngster left her room. At the point when a youngster is a month old, the day is commended for the sake of mas-nethar and in the third year the function of shaving the tyke’s head happens –zarkosay, an extremely upbeat occasion. The nourishment on this event is known as wari end for her administrations the fatherly auntie gets salutary blessings ‘zany’ of rice, salt and money and every one of the relatives and companions devour healthily on the warts. The yagneopavit service used to be a standout amongst the most lifted up capacities in the life of a Brahmin, especially in pleasure of the Kashmiri Pandis. When the kid has achieved the age of seven years according to the old Kashmiri conviction, and before he achieves his thirteenth year, he must turn into a genuine Brahmin-the yagneopavit function (Lawrence,1895:160-61). It included execution of an extraordinary yagna, in which every one of the house was welcomed by suitable mantras to favour the kids over the span of their introduction to the most sacrosanct mantra – Gayatri mantra - by the Kula Guru (family cleric). The Gayatri is symbolized by the three folds of the holy string of a settled length, purified by fitting mantra, which is worn by the kid on his introduction. On the day’s after the custom of the sacrosanct string being put around the kid’s neck coins and shells are tossed over his head, and he is then conveyed in the state down to the stream to perform his first supplication to God functions (Cunningham, 1932: 75). The mixture of the soul behind the yagneopavit service which likewise intends to advance empathy, love, kind-heartedness, peacefulness, clique, self-restraint and better human relationship and so on notwithstanding the desire to mull over the refulgence of the supreme consciousness can go about as a standout amongst the most critical instruments for accomplishing this objective. The subsequent essential thing in the life of a Pandit is his marriage. Like India, early marriage was likewise regular amongst the Hindus of Jammu & Kashmir district. In reverse and provincial classes like Chamars, Meghs, Jats, Thakkars and Gujjars were in the bleeding edge of rehearsing prior marriage. On account of high station Rajputs, in any case, it was hard to locate a suitable match for a young lady. Accordingly, early marriage among them was not common. Engagement was the initial phase in the arrangement for marriage. The lady and the spouse were by and large excessively youthful, making it impossible to have a full grown perspective about marriage (Census, 1933: 178-179). Arrangements going before the binding were for the most part directed by the family cleric or by reliable relations. On account of a child inlaw, his social position conveyed more significance than his genuine salary. Eight types of promise contracts won in the Jammu and Kashmir locale. These were: dharm or joke, taken or marriage by buy, watta-satta or marriage by trade, gharjowatri, thambh (column), polygamy, polyandry, Hypergamy (Census, 1943: 36). ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 427 Mehendiraat and devgon are executed and decorated out in the same valiant style, as the man of the hour is another kid the pot Maharaja or the best man. The lagan was directed by the family ministers of both the lady and spouse who, as an inseparable unit, strolled seven times cycle a lit let go (yagyagni), the clerics recounting mantras at the same time. After the lagan is over, the spouse with his lady and gathering comes back to his own home. Before beginning he and the spouse are made to stand again on the Vyug and the service connected to it is rehashed (Lawrence, 1895: 261-22). The lady is then set in the palanquin and the spouse rides his steed and the parade comes back to the husband’s home. There again the Vyug function is performed and after that the couple enter their home, the women singing tunes at the same time. Prior to the spouse is permitted to go into his home, he must pay cash to his maternal and fatherly close relative or sister who bars the entryway. The endowments to the lady from her dad are various however essential is a two – dijhuru3 and the chandanhar. In the middle of the first year of marriage the lady’s father sends her various presents at celebrations. Passing has its own specific manners, by method for customs that are watched inflexibly. At the point when a man inhales his last, his body is laid on the straw bed, and a light is kept land by his head, day and night. Close it is put a plate brimming with sesame seeds with a coin. The child of the perish lights the memorial service fire, however the work of cremation is finished by the Muslims called kawji. For ten days the house where the passing has occurred is unclean and nobody eats sustenance cooked in there, and for ten days, while the spirit of the expired is on its adventure, customs for the dead are performed on the waterway bank (Bamzai, 1973:23). Lawrence observes, “for the first three months after the death the sharadh service is performed every fifteen days and thereafter monthly for the next nine months. A widow mourning for her husband, and the women of the family mourning for a relative, prolong their mourning for a year, and for some months do not change their Phir mal (cloths). If however, they are bidden to a marriage they are allowed to wear clean cloths and they resume the neck thread which was put at on at marriage” (Lawrence, 1995: 262-63). Everyday Life After Aside from the traditions and functions, fiendish convictions witch pontoon, benevolence and creature penances were a portion of the superstitions saw by the occupants of the Jammu & Kashmir locale. The hostile stare was for the most part acknowledged as the interpretation of nazar. Youngsters were considered exceptionally subjected to nazar in light of the fact that they may instigate a sentiment pride or fulfilment in the individuals who looked on them. As a result of this reason, their countenances were left unwashed. Similarly, a darkened picture was hung upon a recently developed house, as a nazar-wattu or averter of nazar. The example on fancy garments 428 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) was spoilt by presenting a checked anomaly some place for the same reason (Kaul, 1924: 86-87). It was a result of the conviction that anything lovely or beguiling when looked upon by a man twisted on devilishness, prompts his to do hurt though anything monstrous in itself was sheltered from the stink eye. Also a crow sitting on the rooftop was viewed as an indication of the happening to a visitor. Again it was regularly trusted that an adventure to slopes on Tuesday and Wednesday was not free from dangers and inconveniences. A few individuals even go to the degree of saying: “Mongal Budh jo jay pahar, jitti baazi aaiya haar” (Ibbetson, 1985: 210). Along these lines, before beginning voyage a Hindu used to inside of a day or two from there on. In the event that on the eve of an adventure, counsel a Brahmin to discover as to which day would be favourable. In the event that he couldn’t go that day, he used to send on a paitra (a little heap of necessaries) to some spot close to the entryway despite the fact that he himself began venture a Brahmin or dum (untouchable) or anybody conveying an unfilled pitcher or wicker container happened to meet, he considered that episode unfavourable and therefore crossed out this trip (Pathik, 1980: 137). In the event that a tyke or a lady conveying a pitcher loaded with water was met on the eve of the excursion, it was viewed as stopping great. The development of the right eye-top implied euphoria or bliss though the development of the left eye-cover implied misery. So also, a development of the glimmer in the right upper arm or shoulder was taken to imply that the individual would soon meet and grasp a dear companion. Be that as it may, a development on the left implied an indication of looming calamity or malady. Moreover, shivering in the right palm was viewed as an increase of cash, though the same in the left palm was taken to imply that one may lose cash shaking one’s leg while sitting on a seat was additionally viewed as a terrible sign (Pathik, 1980:137). A kite sitting on the top of a house was considered excessively unfortunate. Superstitions were likewise predominant in appreciation of agrarian operations especially among the lower classes like Ghirths, Chuhras, and so forth. Before stopping, a parcel a Brahmin was to be counselled about the day when it was propitious to start the work (Ibbetson, 1985: 223-225). Among Chuhras, Sunday, Monday and Friday were viewed as useful for collecting and Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday for indicating. T.N. Dhar argues that, there are many other superstitious customs that appear to have scientific basic. In his words, “fish and milk are not consumed in combination as its cause’s leucoderma. Similarly a pair of shoes is left in a haphazard manner there is bound to be quarrel. The idea perhaps is to inculcate a good habit in the youngsters to leave their belongings in a proper way”( Dhar, 2006: 87-88). Festivals The Nilmatapurana a treasure of information about festivals, sacred places, pilgrimages, art and crafts, recreation and other cultural activities of ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 429 Kashmir’s. According to Professor Somnath Wakhlu, “The religious festivals of the Brahmins of Kashmir have Vedic roots. The Kashmiri Pandits share most of their festivals with other Hindu communities and some with the Zoroastrians and other Persian and Central Asian people, the pre-Islamic elements of whose cultures are similar to the Vedic culture (Wakhlu, 2011: 4). Witzel refers to later Rajataranginis and sums up “there are forty-five Œiva (girisa), sixty Visnu (cakrayudha), three Brahma (statues), one says, and twenty-two Sakti (images) having residences with no beginnings; seven hundred serpents, with Nila at their head, who have their home in the Tirthas, and there are more than fourteen well-known (ones) in the country of Kashmir” (Witzel, 1991: 47). Kalhana’s Rajatarangini refers that the Kashmiri Brahmins are celebrated various Shiva and Visnu festivals. The most vital celebrations that are praised with enthusiasm are Nava barso, Monjaher taeher, Gada Bhatta, Khyachi Mavas, Shishur, Gora-Trai, Kaw Punim, Teela Aetham, Zetha aetham and Shravana punim, Vyatha Truvah, Pan Dyun, Divagone, Posh puza, Dodh, Sonder, Sonth, Navreh and Zanga trai, Shivratri, Janamashtami, Jyesht Ashtami, Navresh, Mahanabami, Chaitra Nabami and Vastu Puja (Kapur, 1992: 171). Nava barso (New Year) and Shivratri is the main festivals of the Kashmir valley. According to the observation of Mukund Lal, “Nava barso (New Year) is celebrated with somewhat refined enthusiasm by the Pandits domiciled in the Indian plains as well. On that day to the family of the yajman comes the priest with newyear’s calendar and foretelling the events of the coming year takes his due – dakshina from the yajman. Fathers-in-law invite their sons-in-law with the daughters to their houses on this occasion, and feed and clad them according to their means” (Lal,1912:254). Shivratri is another great festival of Kashmiri Pandits which is celebrated to the honour of Shiva or Bhairaba. These celebrations are a gathering of different customs and myths, perusing and knowing of which turns out to be very fascinating. In its genuine quintessence, these celebrations instil certain orders that are instrumental in getting the entire family together furthermore preparing for an open door for the adolescents to soak up some essential attributes like comradeship, submission furthermore a feeling of custom (Census, 1933: 98). According to T.N. Dhar Kundan, “these festivals, rituals and customs have had relevance in the past, these are relevant today and they shall remain relevant for all times to come. The relevance is manifold. Firstly, they give us a distinct identity as Kashmiri Pandits” (Kaw, 2001:52). All celebrations separated from their religious and shared undertones have one more thought behind them. That is to unite the individuals with a string of unity and tie the individuals ethically and profoundly, trying to exchange the ethos of a group starting with one era then onto the next. Another vital part of these celebrations is to guarantee full vicinity at one’s home, by method for a few ceremonies that require the individuals to tune in the 430 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) exercises, and subsequently commend the promising days with the whole family(Bahadur,1978:112-13). The same remains constant of the Kashmiri celebrations, the soul rules high and the general temperaments is energetic; there is exhilaration and intensity that enter the sensibilities of youthful and old alike. Nilmatapurana portrays in subtle element which customs and celebrations are to be praised on a specific day of the year. Both men and women all are participate in these ceremonies. They kept fasts and appealed to diverse Gods and Goddesses. Truth be told, these celebrations were begun from the need to have an outlet by method for giving a few days of fun and skip and inevitably prompt thriving, wellbeing and bliss of the individuals. Conclusion The understanding principle of this study is to investigate the origin and culture of the Kashmiri Pandit community. The debate about the origin of Pandit community, the study discloses that they are fit in with the standard of the hundreds of year’s old Indian Brahmin hood, but they are aboriginal of the Kashmir Valley. This study moreover shows the traditional culture and everyday lifestyle is anatomically involved with their ancestral religious concepts. But keeping in view the topographical elements, however they have such a great amount of manners, which they gained through age-old affiliation amongst the populace of the state and that will be a terrific undertaking to seclude them socially and culturally. The study additionally demonstrates the rituals, beliefs and festivals which give them a unique cultural blend in the Kashmir arena. As a result the theories of the origin of Kashmiri Pandit should be able to identify their original roots and their socio-cultural identity in the Indian subcontinent. NOTES 1. According to S.L. Shali, Mata Sati meaning Parvati (consort of Lord Mahedeva), representing the full strength of Mahadeva, appeared on the scene and came out in a boat for a pleasure trip from her abode of Harmukh peak in Lar valley right up to Kaunsarnag to the west of Banihal pass. She named this vast lake Satisar, meaning thereby the ‘lake of Sati’ (in Sanskrit ‘Sar’ means a lake). 2. Zain-ul-Abedin much impressed with the Hindu Sastras and got many including the Mahabharata, translated into Persian for his close study. He installed many learned and experienced Pandits on high posts of trust and honour. The administration was completely run by the Kashmiri Pandits who at his bidding studied Persian, the new court language. 3. Dijhuru is the symbol of marriage for Kashmiri women. In other parts of India, the married ladies are identified by red vermillion in the parting of their hair, mangalsutra, or the little toe rings. In Kashmir Dijhuru is the symbol. It is worn in both the ears and there is an attachment to it which is called the Atahore made of gold or golden or silver thread made into a specific shape. ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 431 REFERENCES Ataov, Turkkaya 2001 Kashmir and Neighbours: Tale, Terror, Truce. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company. Bahadur, K. P. 1978 Caste, Tribes and Culture of India, vol. VI. New Delhi: Ess Ess Publication. Banerjee, S.C. 1956 Cultural Heritage of Kashmir. Kolkata: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar. Bamzai, P.N.K. 1973 A History of Kashmir. New Delhi: Metropolitan Book Company (Pvt.) Ltd. Bhattacharjee, P. N. 1966 Distribution of the Blood Groups (A• A‚ B O, MNSs, Rh). and the Secretor Factor among the Muslims and the Pandits of Kashmir. Zeitschrift für Morphologie und Anthropologie. 58(1). Campbell, Justice 1866 Ethnology of India. Journal of the Asiatic society of Bengal. Part- II, 35 (Special Number). Census of India -1901 1902 Jammu and Kashmir State, Part I, Vol. XXIII. Lahore : Civil and Military Gazette press. Census of India 1931 1933 Jammu and Kashmir State Part I. Vol. XXIV. Jammu: Ranbir Government Press Cencus of India- 1941 1943 Jammu and Kashmir State, Part- I. Vol. XXII. Jammu: Ranbir Govt. Press. Cunningham, Lt. Col W.B. 1932 A Hand Book for the Indian Army Dogras. Calcutta: Govt. of India Central Publication Branch. Dhar, T.N. 2006 Kashmiri Pandit Community: A Profile. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. Husain, Majidd 1985 Major Ethnic Groups of Jammu and Kashmir State. In Majid Husain (Ed.) Geography of Jammu and Kashmir: Some Aspects. New Delhi: Rajesh Publication. Ibbetson, Sir Denzil 1985 (Reprint) A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West Frontier Province, Vol. I. New Delhi: Punjab National Press. 432 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Kachru, Shiban K. 2012 Kashmiri Pandits: Brief Culture & Political History. New Delhi: Pothi.com. Kalhana, Pandita 1900 Rajtarangini, Translatedin to English by M.A. Stein, Vol. I, First book. London: Archi Bald Constable and Company Ltd. Kapur, M.L. 1992 Social and Economic History of Jammu and Kashmir State. Jammu: Jay Kay Book House. Kaul, R.N. 1999 The Wail of Kashmir: In Quest of Peace. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers. Kaw, M.K.(ed.) 2001 Kashmiri Pandits: Looking to the Future. New Delhi: Kashmir Education, Culture and Science Society. Khan, Mohammad Saleem 2006 The History of Medieval Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Koul, Pandit Anand 1913 Geography of the Jammu and Kashmir State. Calcutta: Publishers Name Not Found, Printed by Thacker, Sprink and Company. Koul, Pandit Anand 1924 The Kashmiri Pandit. Calcutta: Publishers name not found, Printed by Thaker,Spink and Company. Lal, Mukund 1912 Kashmir and the Kashmiris. The Modern Review. 7(1). Lawrence, Walter R. 1895 The Valley of Kashmir. London: Henry Frow de Oxford University Press. Madan, Trilokinath 1989 Family and Kinship. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Pandit, S.L., Kachroo, P. & Dhar S.N.(Ed.) 2000 Glimpses of Kashmir, Jammu & Ladakh. New Delhi: Gyan Sagar Publication. Pathik, Jyoteeshwar 1980 Cultural Heritage of the Dogras. Jammu: Light and Life Publishers. Shali, S.L. 1993 Kashmir: History and archaeology through the ages. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company. ORIGIN AND CULTURE OF KASHMIRI PANDIT COMMUNITY 433 Wakhlu, Somnath 2011 Kashmiri Pandits: Cultural and Historical Introduction. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Witzel, Michael 1991 The Brahmins of Kashmir. http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/witzel/ KashmiriBrahmins.pdf. Yoynghasband, Francis 1909 (Reprint) Kashmir. London: Adam and Charles Black Ltd. Monsumi Barooah GENDER INEQUALITIES AS KEY DRIVER OF HIV/AIDS IN JAINTIA HILLS, MEGHALAYA INTRODUCTION India is the second most populous country in the world. It accounts for 17% of the world’s population and is home to 21.17 lakhs of People Living with HIV/AIDS, which is second to Sub-Saharan Africa and Nigeria. Women are the worst affected and the most marginalized groups when it comes to HIV. They constitute more than half of all People Living with HIV/AIDS. AIDSrelated illnesses remain the leading cause of death for women aged 30-49 and the third leading cause of death for women aged 15-29 (World Health Organisation, 2017). It is well known that the disease affects women differently and disproportionately compared to men. Gender inequality is the singular most important reason for this unequal and unjust impact of HIV on women. This disparity manifests itself in myriad ways at all levels. Women are pushed to the periphery when it comes to education, ownership of economic resources and health care facilities. The traditional society considers them as the weaker sex. They have been exploited, degraded and accorded a subordinate position to men both at homes and outside world. This peculiar type of bigotry against women is prevalent everywhere in the world and more so in Indian society. They are often less able to negotiate safe sex, suffer greater social stigma from being HIV positive, and as the principal family carers, may have added burdens if there is AIDS within the household. The factors fuelling the HIV infection among women are early marriage, reproductive age, unsafe sexual practices, forced sex, violence against women and girls, gender inequality, other sexual transmitted diseases etc. (WHO, 2017; UNAIDS 2015, 2014; Jewkes et al., 2006). ”This epidemic unfortunately remains an epidemic of women” (UNAIDS, 2013). Marriage does not always protect a woman from becoming infected with HIV. Many new infections occur within marriage or long term relationships as a result of unfaithful partners. They typically have more frequent access to healthcare than men due to antenatal care. This means they often know that their HIV status before their partners. However, the imbalanced power in the household, and lack of education, can lead to men assuming their partner was infected first; this may cause friction that may lead to violence. (Global Network of People living with HIV, 2010) Gender bias between men and women is closely related to notions of legitimacy and MONSUMI BAROOAH, Research Scholar at AIA, Amity University, Noida 436 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) correctness. In family behavior, inequalities between men and women (and between boys and girls) are often accepted as natural or appropriate (Sen, 1985). In India, the root cause of gender bias is its patriarchal system. But in a matrilineal community of the Jaintia people in Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya, gender disparities take a strong hold which makes the women of the community vulnerable to HIV. A slow creeping patriarchy in this matrilineal community of Meghalaya is being mirrored. However, according to the Jaintia women, this secret can never be revealed. The situation is ironic considering this community as one of the oldest practitioners of matriliny under which family lineage comes from the mother and family and social control flows from the same source. Matriliny has, however, become akin to an ad for Meghalaya but is not its reality no matter what outsiders think. In the current study, women are the custodians of family wealth but not owners. The uncle is the one who actually takes decision. In 2015, HIV prevalence in Meghalaya has shown an increase from 0.16% to 0.73%. (HIV Sentinel Surveillance, 2017) In view of high prevalence of HIV infection and unavailability of information on HIV and gender issues prevailing in Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya, the current study was carried out with an aim to determine the problems faced by women due to gender disparities, physical, sexual and emotional violence which opens the door for HIV/AIDS infection. MATERIALS AND METHODS: A cross- sectional study was conducted among 320 Jaintia tribe women belonging to the age group 15-35 years in East and West Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya. There are five blocks in both the districts namely Thadlaskein, Laskein, Amlarem, Khliehriat and Saipung. Young women and adolescent girls aged 15-24 years are particularly affected in HIV infection. Globally, in 2015 there were an estimated 2.3 million adolescent girls and young women living with HIV, that constitute 60 per cent of all young people infected with HIV (1524 years) (WHO, 2017). Several studies on HIV infection among the women between age group 15-49 years was conducted and among the youth population between age group 15-24 years globally (for both men and women). Few studies were conducted among the youth population in general (aged 15-35 years) and no information was available particularly on women between this age group. As per the National Youth Policy of India (2003), the youth population belongs to the age group of 15-35 year. In view of high prevalence of HIV infection among the women in reproductive and sexual active group and availability of limited information on HIV particularly among the youth population, especially in women, the present study focused on the young women belonging to the age group 15-35 years. In brief association with a project under Indian Council of Medical Research, various written permissions were sought prior to the initiation of the study: GENDER INEQUALITIES AS KEY DRIVER OF HIV/AIDS... 437 • Permission was sought for working in the districts from the Social Welfare Department, Government of Meghalaya through Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India. • Accordingly written permission was sought from the Deputy Commissioner of West and East Jaintia Hills to conduct the fieldwork in the area. • The District Vector Borne Disease Officer of West Jaintia Hills granted written permission to conduct the field study. • The permission was also sought from the Village Headman “Rangbaishno” (local name) before conducting the fieldwork in that particular village. • The local NGO (Mihmyntdu Community Social Welfare) in Jowai village under Thadlaskein Block was surveyed. In order to collect data from the NGO, permission was granted by Dr. J.N. Shullai, Project Director of the NGO. The vision of this NGO was to enable the creation of a just and equitable social order, with the goal to enable individuals to live a life of dignity and respect. The sample size of 308 was calculated using online sample size calculator http://www.surveysystem.com/sscalc.htm, giving prevalence estimates with 95% confidence level and within 5% confidence interval for a total number of people living with HIV (PLHIV) in Meghalaya, which is 1, 541. (Meghalaya AIDS Control Society, 2014). Structured interview schedules, participant observation and in-depth interviews were used to understand the stress, abuses and gender issues related to HIV infection. The interview schedules were prepared focusing on factors like decision making and violence against women. Various anthropological approaches were used to collect qualitative data like case studies and by conducting focused group discussion (FGD) targeting married females. Data was collected by interacting with the women and building rapport by developing mutual trust with them. This was supplemented with living in the community, participating in their activities and constantly observing what the women actually do in specific situations. FINDINGS: The present study revealed that all the women belonged to the age group 15-35 years of age and belonged to the Pnar, Biate, War Khasi and Garo tribes. The religions followed by these women are Christianity, Hinduism and Niamtre. Niamtre is an indigenous religion of the Jaintia tribes. It is the original tribal religion of this community. They believe that their religion is God-given (not founded by man) and comes to this world by God’s decree. The three cardinal principles dictated by God are kamai yei hok, tipbru tipblai and tipkur tipkha. They signify right living and practice based on right livelihood; 438 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) fulfillment of duties toward fellow men to reach God; and showing respect to the members of one’s father’s and mother’s clans. Therefore, Niamtre stresses equal weight to be given to fellow humans to attain God realisation. It is found that majority of the women in the study population were literate (primary education-36% and middle school education- 26%) and the rest were illiterate. The occupational status of the women shows that most of the women of Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya are engaged in agriculture for a living (66%). While the rest of them work as vendors (20%), health workers (5%), sex workers (7%) and some are housewives (2%). In both social and medical perspectives, age at menarche is considered as the central event of female puberty, as it signals the possibility of fertility. Most of the Jaintia women under study were married (51%). 23% of the women were unmarried, 17% of them were divorced and 9% were widowed. This shows the existence of early marriage, divorce leading to multiple sex partners and early death of the husbands in the study population. Hence, these factors make women more vulnerable to HIV/AIDS in Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya. (Table 1) Table 1 The Frequency Distribution of general and household information Parameters N % Pnar 195 61 Biate 60 19 Wars 45 14 Garo 20 6 Community Religion Christian 156 49 Niamtre 113 35 51 16 15-20 years 50 16 20-25 years 70 22 25-30 years 80 25 30-35 years 120 37 Hindu Age Women’s Education Illiterate 120 38 Primary 115 36 85 26 210 66 65 20 Middle Occupation Labourer/ family farm Vendor GENDER INEQUALITIES AS KEY DRIVER OF HIV/AIDS... 439 Homemaker 22 Sex worker 7 2 16 5 12 years 158 49 13 years 112 35 14 years 26 9 15 years 24 7 162 51 73 23 Divorced women 55 17 Widowed women 30 9 Health worker 7 Age at menarche Marriage Married women Unmarried women Among the Jaintias, in most of the families the women take decisions consulting the elder one in the family (elder brother). But there are variations in decision making. The factors like use of condom, sex and divorce are decided by men in most of the families. This marks the presence of gender disparities in the study area. The decision making power of the family regarding what to eat everyday varies in different families. In the present study, it is observed that in majority of the families the women decides what to be cooked and which school their children should go. However, the decision regarding having sex (74%) and use of condom (74%) in most of the cases is taken by the male partners. The percentage of women having power over household chores is 61% and men is 39%. Though the population under study is a matrilineal society but gender issues exist in the study area. In matrilineal societies, a person’s descent is traced through the mother or maternal ancestors. For instance, property such as land is handed down from the mother to the daughter (youngest). The decision of divorce depends on both women and men. But the percentage of men deciding on divorce is more compared to that of women i.e. 60% (men) and 40% (women). The study revealed various reasons of divorce like refusing sex, unfaithfulness, HIV infection, failure to support family, physical, sexual and emotional violence. (Table 2) 440 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Table 2 The Frequency Distribution on decisions taken by the male and female members of the Jaintia Community Parameters Female Male N % N 1. Decision on cooking 197 61 123 38 2. Decision on children’s schooling 212 66 108 34 84 26 236 74 4. Decision of the use of condom 84 26 236 74 5. Decision on household chores 194 61 126 39 6. Inheritance of property 320 100 0 0 7. Decision on divorce 127 40 193 60 3. Decision of having sex % In the current study there exist power inequalities within relationships. These gender roles can confine women to positions where they lack the power to protect themselves from HIV infection. Women who are victims of sexual violence are at higher risk of being exposed to HIV due to lack of condom use. The study revealed that women who were beaten or dominated by their partners were much more likely to become infected with HIV than women who were not. HIV transmission was much greater in abusive relationships. The forced nature of a violent sexual intercourse results in wounds and deep abrasions that put them at a higher risk of contracting HIV. This coupled with the absence of condom use under such circumstances exacerbate the vulnerability of the woman to HIV. Apart from sexual violence, what enhances the risk for women is the culture of silence surrounding everything related to sex and sexuality. Inexperience and lack of information in this regard is looked upon as a mark of being a “cultured” woman in Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya. It is one area where being uninformed is prized as opposed to being armed with correct knowledge. Not only is the right of women for correct information nullified under the garb of tradition, they are also disempowered by the lack of control about their own sexual and reproductive decisions. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), violence against women (VAW) is a “global health problem of epidemic proportions.” Violence against women refers to acts of violence directed toward women simply because they are women. These acts can include forms of physical, emotional, and sexual harm. Often, women do not consider these harmful acts as violence, either because the acts are considered to be normal in their society, or because they occur so often that they seem normal. The percentage of Jaintia women who faced domestic violence and sexual violence is 43% and 49% respectively. 8% of Jaintia women have faced emotional violence. The ones who faced emotional abuse had low self esteem, were depressed, anxious and some were even suicidal. (Table 3) GENDER INEQUALITIES AS KEY DRIVER OF HIV/AIDS... 441 Table 3 The Frequency Distribution of Violence against Women Parameters N % Physical violence 138 43 Sexual violence 155 49 27 8 Emotional violence DISCUSSION: The observation made under the present study clearly indicates that women continue to be disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS due to their unequal cultural, social and economic status in society. Gender inequality, intimate partner violence, unequal power dynamics between men and women limits women’s choices, opportunities and access to information, health and social services, education and employment. The present findings show gender based differences in HIV risk behaviour – women tend towards lower risk behaviour than men, however they also tend towards lower condom use (Chamar, 2015). Only 26 % of the women under study take the decision regarding having sex and the use of condom. In addition, men report significantly lesser belief in the right of women to regulate sexual relations within marriage. Men evidence aggressive and self serving attitudes and behaviours (Boonzaier, 2005) –beliefs that women are subordinate to men, less belief that HIV is a real threat to their safety. These patters give men a sense of power that is likely to be acted on. This in turn makes women more vulnerable to sexually aggressive men. In the study area, 43 % of women face physical violence, 48% of women face sexual violence and 8% of women face emotional violence. Women evidence less sexual self protection. It is also important to note that women do not believe in the right of women to regulate sex with their husbands. Women thus become a gendered paradigm – denying the right of women to protect themselves and not exercising safer sex practices to protect themselves. CONCLUSION: AIDS feeds on systems of injustice that existed long before HIV had considerable impact on human society. The present study exposes the systems and presents an opportunity for real change. It involves a revolution in longheld cultural beliefs and intensely held personal norms for both men and women. Men will need to work hard, learn about and dismantle the parts of their gender conditioning that have resulted in the development of inappropriate power over women. Both sexes should recognize that men’s efforts will bear most fruit in a climate of encouragement and understanding. Women need to 442 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) be encouraged to continue to empower and protect themselves, as well as to speak and live their truths as autonomous sexual beings. They deserve help and support in standing up to male domination. At the same time, it must be remembered that women are powerful and not helpless victims of male oppression. They are proactive participants and full partners in the fight to halt HIV/AIDS. REFERENCES Boonzaier, F 2005 “Women abuse in South Africa: A brief contextual analysis,” Feminism & Psychology. 2005;15:99–103. Chamar, V 2015 “ Short Essay on Gender Inequality,” Social Issues in India. Jewkes et al. 2006 “Factors associated with HIV sero-status in young rural South African women: connections between intimate partner violence and HIV,” Int J Epidemiology 35: 1461-1468. 1985 “ Gender inequality and theories of justice,” Women, culture, and development: A study of human capabilities (pp. 259-273).Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sen, A Athikho Kaisii DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY: ALCOHOLISM IN NAGA SOCIETY Introduction Alcohol is a depressant drug with certain beneficial health components but harmful when misused. Since time immemorial casual, social, sacramental or addictive drink under approval or disapproval is common in human society. For the Nagas, use of alcohol (rice-beer) and its consumption is an integral part of everyday life. In their cultural tradition, eating food and consuming rice-beer implies and carries almost the same and identical connotation. To talks of drinking rice-beer without relating within the context of food will not give its actual implication. Since rice-beer is closely interwoven with food, it is attached with value of sobriety and moderation. In the wake of social change, however, drinking has slowly assumed a new meaning, becoming more of a symbol of lifestyle, “modern” and means of entertainment, from erstwhile as ritual item, food and medicine. Cultural value of wine and its communicative meaning is fast eroded with eclectic indulgence for joviality. In course of time, alcohol consumption becomes a grave concern, mainly due to changes in its communicative value and mode of production and distribution. Alcohol pathology knows no boundary of caste, creed, language and race since its related problem is serious, widespread and there is no sign of diminishing in future. Just how alarming it was the acknowledgment by WHA (World Health Assembly) during its Twenty-Sixth Assembly, where it unequivocally ranked alcohol consumption among the world’s major public health concerns (Grant 1985: 1). Alcohol-related disease has accounted for “3.2 % of the global mortality and 4.0% of the global burden of disease measured in disability –adjusted life years (DALYS)” (Rehm, Jürgen, Room, Roben, Monteiro, Maristela et al 2004:959). It is expected to rise “due to partly in increases in consumption in developing and emerging economies of south-east Asia and partly to shifting patterns of morbidity and mortality” (Rehm, Jürgen, Room, Roben, Monteiro, Maristela et al 2004:961). Besides any other factors, increased consumption for intoxication and entertainment contributes in worsening of ATHIKHO KAISII, Assistant Professor, Centre for Culture, Media & Governance, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025, E-mail: akasmao@gmail.com 444 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) its concern since “drinking alcohol is a sine-qua-non of the resultant pathologies” (Bedi 1988: 7). To conceptualise and define, alcohol is a sedative drug potentially able to alter both mental and physical mood of a person. It is a chemical component of depressant drug, with certain desirable health ingredients but harmful when distorted. As long as its intake is within medicinal dose, it is considered advisable. Abused or misused is the prime factor of its resultant pathologies. Alcohol intake beyond bodily requirements produces destructive effect. While considering the affects of both social and physical aspects, Kessel and Walton defined alcohol as “intoxicate, hypnotic, analgesic, anesthetic, narcotic, poisonous and potentially habit forming, or addictive drug or chemical” (1969: 34). Alcohol in the paper will mean any kind of wine (distilled spirit, beer, beverage, vodka, liquor or local brew/wine) that contain an addictive crave. No matter what, it would be unfair to posit that culture of alcohol consumption is a contemporary practice. Various researches have shown that concoctions resembling the present day alcohol were widely used since mankind’s remotest antiquity and its use has been extended over virtually to almost every part of the earth (Encyclopedia of Social Sciences Vol. 1, 1930: 619). Based on socio-environmental context and cultural setup, individuals in almost every society have been provided with certain means to use alcohol (Douglas 1987: 3-4). Since time immemorial social, sacramental or addictive drink under approval or disapproval has ubiquitous in human society. Irrespective of this fact, increased alcohol craze, particularly among the teens and youth, need to examine so as to find ways to tackle its menace. Alcohol influence is an igniting and galvanising factor of various social deviance and unwanted behaviours. It is notorious for its cascading and vicious consequence. Naga Society: Tradition and Alcohol As far as the Naga society is concerned, use of alcohol (rice-beer) and its consumption is social and traditional. Locally or indigenously, alcohol is known as ozhe/hayi. Ozhe/hayi is a generic term that refers to every type of wine, liquor or spirit. Based on nature and mode of brewing, alcohol in the Naga society can be broadly categories into locally brewed and imported. Imported alcohol includes all sorts of India-made foreign liquors (IMFL) and distilled spirits (native called tuye). Locally brewed alcohol is further sub-divided into zochu and tomatie on the basis of taste and mode of brewing. To contextualise the fundamental understanding of consuming ricebeer in the Naga society, it is imperative to acquaint with the terms shuo (sip) and chü (drink). By understanding the terms shuo and chü will helps to convey better the food connotation of rice-beer. Consumption of Rice-beer is used in both cases - shuo we (sipping) and chü we (drinking). In times of narrating folktales, confidentially discoursing important matters, secretive talks, cultural DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 445 festivals and feast of merit, the term shuo we is applicable. On other ordinary days, individuals’ seat together at cairn (tokhu) over a mug (bamboo mug) of rice-beer usually with a bowl where anybody may join also implies in the context of shuo we. With a mug of rice-beer, one can spend for hours and hours while sipping it. These acts of consuming do not reflect the response of the body stimuli but are traditional ways of life where sipping is norm. In changing social scenario, the act of taking or drinking tea is generally comes within the purview of shuo we. Drinking to quench the thirst or to satisfy the hunger comes in the context of chü we. Chü is an act primarily responded to the body stimuli and requirements. Usually, there is no specific time or particular restriction of taking tea/chai unless on health ground and precautionary measure, as it is very much a part of social life. However, no one keeps on drinking water or eating food unless one is thirsty and hungry. One can still have a cup of tea/chai after meal. Of course, it is becoming a habit for many. On the contrary, who goes for another meal when hunger is met? The condition of been thirsty and hungry is the prerequisite for drinking and eating. The act of drinking (chü we) is the ultimate reaction of the body wanting/lacking something to runs and functions properly on interval basis. So, rice-beer consumption is essentially an integral and core component of food. One drinks not for intoxicating and social acceptance but to meet bodily requirements for its sustenance and fitness. Rice-beer is essentially consumed for health and used as food (Brown 1874: 19). Medicinally and scientifically, it is also proved and shown that rice-beer is less intoxicative and harmful as compared to other wine. By virtue of its less intoxicative, perhaps it can be used as food. The food meaning of rice-beer can be further seen when it is used as the only means for sustenance in some traditional rituals. For instance, prior to pulling and erection of a selected stone in honour of the performers of feasts of merit, individuals participating in the rituals are expected to abstain from any kind of foods except ozhe/hayi (rice-beer) and ginger (Mutum 2002: 202). On the day of every genna, the village chief needs to fast (luo), is expected to remain chaste and abstain from normal work. Whenever the chief fast, he is expected to abstain from any other foods other than rice-beer. Rice-beer is therefore attached with an attitude of moderation as in eating food and drinking water, and abusing becomes anti-social and considered as violation of social code as found and practiced in the Jewish culture (Keller 1977: 440-42). Consuming rice-beer is part of everyday life but not to get drunk. In the Naga cultural tradition, therefore, eating food and consuming rice-beer implies and carries almost the same and identical connotation. To talks of rice-beer consumption without relating within the context of food does not gives its actual implication and will deviates from its socio-cultural value. It is difficult to comprehend the value of rice-beer consumption devoid of food. Rice-beer is not incongruous to everyday life as much as to socio-cultural tradition and religious life of the Nagas. As much as one eats food everyday for 446 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) proper functioning of the body so is rice-beer consumption. Noteworthy of such practice is that since rice-beer (zochu) is closely interwoven with food, religious life and practices, it is attached with value of sobriety and reverence. Consequently, religious and food value of rice-beer have acted as a spontaneous social deterrence from consuming for the sake of entertainment and intoxication. The principle of moral value and self-censorship is heavily injected in the practice of consuming rice-beer. There is no codified law in the Naga society but both young and old alike are governed by oral conventional means of social control and deterrent. In the absence of codified, statute and formal jurisprudence, family, neighbourhood and society as a whole together monitored the behaviours and conducts of a person. Relatively, limited choice of pleasure as well as scanty of distilled spirit and India-made foreign liquor (IMFL) helps to uphold temperate drinking practice then. Also at times of feasts and festivals, which are intervally sequenced round the year and celebrated according to phase of agricultural activities and needs of the society, Nagas used rice-beer but not to get drunk. Besides their significance as times of feasting, festival is an occasion where one reposing one’s allegiance and faith in god. At the same time, during festival, the menfolk are expected to take a ritual bath in the wee hours from spring well as a mark of purification. Drinking is just a means to makes the feast/festival complete of its significant. For instance, during the festival of saleni (festival that symbolises the end of rice-plantation and beginning of reweeding) individual is expected not only to be cautious and restrained from indulging in gratuitous pleasure but also to maintain strict and well discipline with one’s physical desire. During the entire span of salekhro (name of a month in the lunar calendar), where saleni falls, it is expected that every married couple shall restrain from sharing the bed since it is an occasion of self-purification (Hodson 1911: 181-83). For this reason, it is forbidden and undesirable to take dog’s meat during saleni since it coincides with dog’s mating season. Even during monumental preparation of the feasts of merit (zhoso mozhü) one should not only abstain from certain food items but is also expected to abstain from wife for number of months (Furer Haimendorf 1939: 17). Pleasure is not the prime attention, although feast/festival is an occasion of celebration while inviting nuptial family members, neighbours, needy and cowherds. Merry-making is just a means to achieve the preset goal. Besides, the culture and habit of serving rice-beer to guest/visitor is much more than just an item but communicates deeper meaning that reflects the expression of welcoming and showing hospitality as found in other pre-literate societies.1 It signifies exchanged of pleasantries as well as expressing an act of harmlessness while extending the hands of friendship. Even during times of acrimony or someone has offended and hurt by words or deeds, rice-beer is used as a gesture of friendship and a mark of apology while seeking for rapprochement and forgiveness. Be it individual, village or community, wrong doers either in words DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 447 or deeds will carry a gourd of rice-beer along with a cock while seeking for pardon from aggrieved person/party. Depending on situation and context, ricebeer has wide communicative value and multi-dimensional implications. Not to forget abusers and stray individuals, even during feast of merit, where rice-beer is lavishly served there is well established oral social code to ensure that it is not abused. Chü mohru (feasting at the host’s place) is a manifestation of the feast of merit. To enforce and meet such social code, some honorary volunteers of elderly and respected fellows in the society would keep a watchful eye from abusing. When serving has reached to a particular stage, these elders would pronounce a loud yell audible enough as a mark to limit the frequency of serving. With the expression of the next hallooing, serving will be further restricted. After the last and third yelling, no one should go for another sip but is expected to fold olebvüo (cup made of banana-leaves specially meant for this purpose) and cast it away.2 As practice and tradition, it is expected to drinks only in olebvüo and not in glass or mug during feast of merit. The feast marks success and fortune of one’s life and sharing of the same with community members. It is a series of feasts defined by custom in every detail while aiming to maintain socio-economic balance and a means of elevating one’s social status as the performance of which bestow prestige on the host. Each succeeding feast entails increasing the amount of paddy barn to be given for preparing food and brewing rice-beer, and number of cattle to be slaughtered. To commemorate the name of the benevolent person who has given the feast different monuments such stone monolith, tukhu (a cairn which serves as an open platform for the villagers to relax and get together), etc. are built. The feast communicates that honour and status do not lie in acquisition of material wealth but in the act of sharing the fruits of one’s labour. It signifies a celebration of enterprise, hard work, good health and industriousness. The underlying message is not limited to strengthening of community ties alone, but to communicate the importance of hard work and commitment to one’s profession. Organising a grand and lavish feast for days for fellow beings earned a person a place of honour and a role model for others to emulate. Performer of the feast besides the need to be diligent and thrifty gained public honour and set concrete precedence for other to learn (Furer Haimendorf 1939: 21). As a mark of honour and respect, a traditional shawl called zhoso sa, ornaments and certain traditional practices are reserved for the feast giver, the use of which was prohibited for others. Such was the significance and value of the feast of merit that one aspires to perform whereby motivated to be sincere, dedicated and industrious. The feast is an acclaimed social code and message that calls for introspection and discipline to become one of the performers. Likewise, the institution of morung (youth dormitory) helped to mould the person from becoming a social nuisance as it was power house of knowledge and skills where individuals learned social lessons require for becoming responsible member of a society. Social, religious and cultural norms of the 448 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) society were communicated through the morung. It was in the morung that the young people learned their history, culture, folksong and dance through play-acting, singing and dancing. It also trained them in handicrafts, sculptures, sports, games, defence, warfare and other skills related to headhunting and raids. It was a premier institution for socialisation, and establishment responsible for developing the sense of security and premeditated modes of meeting life situation for young people (Jacobs, Macfarlane et al 1990: 27). Through its various activities, it helps to enhance traditional socio-cultural values for continuity and transmitted attributes of discipline, self-control, moral responsibility and avoidance of inebriated behaviour contrary to consider it as a ‘den of vice’.3 While it was indeed difficult to rule out the possibility of falling to human lust, such behaviour was against the ethics and norms of morung. It was also true that personal relationships were formed and nurtured in the morung. But as a social institution, rather than encouraging promiscuity and perverseness, it serves as an ideal mechanism to control illicit sexual behaviour and other immoral activities such as abusive drinking, besides carrying out numerous other social roles. Referring to the objectives and role of the morung/ youth dormitory, Bhowmick writes, “this acts as fraternities, secret societies or institutions meant for the seminary of future life, being trained and ordained by the cultural matrix of the group concerned” (1992: 22). In addition, there are various sayings and adages directed to desist from alcohol abuse. For instance, this is what a popular saying goes, “to construct the terrace is far better than to build a dam,” which means “instead of mounting one’s belly with gallons of wine it is far better to cultivate a healthy habit”. Another frequently quoted saying while reprimanding the abusers, “it is a taboo to keep on drinking”.4 Taboo does not only indicate forbidden but also something, which is anti-social, uncultured and uncivilized not healthy for a normal person. The word taboo in Naga’s usage and terminology means chüno. Chüno does not merely implies prohibited/forbidden but something that and individual should morally responsible to avoid. It reflects an act of moral obligation as well as a manifestation of self-restraint. Moral self-responsibility is a core component of the term chüno rather than social restriction alone. The violation of the norm of chüno besides attracting wrath of the community is an act amount to displacing god. Following the norm of chüno is an act of religious life. To live a life of socially respectable and god fearing person, one is expected to follow and abide the rule of chüno. The incorporation of the term taboo shows how alcohol abuse is looked down upon with severity and disdain. Not to mention that gluttony and excessiveness are regarded as unhealthy but uncultured too. In fact, in their traditional practice, the Nagas have a particular genna (mani)5 called Pfüreshi mani, once in every month, which is a means to control gluttony and excessiveness. Such loaded social deterrents prevent one to drinks for sake of pleasure and intoxication. DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 449 Social Change and Alcohol In the wake of social change and modernisation, however, drinking has slowly assumed a new meaning, becoming more of a symbol of lifestyle, “modern” and a means of entertainment, from erstwhile as ritual item, food and medicine.6 Cultural value of wine and its utility is fast eroded with gross indulgence for joviality. This prompted to shift the question from quantity and frequency to a more relevant one, which is, the reason behind drinking. The situation has further convoluted due to available of India-made foreign liquor (IMFL) and distilled spirit, unlike the past. In course of time, alcohol consumption becomes a serious concern, mainly due to changes in its communicative value and control over its production and distribution. True that rapid social change and modernisation come along with newer and varied form of enjoyment, and subsequently lifestyle and behaviour. In yesterdays, scale of entertainment was relatively low and even monotonous mostly concentrated within the limited space of clan, neigbourhood and village. The prevalence of fairly isolated socio-economic and political environment has barred from experiencing newer and varied lifestyles. Almost everyone was conscious and aware of the behaviour of the neighbours, clansmen/women, peers and villagers. They lived in a closely knitted social environment. Behaviours and lifestyles were largely identical then. However, mediated behaviour and lifestyle in the wake of social change has culminated in increasing alcohol fondness and subsequently its menace too. Drinking, therefore, is not as fatal as contemporary, when the society was far from the reach of mediated world and with equally low range of entertainment. As long as drinking practiced was within the range of accepted norm of socio-cultural life, it was culturally permissible. Serious alteration from cultural value of wine/ozhe as food and medicine to its use for pleasure and means of escape has increased its menace manifold. For some years, under pressure from Christians and women organisations, and underground groups selling of alcohol has been restricted. The state government also passed a Nagaland Liquor Total Prohibition Act (NLTP) in 1989 with insistent from the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (CNBC). Whether prohibited or not alcohol is available. NLTP Act becomes a mockery as flow of India-made foreign liquor (IMFL) has increased manifold through liquor barons and bootleggers (Telegraph February 17, 2012). Go to any towns or bazaars, from local wine, distilled spirit to branded India-made foreign liquor (IMFL), is not difficult to get. In the changing times, commercialisation of alcohol also has led to substantial increase of its menace. No long ago, use of alcohol for commercialisation was unknown in the Naga society. In an environment of swift and sea change, therefore alcohol consumption becomes a major concern, where there is a need to identify possible factors and to suggest means to contain its menace. To unfold possible factors, it is imperative to examine the prevailing socio-cultural life, drinking practice 450 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and pace of change. It will be helpful to ascertain the extent of alcoholism by examining these elements. Availability and Sensitisation As noted, the Naga tradition is closely associated with locally brewed wine (rice-beer) and its use is nothing new. But somehow this does not pose grave problem as certain social deterrence and communicative practices were in place to put a check on its abuse. However, with fast erosion or sheer negligence of deterrence mechanisms coupled with availability, drinking becomes a cause of concern. Besides, weak sensitisation on its harmfulness makes an easy prey to it. The lack of serious and concentrated effort to prevent availability reflects the amount of frail concern on its risks. It all starts as social drink and part of tradition and in course of time increases amount and frequency. There is a strong correlation between availability and gravity of sensitisation on its hazards. Availability and deficient knowledge about its consequence creates difficulty when it comes to abstention. Of course, that does not rule out that socially accepted norms and advices are increasingly neglected particularly, by the younger generation and with it also the value of moderation. In some way, drinking, which is a traditional practice contributes in increasing its fondness. Everyone from person of average standing to those of eminent stature and common people barring with some few individuals consumed. Growing up in the society where alcohol consumption is part of tradition, indulging becomes common.7 As one cultivates culture through socialisation, cultural traits have been naively adopted, including drinking. Understanding Alcohol The underneath frail knowledge on consequences of alcohol abuse has other related intricacies. There is a propensity in the society that discouraging the use of rice-beer would mean robbing away an important value of cultural tradition. Likewise, a perception exits that prohibition and restriction of alcohol (rice-beer) would devalue the culture. Abstain from drinks will ruin the cultural value. Such endemic understanding of an intimate links between culture and rice-beer is injurious to control its menace. Every possibility is there that these sorts of perceptions are not going against the essence and spirit of cultural tradition. Cultural permissiveness, implicitly or explicitly, allows certain section of the population to defense their own weakness for alcohol. No one is propagating that rice-beer should stop using in rituals, ceremonies or as a cultural symbol to promote and protect cultural identity. The issue is that prevalent of permissive socio-cultural environment is not communicating enough messages to take appropriate step in tackling alcoholism. While advocating that culture permits drink, besides promoting alcoholism, it favours commercialisation. By rationalising tradition in the light of one’s own interest, it fails to communicate and educate on its hazard. DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 451 Another interlinked understanding that comes in the way of combating alcoholism is the perception that marketing of alcohol yield economic benefit. Alcohol becomes one of the most preferred forms of modern business ranging from small localised part time to fulltime professional enterprise. Somehow, it leads to the emergence of those engaged in marketing alcohol as a means of livelihood and profession. Understanding of this sort is not necessarily inappropriate but has limited the chance to combat alcoholism. Presence of those who directly or indirectly derived income from alcohol is a barrier for the society from taking stringent rule against alcohol abuse. In hope of material benefits, view on liberalising alcohol sell is getting louder. Economic consideration prevented the society from taking proactive role, thereby undermined danger emanates from alcohol abuse. An interesting view is also related to ideas of individual freedom since there is a perception that to impose prohibition interferes in one’s choice. Accordingly, there is a feeling that an individual should be allowed to define his/her own charter on drinks and foods. A popular opinion exists that prevention must not be greater than the mischief that comes from prevention. An act of prohibition is seen as something that amounts to interference in one’s freedom. It believes that individual choice should not be forced to sacrifice at the altar of social good. Likewise, certain influence emanates from categorisation of consumption patterns into “social” or “controlled” and “heavy” or “addicted”. Thus, a priest has this to says, “taking of traditional wine is fine”.8 In one particular village, a signboard near the bus waiting shed reads “no foreign liquor; defaulters shall be fined Rs. 5000/-”. This prompted me to ask what does it mean? “You know no liquor in our village”, noted a professed social worker. I further enquired; it means there is no alcohol in your village. He laughed. What about local wine? I pressed on. “It is all right,” he answered.9 Likewise, an elderly respected fellow who also once held the post of the President of his tribe council (Hoho) states that “drinking is fine, provided its intake is within the limit”.10 The pertinent question is what is the limit? Opinion such as like controlled or limited use is misleading. Classification of drinking pattern into moderate and uncontrolled drinks is not effective in controlling alcoholism. Down the line, classifying drinking patterns has undermined the effort to educate its threat. This reflects the magnitude of the lack of collective commitment to create condusive environment for combating alcoholism. It means that individuals with strong and undaunted moral authority speaking out against it are few and insignificant. Technically and medicinally, classifying drinking pattern into “social”, “controlled” or “habitual” is meaningful and interpretative, but destructive in individuals’ everyday life. To interpret “social” and “controlled” drinking as harmless and fine would means exoneration of its harmful consequence. Moreover, the pity is that not one final definition of alcoholism has been arrived yet (Chopra & Chopra 1990: 110), although the boundary between “moderate” 452 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and “uncontrolled” or “habitual” drinking is difficult to draw. In Chand’s words, “the term social drinking is vague and thus defies definition” (1972: 143). In short, the propagators of moderate or social drinks will not mind crossing beyond the limit given a chance. Dinking as Modern Another reason for fondness of drinking is considered it as “modern”. While defying deep socio-cultural value/meaning attached to it, one starts consumed to project it as “modern”. Such consideration makes an easy prey to fall into the trap of modern lifestyle and fashion. The foreseeable problem starts when alcohol is used for entertainment and considered part of “modern”. In this regard, it is intuitive to conceptualise the notion of modern lifestyle. Modern lifestyle and standard, according to Inkeles (1969: 208-12) means economically independent and self-reliant, socially responsible, knowledgeable and tactful to address issue confronting at hand and reasonable to face worldviews and beliefs. It reflects a successful person who is capable to withhold trial and tribulation, hatred and love. This implies ability to take decision independently, make choice singularly, capability to face risks and challenges, and relatively free from social and familial influences. This also refers somewhat independence from patronage, politics and background. Garg and Parikh also noted that “modern identity meant primarily to be rational, to have scientific approach” (1995: 20). Modern identity and lifestyle means a paradigm shift from traditional mode of life. By any standard, however, in the Naga society, quality of education and economic condition is weak to foster and sustain modern lifestyle. Their socio-economic condition is marred with backwardness and they hailed from a poverty-ridden community. Likewise, “modernisation of tradition” is far from satisfactory. At the same time, sense of maturity and intellectual level is comparatively weak. Relatively, they are more dependent and insecure. Despite this sharp contrast between ideal of modern lifestyle and theirs empirical reality, imitation of modern lifestyle is high so is alcohol abused. While reflecting on the blind imitation, a youth leader in the church notes, “people drink and puff cigarette because they want to look as smart as one of those celebrities and heroes shown in the films and advertisement. Ironically, in contrast to their expectation many end up as a village goon and frustrated person”. 11 It is used to promote one’s image and social acceptance. Often alcohol is deployed as a common denominator in projecting what one’s considers as “ideal world” or “modern world”. Drinking is becoming a means to socialise and makes friendship. With such understanding one began to imitate “modern” lifestyle as a way to cope with the contemporary changing times and to show one’s credential of being modern. Within the emergence of mediated and globalised world, there is a wave of considering drinking as fashionable. The implication of this acceptance is harmful because it insinuates internalising DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 453 false assumption into one’s attitude as something essential and relevant. Individual is made to believe that in order to be modern or suave, one needs to take alcohol. That one needs to indulge to show his/her modern credentials. Drinking is becoming the concomitant behaviour of youth’s lifestyle. Modern lifestyle appears to be lubricated by alcohol. Situation has created that modern lifestyle means necessarily involves drinking. Indeed, the craze for modern ways and lifestyles has being felt acutely. However, change through copying of other lifestyle without compatible socio-economic condition only leads into a mad-rush chimera. Imitation of lifestyle incompatible to cultural practice, which is in the words of Grant, “imitating the cosmopolitan drinking patterns of the tourist” (1985: 5) is causing the problem. Parental Role Besides, close and interlinks factor that contributes in the rise of alcoholism is the role of the parents. Parents’ role is important and crucial since family continues a primary agent of socialisation in the Naga society. However, with exception of some few, most of the parents are far from being an ideal role model. Parents’ inability to serves as an exemplarily role is contributing for the wards to do the same. Parents’ drinking habit only leads the children to follow them. They are unable to exemplify as responsible individuals, and hence, through their conduct, consciously or unconsciously allow their wards to do the same. Most of the children exposed to the habit of indulging or abstaining within the roof of the family. Of course, blame cannot goes to parents alone for many abuses much against the wishes of the parents. Parents do reprimand the children not to indulge in drinking, but they themselves are not free from it. Words alone in the absence of desirable behaviour fail to deliver positive impact. The noteworthy point is that when the parents themselves are caught in between what value to cherish, whether to drink or not, it is difficult to impart the value of abstinence. Children take cues from what the parents are. If the parents present models of stable and responsible behaviour, facing problems realistically children will get a clear message. Otherwise, children are most likely to fall into the same trap. Peer Pressure and Self-Responsibility Individual irresponsibility and peer pressure is also a contributing factor. Initially, one may hold accounts on availability, traditional permissiveness or destructive parental role, but the end result is all about one’s responsibility. There is growing attitude of negligence to pay heed on advices and teachings as one prefers to define ones’ own course of life. The influence of friends and peers is not better. Their influence is vital since there is strong tendency to look up to them on various issues related to life. Peers and friends together constitute a strong social component in one’s life. Both in times of jubilation and trials the companion of peers is crucial. Increasingly, there is a tendency 454 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) to consider drinking as a means to socialise and becomes a common stuff in every social gathering and function. Giving the situation, one is more likely to yield to desire and requirement of peers/friends. Peer pressure comes in the form of initially urging to have a sip for the sake of entertainment and eventually end up been habituated. One failed to handle dynamically peer pressure during events and celebrations but ends up entertained with alcohol. Likewise, frustration of being failure and hardship prompts one to abuse. Using alcohol as means to release tension/stress or to escape from reality is common. It is used to get rid of tensions, hide from shame and despair. The frustration of being unemployed, failure to achieve, financial problems and the likes makes a person difficult to face the situation. Besides few who are determined and focused, hardship facilitates to take alcohol. Reflecting this view, a private schoolteacher says, “I started taking alcohol when I did not get a proper job”.12 A college dropout also shared similar experience as he notes, “I am driven to alcohol due to failure and frustration”.13 Due to disappointment and helplessness one caught up with alcohol since it is considered as the means to escape. In haste to wrap up shame, frustration and hardship, one ends up an abuser. Measures to Combat First and foremost, the society needs to build up a strong opinion and value on not to consume. Creating adequate awareness and consciousness of alcohol hazard is essential. Likewise, pro-alcohol attitude need to be checked. Youth organisation, local club, women’s group, church and parents need to take up proactive role and joint action to tackle alcoholism. Besides providing quality education, there is a need to engage in vocational activities like sports, talent competition, community development, leadership training, skill enhancement training, career counseling and other short term vocational courses. Above all, self-actualisation and self-discipline is the best option to tackle alcoholism. Similarly, there is a need to restrain alcohol commercialisation and alternative means need to be explored for those considered it as a means of survival. At the same time, needs to organise seminar/workshop and talk in a systematic way with consistent effort to create awareness about its hazard. There is a noble task to impart and motivate healthy will power to alcoholics of how to overcome. Encouragement should be given to habitual abusers to lead a positive life through intensive motivation and counseling. Amply clear that single family or one village alone cannot redeem the situation. Joint effort and collective responsibility of different stakeholders is required to contain alcoholism. There is also need of solid social commitment and earnest campaign on it. Abuse cannot be merely adjudged as good or bad since it cuts across health, economy, social norms, career and family. The possible revival of its abuse as social and moral issue and preventive control is becoming all the more vital. A holistic approach to the treatment of alcohol- DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 455 related problems in tune with socio-cultural environment becomes a necessity (Porter, Arief & Curran, 1986: 26). The objective should be to change the attitude and belief of individual, particularly, the high-risk group – the youth. In fact, the most proven means to combat is, to use the words of Rootman, “guarantee value on evils of drinking” (1985:59). When there is a clear demonstration on the value of abstinence and effect of alcohol, people would be receptive to preventive methods. Conclusion Alcoholism has numerous consequences, which harms individual, one’s immediate family and society at large. The immediate consequence is on physical, mental, economy and career. Its effects are found associated with increase in social crimes, moral laxity and substance abuse. It has implication in every measure of social well-being including job prospect, family harmony, one’s personality and sense of responsibility. The abusers caused much trouble and anguish to the family. It disturbs family’s well-being whereby leading to frequent quarrelling and tension. Likewise, at the personal level the effects run into volumes. Its abuse is the gateway to substance abuse, the path to deviate from normal social life and the sine- qua- non for the growth of personality disorder. While squandering lives with alcohol, one ruins both studies and health. Thus, one starts as social drink, for the sake of entertainment, gradually turns into habit formation. The consequence is not confined to the individual and the family alone. It trickles down and threatens the whole fabric of society thereby causing tensions and more problems. By invoking individual right and consumer choice, it leads to breaking down the very thread of social deterrence. The consumption pattern has crossed beyond cultural permissiveness while deviating from cultural value of temperance. Cultural value of wine (rice-beer) has altered with time. Thanks to situation of traditional permissiveness and misused of the cultural value, drinking is increasingly considered as modern. The atmosphere of awareness of the risks of alcohol in terms of life, health and economy is inadequate. There is no strong cross-sectional community participation in combating alcoholism. Not a single NGO, to mention the least, is wholeheartedly engaged in combating it other than women organisation. The role of the schools and colleges to reduce risk of alcohol is negligible. Although, for the Nagas locally brewed rice-beer is as old as their society, new pattern of alcohol craze is threatening the traditional social system. NOTES 1. The use of alcohol as exchange item and expression of friendship is popular in other communities also. See, Pan, Lynn Pan 1975. Alcohol in Colonial Africa. Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, p. 7. 2. Lokho Nenio, Daikho Nepuni, Daiho Hepuni of Shajouba Village, Senapati, Manipur 456 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) stated the view during the course of the author interaction with them. 3. Other studies had also noted that the lessons on discipline, good manner, and obedience were done in the morung. Shimray, R. R. 1985. Origins and Culture of Nagas. New Delhi: Privately Published by P. Shimray, pp. 193-95. 4. These are some popular sayings/adages that the author gathered from Nepuni Salew, Kaisü Lohrü , Kho Toshüni in the course of his interaction/discussion with them. 5. The term genna has a religious connotation rather than mere social norm. During the pre-literate days, the Nagas did not have ordained priest, doctrinal institution, place of worship or sacred texts but worshipped god and spirits by means of genna. The term, in its primary sense applies to mass prohibition, permanent or temporary, periodic or occasional, from usual activities and cultivation work, and forms an important part of the tribal law. 6. Many have become easy prey to the vice of “new culture” such as drug addition, alcoholism and moral laxity. See, Thumra, J.H. 2000 “Development in the North East: Constraints and Prospects”. In M. Horam (ed.) The Rising Manipur. New Delhi: Manas Publications, p. 128. 7. Besides Indian made foreign liquor such as Beer, Rum & Whisky, illicit and spurious local brew is available. The demand of the local made is on the rise since many cannot afford better quality and costlier ones. There are views that to meet the demand, certain unethical methods are being adopted for faster production like the use of harmful chemical/substance. 8. Fr. Mario, who teaches at Don Bosco School, Senapati, Manipur. 9. This is based on the interaction that the author had with David at Tunjoy Village, Paomata sub-division, Senapati, Manipur. 10. Ashiho, social worker and distinguish fellow from Kalinamei village of Mao-Maram sub-division, Senapati, Manipur expressed the view. 11. Leader of a Christian Youth Endeavour (CYE) of T. Khullen village shared the view, which was also echoed by different individuals in various walks of life. 12. David, a graduate teaching in Mount Gibeon Higher Secondary School (MGHSS), Tadubi expressed the view during the course of the author interaction/discussion. 13. Kholu, an undergraduate dropout hailed from Purul village of Purul sub-division, Senapati shared his mind during the course of the author interact with him. REFERENCES Bedi, M. S. 1988 Drinking Behaviour and Development in Tribal Areas. Udaipur: Himanshu Publications. Bhowmick. P. K. 1992 “Changing Role of the Tribal”. In Yedla C. Simhadri (ed.) Global Youth, Peace and Development. Vol. II. Delhi: Ajanta Books International. Brown, Robert 1874 Statistical Account of Manipur. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Print. DRINKING CULTURE, RITUAL AND MODERNITY... 457 Chand, Tek 1972 Liquor Menace in India. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. Chopra, R. N. & Chopra, I. C. 1990 Drug Addition with Special Reference to India. New Delhi: Council of Scientific and Industrial Research. Douglas, Mary 1987 “A Distinctive Anthropological Perspective”. In Mary Douglas (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspective on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Garg, Pulin K. & Parikh, Indira J. 1995 Crossroads of Culture: A Study in the Culture of Transience. New Delhi: Sage. Grant, Marcus 1985 “Establishing Priorities for Action”. In Marcus Grant (ed.) Alcohol Policies (Regional Publications, European Series No. 18). Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe. Encyclopedia of Social Sciences Vol. 1. 1930 New York: Macmillan. Furer Haimendorf, C. V. 1939 The Naked Nagas. London: Methuen. Hodson, T. C. 1911 The Nagas Tribes of Manipur. London: Macmillan. Inkles, Alex 1969 “Making Men Modern: On the Cause and Consequence of Individual Change in Six-Developing Countries”. American Journal of Sociology, 75 (11): 208-225. Jacobs, Julian, Macfarlane, Alan, Harrison, Sarah et al 1990 The Nagas: the Hill-People of Northeast India – Society, Culture and the Colonial Encounter. London: Thames and Hudson. Keller, M. 1977 “Alcohol Consumption”. In The Encyclopedia Britannia, Vol. 1. London: William Benton Publishers. Kessel, N., & Walton, H. 1969 Alcoholism. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Mutum, Bokul 2002 “Megalithic culture of Mao and Maram Nagas of Manipur”. In Sarthak Sengupta (ed.) Tribal Studies in North East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. 458 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Pan, Lynn 1975 Alcohol in Colonial Africa. Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute African Studies. Porter L., Arief, A. E. & Curran, W. J. 1986 The Law and the Treatment of Drug- and Alcohol- Dependent Persons: A Comparative Study of Existing Legislation. Geneva: World Health Organisation (WHO). Rehm, Jürgen, Room, Robin, Monteiro, Maristela et al 2004 “Alcohol use”. In Majid Ezzati, Alan D. Lopez, Anthony Rodgers, Christopher J. L. Murray (eds.) Comparative Quantification of Health risks: Global and Regional burden of Disease attribution to selected major risk factors. Geneva: World Health Organization Rootman, I. 1985 “Using Health Promotion to Reduce Alcohol Problems”. In Marcus Grant (ed.) Alcohol Policies (Regional Publications, European Series No. 18). Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe. Shimray, R. R. 1985 Origin and Culture of Nagas. New Delhi: Privately Published by P. Shimray. The Telegraph February 17, 2012 Nagaland ‘wet’ after 23 yrs of prohibition. Retrieved from http:/ www.telegraphindia.com/1120217/jsp/northeast/story_15143550.jsp. Thumra, J. H. 2000 “Development in the North East: Constraints and Prospects”. In M. Horam, (ed.) The Rising Manipur: Including other North-Eastern States. New Delhi: Manas Publications SHORTER NOTE INDEBTEDNESS TO KOLKATA ANTHROPOLOGY Vinay Kumar Srivastava Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata Although it was during the vice-chancellorships of Devaprasad Sarvadhikary (31 March 1914 to 20 March 1918) and Lancelot Sanderson (31 March 1918 to 31 March 1919) that anthropology was introduced in the curriculum of Ancient History and Culture in 1918, the real inspiration for its introduction came from the Lion of Bengal, Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee, the second Indian to head the University of Calcutta as its Vice Chancellor (from 31 March 1906 to 30 March 1914, and 4 April 1921 to 3 April 1923). In 1921 was opened the Calcutta University’s Department of Anthropology which in the last ninetyseven years of its existence has made a majestic contribution to the growth of anthropology at national as well as international levels. I remember as a student of anthropology in the University of Delhi from 1969 to 1974 that the visit of Bengal anthropologists to my department was always a celebratory occasion. The teaching was suspended on those days so that the students could attend their lectures. Catching a glimpse of these scholars whose books and articles we were reading as compulsory texts was a moment of providence. Our pride was boundless on learning that of the 154 usages of ‘culture’ that A.L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled in their 1952 book, one of them was of N.K. Bose, the Gandhian scholar, who was the Director of the Anthropological Survey of India (1959-1964) and the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (1967-1970) (Sinha, 1986; Bhattacharjee, 2008). For many, the Delhi Anthropology Department was an extension of the Calcutta anthropology, for its founder, Dr. P.C. Biswas, who also headed the Department from 1947 to 1968, earned his master’s from Calcutta University, before he proceeded to Berlin for his doctorate. However, it was not true because Dr. Biswas was principally a biological anthropologist, bearing the imprint of German ethnology on him. For social anthropology thus, the Delhi Department looked at Kolkata for academic content, and also to those departments of anthropology in the country which the Kolkata-trained anthropologists started, of which Professor D.N. Majumdar, who was appointed a lecturer to teach ‘primitive economics’ in the Lucknow Economics Department, was a prominent name (Madan, ed., 2013). 460 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Although Majumdar earned his doctoral degree from the University of Cambridge, he was well entrenched in Kolkata anthropology, blending its flavor with his originality. The other towering stalwarts of Lucknow, Professors R.K. Mukherjee and D.P. Mukerji, also had their moorings in Bengal scholarship (Joshi, 1986). In a nutshell, Indian anthropology, as is studied today, was considerably shaped by the intellectual currents from Bengal. In fact, André Béteille, the Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Delhi, carried the nuances of Kolkata Anthropology forward in his work. He translated Bose’s Hindu Samajer Garan (1949) in English in 1975, thus rendering another perspective on Indian society, besides the ones that M.N. Srinivas and Louis Dumont had popularized (Madan, 1994). Besides making a distinct mark on Indian anthropology with his incisive writings on sociological theory and contemporary India, Béteille (2013) never forgot his formative training in Kolkata anthropology. To a layperson, anthropology is mainly a study of the so-called ‘tribal’ societies, which on being cut-off from the wider world continue to live with their pristine customs and practices. Against this backdrop, it was also feared that anthropology would not have a legitimate reason to survive once the tribes were transformed, once they were de-tribalized because of their unremitting interactions with the outsiders, the members of the developed communities. Anthropology was also eventually accused of making valiant attempts of keeping the tribes ‘unchanged’ by arguing vociferously in favour of legally restricting their contacts with the mainstream of Indian society, so that their subject mitigated the fear of its extinction. The Kolkata anthropology completely rejected this understanding. For it, a society was neither closed nor stationary. It was continuously changing, either because of its own internal forces, adapting to the changing habitat, or because of the exchange ties with the neighbouring communities. Society was not iron-clad; it was rather a process in time, a dynamic entity. Against this backdrop, the Kolkata anthropology ably showed the metamorphosis of tribes into castes, thus demonstrating the never-relaxing forces of integration in Indian civilization (Bose, 1953). Tribes belonged to an age before literacy began. They recorded their past in their memory, transmitting it orally from one generation to the next. Because their past was unwritten, they were called ‘ahistorical’. This encouraged their study as they were at a point in time, ‘here and now’, rather than as they had evolved over time (Kuper, ed., 1992). History was alien to this brand of anthropology. By contrast, for Kolkata anthropology, India was not ‘preliterate’ or ‘non-literate’. It was in fact a ‘literate’ civilization, providing a vast corpus of literature, systematically developed and meticulously transmitted over generations. Even when it became committed to writing, the traditional wisdom continued to be memorized and orally passed down. SHORTER NOTE 461 All communities, barring a few island settlements, were a part of this long historical tradition. Indian civilization was not an ‘ivory tower’, where ideas were confined to narrow elite. Rather, its thoughts diffused to the public, semi-literate as well as illiterate. Thus, highly esoteric ideas found a place at the lower level. They were, however, simplified, made intelligible and accessible to all. In the words of James Scott (1990), a ‘public transcript’ of the ideas was created, thus integrating different strata of the society. The Kolkata anthropology promoted an historical understanding of India. Tribes may have an autonomous existence, but they were part of history and civilization. To regard them as ‘history-less’ was an instance of our intellectual ethnocentrism and a strategy of domination. In that sense, the Kolkata anthropology was closer to their American counterparts than to the British. Because of its allegiance to a historical-civilizational approach, it could examine the transformation of tribes into castes, or the formation of tribal states, thus questioning the conception of tribes as stateless, prone to anarchy (Sinha, 1962). With this came respect for oral literature and an emphasis on the study of change. This also motivated a study of the same society at different time periods to see the direction of change and its products (Chaudhury, 2007). Against this background, for Kolkata anthropology, the distinction between tribes, peasant, and cities was simply of analytical value. In reality, change was imminent and constant. Multiple identities precipitated at the same time. For instance, when a tribal worked in an industry, located on the outskirts of a city, he shared three identities – his primordial identity, of the industrial worker, and the urban dweller. Hence, our commitment to study change would make us traverse all spaces, from tribal to urban. That was the reason why Bose and his colleagues embarked on a study of the ‘cultural profile of Calcutta’, a city of ‘furious creative energy’, in the words of Surajit Sinha (ed., 1972: 7). Incidentally when the study of Kolkata began, many thought that it was not anthropology, for the latter studied the ‘changeless’ tribal peoples. But once this research work was accomplished, the skeptics were convinced of the strength of anthropological methods in studying urban milieus and the situations of distress (like Bengal famine). Anthropology truly became a study of human society in general, rather than of a particular type of society, courtesy the efforts of Bengal anthropologists. Bose (1972: 5) once remarked: ‘An anthropologist does not merely play the part of an observer in the game of chess’. What he meant was that anthropologists engage themselves in action, endeavouring to initiate positive and long-lasting changes in the lives of people. They are not just idyllic watchers of human behaviour; they are the initiators of change. Radharaman Mitra, the famous author, said: ‘Our intellectual efforts should ultimately lead to some kind of moral action’ (see Sinha, ed., 1972: 262). This stream of thought 462 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) strongly believed that our thoughts and researches are nascent unless they guide a fruitful action of alleviating the sufferings of people. But, as Bose pointed out, we should not ‘rush into action without adequate intellectual preparation’ (see Sinha, ed., 1972: 262). For Kolkata anthropology, theory and action were dialectically related. Theoretical work guided action, which in turn threw challenges before the theory, leading to its modification or even rejection. If anthropological work does not guide the practice of directed and planned changes, then it is sterile. This conviction led to many anthropologists working for the uplift of downtrodden communities, especially those whom the British called the ‘Criminal Tribes’. One experiment that has caught the international attention was started by P.K. Bhowmik (1963) in Midnapur with the Lodha. It was one of the finest cases of putting anthropology into practice. While we embark on celebrating the hundred years of anthropology in the country, it is time to put on record our eternal indebtedness to Kolkata anthropology. REFERENCES CITED Béteille, André 2013 Ourselves and Others. Annual Review of Anthropology, 42: 1-16. Bhattacharjee, Nabanipa 2008 Through Thick and Thin Reflections on Nirmal Kumar Bose. Indian Anthropologist, 38 (2): 1-17. Bhowmick, P.K. 1963 The Lodhas of West Bengal: A Socio-Economic Study. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak. Bose, Nirmal Kumar 1953 Cultural Anthropology and Other Essays. Calcutta: Indian Associated Publishing Co. Ltd. 1972 Anthropology and Some Indian Problems. Calcutta: Institute of Social Research and Applied Anthropology. 1975 The Structure of Hindu Society. Translated from the Bengali with an Introduction and Notes by André Béteille. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Chaudhury, Sukant K. 2007 Civilizational Approach to the Study of Indian Society: N.K. Bose and Surajit Sinha. The Eastern Anthropologist, 60 (3-4): 501-8. Joshi, P.C. 1986 Lucknow School of Economics and Sociology and its Relevance Today: Some Reflections. Sociological Bulletin, 35 (1): 1-28. SHORTER NOTE 463 Kroeber, A.L. and Clyde Kluckhohn 1952 Culture. A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Kuper, Adam, ed. 1977 The Social Anthropology of Radcliffe-Brown. London, Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Madan, T.N. 1994 Pathways. Approaches to the Study of Society in India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ed. 2013 Sociology at the University of Lucknow, The First Half Century (19211975). Delhi: Oxford University Press. Scott, James A. 1990 Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Sinha, Surajit 1962 State Formation and Rajput Myth in Tribal Central India. Man in India, 42 (1): 35-88. ed. 1972 Cultural Profile of Calcutta. Calcutta: The Indian Anthropological Society. 1986 Nirmal Kumar Bose, Scholar Wanderer. Delhi: National Book Trust. Review Article CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY P. Venkata Rao Department of Anthropology,University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India The author of the book under review*, N. Subba Reddy represents the Lucknow tradition of anthropology imbibed from his teacher D.N Majumdar. He played a major role in shaping three anthropology departments at Visakhapatnam, Madras and Hyderabad, and was instrumental in teaching and training generations of students. The availability of most of his publications in a book provides an opportunity to have a glimpse of the kind of anthropology which the author preached and practised. The volume provides an overview of the development of the discipline in terms of the kinds of topics, theories, and methodologies from the vantage point of view of the author. Anthropology as a discipline has set out to study diverse societies and to explain the similarities and differences between them. What is universal to all humanity has always remained a matter of inquiry for anthropologists. The book titled “Cultural Diversity and Common Humanity” thus represents the core of anthropology. The author covered in his papers major traditional anthropological topics like kinship, jajmani system, caste, village studies, and folk religious practices. Critical assessment of the contributions of stalwarts in anthropology such as Bronislaw Malinowski, Louis Dumont, Margaret Mead, Marvin Harris, and Oscar Lewis formed the best part of the book. There are several equally interesting topics for Non-anthropologists also. Most prominent are the contemporary social issues like Dalit conflict, Other backward classes, Sub-plan, Extremist movement, Secularism, Development-induced displacement, Globalization and Postmodernism. The papers included were those published in various journals, and those written on different occasions for seminars and conferences in India and abroad. It is not possible to do justice to the diverse topics covered in this book in any review. However, an attempt has been made here to have an overview of the contribution made by the author. Broadly speaking, the contents of the book revolve around concerns relating to human nature and the future of mankind. There are five papers *Cultural Diversity and Common Humanity, Subba Reddy N, 2014. New Delhi, Academic Foundation. 466 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) that are positioned around the title of the book ‘Cultural Diversity and Common Humanity’. In the first paper, the author traces the journey of mankind from ‘from animality to humanity’. He delineates how the foundations for the emergence of culture were laid down. After dealing with the core areas of anthropology such as human origins, evolution, diversity and variation, an attempt was made to distinguish pre-human organic evolution and human evolution (in which culture played a crucial role). In doing this, the author offers a critique of the arguments of socio-biologists who argue for the primacy of biology over culture. He dismisses their arguments by saying “they have good data but their explanations bristle with banalities and tautologies (p-36). It is clear that the author does not agree with the socio-biologists as he firmly believes that ‘man is unique from other animals in having an innate moral sense and ethical values’. Glimpses of the cultural diversity of humankind are offered in the next paper under the title ‘Kaleidoscope of cultures’. A wide range of customs, cognition, kinship, marriage, worldviews has been discussed with empirical substantiation from varied sources. While discussing customs and practices emerging from the interaction between individual and culture, the author reminds us that individual human being is both creator and creature of culture. The paper titled ‘Understanding Humans across Cultures’, explores the advantages and disadvantages of emic and etic approaches, popularly understood as insider’s and outsider’s points of view. The importance of meanings, notions, and norms in ethnographic representation has been brought out here. What was written in this chapter can be taken as guiding principles for conducting ethnographic studies; and on how to approach norms and meanings. The task of anthropology has been envisioned by the author as “The delicate task of objectively representing the ideas, meanings, and actions, as acceptable to academics, at the same time not sacrificing the distinctness of the other in terms of indigenous idiom an ethos”(p-102 ). The paper titled ‘Cultural diversity and common rationality’ addresses the question ‘whether in terms of rationality, all human groups are alike or there are culture-specific differences?’ According to the author, while core rationality is the same, there may be differences of degree but not of kind. For him, rational and rationally non-explainable (mystic) features exist in all societies. Logic across societies is the same, but inferences in simple societies are different due to the weak knowledge base. He is unhappy with the overemphasis on diversities at the cost of underlining the commonalities. The essence of the author’s argument can be seen in the statement that “There is a reason to believe that it is the sloppy studies conducted by anthropologists without proper observation or interpretation, often tendency to exaggerate exotic elements found in alien cultures, that have provided the gist for relativists” (p-171). The author continues with the issue of unity of mankind versus the uniqueness of each culture in the paper titled ‘Human nature and man’s future’. The discussion on human nature and man’s future revolves CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 467 around the debates between Relativists and Universalists on common rationality across cultures and rationality specific to given cultural setting. The author takes up the discussion from a wide range of opinions of philosophers, sociologists, and anthropologists about human nature. Two strands of opinion in anthropology about man i.e. those subscribing to psychic unity, and those to cultural determinism have been analyzed. The author stresses on the primacy of cultural norms and gives his definition of human nature as “Generic human nature is the pro-social propensity which entails norm-governed behaviour, and in the process gives rise to culture” (p-198). According to the author, without social bonds and norm-governed behaviour, man will not remain human. While giving importance to the role of the family in ensuring social and cultural stability, he does not approve new types of families and living arrangements. For him, only a stable family and an integrated society can produce a stable citizen. Human nature as a bridge between nature and culture responds to culture and the core value of humanity is altruism. If morality and altruism form fundamental human qualities and are basic to human nature, how to explain deviance, crime etc. is the question to be answered. The author opines that it is sheer escapism to blame social environment as it is also a product of humans. It is humans and their actions that are responsible for deviance. The explanation of the author is that “the dependent and independent factors i.e. cultural factors and generic human nature have become interdependent in the course of constant interaction. The environment which is created by man himself can make him either noble or ignoble, moral or immoral, altruistic or self-governed, cruel or gentle. This implies that man’s decisions and actions either premeditated or unpremeditated, impact on his nature and on his future”. He suggests that diversity of cultures cohere with common core human nature, and they both will flourish in conditions of liberty, equality, and concern for others. Prolonged oppression, widening inequalities, exploitation of people and nations are not in the interest of the future of humanity. Thus the author gives a call to all intellectuals to reflect upon what kind of future they want for humanity. Altogether, there are nine theoretical and methodological essays in this book. The author reveals zero tolerance to what he considers as “fanciful’’ theories. He is strongly critical of the mediocre arguments and weak conceptualizations. He systematically dissects the methodology of such works and demolishes the interpretations in a logical fashion. At several places in the book, we see a powerful critique of the works of well-known anthropologists for the absence of empirical substantiation; lack of methodological rigour; and sweeping generalisations. Subtle humour and sarcasm are integral to the discussions and analysis. The author launches an authoritative attack by making extensive use of the literature, facts, and logic. He undertook a critical analysis of the works of renowned scholars of anthropology like Levi-Strauss, Louis Dumont, and Clifford Geertz for critical analysis. The titles of some of 468 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) the essays clearly reveal the author’s purpose and concerns: The dust storms weathered by the functionalist edifice of Malinowski Dumont’s desperation for valorizing affinity Scientific imagination and literary fantasy in Geertz’s interpretive anthropology Post-modernism and anthropology Aberration or Apocalypse The essence and evanescence of Dravidian kinship system On the Mead-Freeman controversy, the author is supportive of Margaret Mead’s work. He criticises Freeman for biases, prejudices, motives, dubious methodology and lack of ethics. For the author, it is not the credibility of Mead’s ethnography but it is of credibility of Freeman that is in question. The author examines the functionalist framework of Trobriand study looking into how different scholars assessed the work and points out the resultant distortions and misjudgments’. He offers a spirited defence of Malinowski and his functionalism and tells us to understand the work of Malinowski without getting distracted by his critics and admirers. To put it in his own words ‘to read Malinowski without blinkers, coloured lights and screens’. While thoroughly approving functionalism of Malinowski, the author does not approve the structuralism of Levi-Strauss. He summarily discredits Levi-Strauss in the paper titled ‘Conscious and unconscious models, by saying “It appears that there is no point which he cannot prove and there is no point which he cannot disprove (including the one he might have proved previously in another context)”. The structural method is critiqued by saying “Levi-Strauss’s method is maladroit. He starts with a series of contrived propositions and then chops and hews the data in a procrustean manner to fit into his theoretical frame” (p-219). Pointing out several contradictions in the paper on the thick description, the author is critical of the interpretive method of Clifford Geertz. He compares Geertz to an astronaut who gazes down on earth and reads the minds of people through telepathy. The work of Geertz is labelled as literary fantasy as it lacks validation and verifiability. Empirical method, logic, and verifiability are the canons dearer to the author. It is on these counts, the author critically comments on the cultural materialistic scheme taking up the ‘’holy cow debate’ as an illustration. The paper on ‘Village Studies’ provided insights on how to select a typical village for sociological studies. The author begins the discussion with the often debated question of representativeness in village studies. How villages are selected, diversities of villages and different viewpoints have been examined. Culminating the discussion, he suggests for identifying a regional pattern in terms of a combination of factors and assess the degree of representativeness of the identified villages. After the selection of the village in this fashion, one CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 469 should proceed with the intensive study of the village as per the goals of the study. In another paper, the author brought out the idea that Village deities as an early stratum of religion. Current topics of social and political and policy ramifications have been part of the coverage of the volume. The paper titled ‘Globalization- Humanistic concerns’ takes us to the relevance of anthropology in the wake of globalisation. For the author, Globalization is characterized by the coming together of diverse cultures and nations and the growing culture of consumption. Though globalisation has been an age-old phenomenon in the form of diffusion of ideas and practices, the present form is different as one has to think of paying royalties for making use of these ideas and practices. The author is uncomfortable with the way in which the processes of globalisation are unfolding and questions the free market economy envisaged in the wake of globalization. He affirms that unregulated or free market is a myth as it never existed. Even the growth of capitalism owes to state interventions and support in varying degrees. Pointing out to the adversities faced by poorer nations in competing with others in the free market economy, the author highlights the impact of globalisation on weaker sections such as threats poised to intellectual property rights of indigenous people and the growth of inequalities. In the paper titled ‘Social Science perspectives on globalisation and equitable world order,” the author covered the issues in the current debate on economic reforms and social justice from the viewpoint of an anthropologist. Here, the author traces out the rise of volatile situations such as unrest and terrorism in different parts of the world and attributes them to the growing disparities and imbalance in ethnic and economic factors. He pleads for an egalitarian society pointing out that “Inequality sets man against man, while equality builds cordiality and mutual confidence” (P, 137). His egalitarian society is not the Marxist version, but one with the right type of social integration. By pronouncing that the goals of equality do not mean bringing about uniformity in cultures, the author suggests the relevance of diversities. In doing this the author gets into economic history and certain basic propositions of economists right from Adam Smith to Joseph Stiglitz. A concern has been expressed that growing inequalities in income and wealth and the resulting social unrest in the wake of globalisation are harmful to human well-being with a suggestion on the need for appropriate public intervention. Delineating the origin of the Post-modernist project as a reaction to certain conditions, the author dealt with the features of post-modernism and the criticism of post-modernists on ethnographic practice. Comparing premodernists and post-modernists the author critically examines the tenets of post-modernism. Underlining post-modernism as a disastrous deviation, he cautions anthropologists against joining the ‘fancy bandwagon’. The priority for the author is order and coherence against fragmentary knowledge and individualism which are essential components of post-modernism 470 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Discussing the importance of family, the future of families and future families, the author questions ‘technically can these forms be called as families? For him, three dyads of relations: conjugal, paternal and maternal are essential for an entity to be called family. He does not approve single-sex families, femaleheaded dyads, and single households and feels that they are deviant forms of family. The author strongly emphasises the importance of saving the institution of family for safeguarding the future of mankind. His intention of safeguarding family is not to perpetuate gender inequalities but to make the family stable and less fragile The policies and strategies for poverty eradication have ended up as a failure due to the narrow focus on income generation and provision of amenities. According to the author, these are taken up without the comprehension of what the author labels as ‘culture of poverty’. In the paper, he starts with the distinction between poverty and culture of poverty, its features, conditions under which culture of poverty evolves, and the measures to overcome it. Poverty gives rise to conditions which tend to perpetuate poverty. The example given for this is the extension of short-term loans to the poor by money lenders at usurious rates of interest. On the other hand, poverty leads to a style of life and community ethos among the poor serving as mechanisms to cope up with poverty. Therefore according to the author, sustainable reduction of poverty requires redressing the conditions that perpetuate poverty, and the use of institutions of self-help and community action among the poor. The discussion on the culture of poverty takes the readers to Indian slums, rehabilitation of slum dwellers. Here the inadequacy of amenities based approach which ignores the quality of community life is highlighted. The author stresses the need to pay attention to healthy social life and community life, its coherence and internal harmony; along with measures for poverty eradication. On the thorny issue of secularism in India, the author says “any label we use should reflect the plurality of our society and the inclusiveness of our culture”. Dealing with contemporary debates on the term Hindutva, he favours Bharatiyata in its place . He draws the attention of the majority community to what Vivekananda said ‘Hinduism sees all religions to be true’ and suggests that this should continue to be the worldview of our national culture. The discussion on secularism raises the question of whether secular is antagonistic to sacred/ religion. The author considers secularism as practising one’s own religion, respecting all religions while not hurting the sentiments of others through one’s own actions. Secular foundations have been enshrined in the Indian constitution but actual practice by national leaders led to the erosion of secular values and suggests for disqualifying those without secular credentials from contesting elections. He is for radical secularism i.e. secularism as a new religion. In this context, he makes a very provocative statement that “Evidently a mistaken notion is developing that if one is to be counted progressive, he should always express himself against majority community in favour of the CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 471 minority community, whatever may be the context” (P,133). He opines that anthropologists and sociologists should bring out existing harmony from field studies. The author examined the debates initiated by Prof. Amartya Sen in the 1960s on the efficiency of small farms and the inverse relation between farm size and productivity per acre in India. Starting with a discussion on reduction in the size of holdings, he explains the marginalisation in terms of demographic pressure and partition of holdings. The author traces the rise of agriculture mechanisation over three decades and its consequences such as reduction in the number of small farms as benefits of technology have gone to well to do farmers. From the methodological point of view, the inquiry is significant in using both micro and macro level data. The author opines that a farm-size of 10-25 acres is likely to be economically viable under the existing technology. He established the need for ensuring productivity consistent with equity. What we see in this discussion is a suggestion for equity for safeguarding small and marginal farmers in the wake of new technology He gave pragmatic suggestions for policymakers for making available modern technology like tractors to small and medium farmers and establishing service cooperatives for small and marginal farmers Caste received maximum attention in the studies on Indian society. In the present volume, there are four articles on caste dealing with essential dimensions of the phenomenon such as the origins of caste, Jajmani system, conflicts among Dalit communities, and other backward classes (OBCs). The focus of the paper on backward classes is explicitly laid down in the title ‘Backward class in India the way the Mandal Commission went about its work and the anomalies followed’. The author criticized the survey conducted by Mandal commission and pointed out flaws in the methodology of using six arbitrarily selected criteria for identification of backward classes. The flaws indicated are: projecting from 1931 census figures, conducting a survey in local areas and projecting those figures to all India level, indiscriminate lumping of disparate groups (such as nomadic and denotified communities) as OBCs, and considering satellite castes of Scheduled Castes as OBCs. He pointed out the internal variation existing among OBC in terms of social economic and educational disparities and advocated categorization of the OBCS There have been several theories on the origin of caste. Anthropologists considered tribal societies as egalitarian societies who adopted caste-like hierarchy through contacts with caste populations. They took recourse to concepts like tribe-caste mobility and tribe–caste continuum to explain similarities in practices of castes and tribes. Deviating from such conjectural accounts on origins of caste, the author provides an insight into the origin of the complex institution based on grassroots level data. He indicated that the caste-like system evolved in the multi-tribal villages of Paderu agency of Andhra 472 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Pradesh as necessary conditions existed there. He denied the role of contact with non-tribals in the formation of caste-like hierarchical structures by saying “The society has developed all the essential characters of the caste system which has neither been imposed nor is being maintained by external agency….. It is purely an indigenous growth”. Thus the author is in agreement with those who argue on the multiple origins for the pan-Indian phenomenon of caste. The working of the jajmani system (functional relations) has been analysed in one of the papers with the help of the author’s study among Lohars in a north Indian village. Dealing with caste conflicts among Dalits, the author provides a rich ethnography on the community, the mythological basis and occupational differentiation of the internal divisions. He explained how the conflicts between the internal divisions are exploited by upper castes. The frustration existing among the communities which are reflected in crime, conflict, tensions, and behaviour has been pointed out. This paper is very relevant to understand the present day conflicts among communities and demands for Dalit categorization. Five papers have been included in this book on tribal development and related issues dealing with development programmes and their implementation by official machinery, Implementation of sub-plan approach, displacement and rehabilitation issues, and extremist movement. The paper titled ‘Tribal and the official’ incisively examines the implementation process of development programmes based on the author’s field studies. He provides us with a number of instances pointing to the various drawbacks such lack of understanding and communication and monotonous uniformity of programmes. He urges the officials and administrators to anticipate the short term and long term consequences of the programs under implementation. The analysis of Naxalite movement in Parvatipuram agency of Andhra Pradesh systematically dwells into the origin of the problem dealing with the tribal setting, the chronology of events and the strategy of Naxalites in mobilising people. This discussion is both descriptive and analytical, in tracing the rise and fall of a historic phase of the Naxalite movement. While the basic issue is that of land alienation and exploitation of tribal people by non-tribals; tribals losing confidence on government machinery due to failed development projects aggravated the situation. The author delineated the rise and fall of the movement in the following manner: In the early stages of the movement when Naxalites were raiding the non-tribal houses for food and the tribals got benefited. Later, when the focus of the raids shifted towards the collection of cash and gold, the tribals were not benefiting from it. The movement alienated the tribals when the Naxalites killed the tribals identified by them as informers and deserters. The tribals could not palate killing their own brethren as part of the movement The movement was finally crushed under the might of CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 473 government. In the paper titled Tribal sub-Plan approach in Andhra Pradesh’’, the dilution of sub-plan approach has been traced out. The author pointed out instances of implementation of meaningless programmes; sectorial allocations on population percentage basis leading to expenditure not relevant to the needs of the people; converting non-plan expenditure to plan outlay by announcing new schemes and giving new names to old schemes. While the basic idea of sub-plan approach i.e. planning from below is given up of, funds are controlled by line departments and not by the tribal welfare department which resulted in diversion and dilution. The paper pleads for compensatory allocation for the backwardness of tribal areas. The author took up the examples of Narmada project, and National testing range at Balipal while writing about the key issues in Displacement and Resettlement. Highlighting the problems of project affected persons, he pointed out the administrative callousness and indifference to the plight of people. The suggestion is for a people-centred approach with a caution that unless better living conditions are ensured to displaced people, rehabilitation is bound to be a failure. In the context of two controversial projects (Bauxite mining in Visakhapatnam district, and Polavaram project on Godavari river) planned in the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh state, the author raises the issues related to tribal land rights, dilution of land alienation legislations and perfunctory resettlement of the displaced tribals. Along with a comprehensive Relief and Rehabilitation Policy, the author suggests for bringing the tribal areas affected by the Polavaram project under the VIth schedule of the Indian constitution. This clearly shows the pro-tribal leanings of the Author. Sum Up An assemblage of essays ranging from traditional interests to contemporary topics, this book provides an overview of the contribution of Prof. N. Subba Reddy to the understanding of human diversity and its concerns. The reader’s attention is drawn towards understanding human diversity, concern for the future of mankind, the need for fundamental moral values, and a commitment to marginalised sections. In a good number of papers, the author gave equal importance to applied aspects and policy insights along with theoretical, conceptual and methodological issues of social sciences. A judicious mix of micro-level observations and their macro-level ramifications is integral to all papers. The author strongly rejected the arguments that lack logical rigour and consistency and deficient in factual basis. We see a thorough and in-depth understanding of texts by the author from which he derives interesting insights by going into the facts in minute details. The readers get interesting insights such as that Adam Smith who wrote the celebrated book ‘titled ‘Wealth of Nations’ much before Economics crystallised as a discipline, and that Adam 474 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) Smith was a teacher of ethics and moral philosophy. What adds to the extreme readability of the book is a large number of appropriately inserted interesting anecdotes and field-based observations. This book is like a refresher course for young researchers on how to read research publications with a purpose, write-up research coherently, combine empirical data with abstract arguments, and criticise with valid substantiation. There is a strong message on not to get carried away by catchy concepts, fashionable and implausible theories. Most important is the focus on role and responsibilities of the social scientist in the present day scenario of divisive trends, unstable families, disintegrating social fabric, declining moral and ethical values. After reading this book, one cannot but admire the author for his scholarship, commitment to humanistic concerns and academic rigour. THE OTHER LUCKNOW Harnam Singh Verma Sociologist and Social Planner Baramati (Pune). Email: vhsbbk42@gmail.com Reviewing this book* is quite a difficult personal task for me for several reasons. I am someone who has spent close to 40 years in this city. Through associational ties Lucknow consequently has great significance to me as a city, as a symbol of distinct cultural traits, one that lingers on both on the minds of a sundry visitor to the city as well as the one like me who lived in it for a sufficiently long period to also witness the changes it has undergone from what it was during the rule of the Nawabs, the British, and thereafter the native ‘Raja Sahibs’ of the Congress,the assorted and unstable coalitions thereafter, the Samajwadi Party (SP) , the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP),and the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and assorted coalitions during the postIndependence period of 68 years. In ways more than one, unconsciously I also developed some of the traits that a typical Lakhnavi resident either born or otherwise living in the city for a sufficiently long period possesses. Thus, I too have what one may call as a fairly experiential world view of what Lakhnavi culture was and how has it changed at least during my long stay in the city.Lucknow is just not another historical city like Kolkata, Chennai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Ahmedabad and Benaras or for that matter Agra, and Allahabad which had been seats of the Mughul / the British rulers respectively during earlier periods of history when Lucknow was not preferred as a seat of temporal political power. On the contrary, it is a city that has its distinct cultural stamp that refuses to fade despite traumatic changes that Lucknow has culturally undergone that warrant a rethink on its old cultural labelling. It is a city that has its share of depiction by the foreigners as well as the natives that is largely hung on the Nawabi cultural tag that the city came to acquire although all the while it was much more than what the Nawabs ruled and lived for.I am also someone who has been an urban planner and consequently undertaken useful research work involving urban ethnography to have required credentials to judge a notable research work from an outstanding Anthropologist like Nadeem Hasnain. Every social scientist cannot undertake a research project requiring use of meticulous urban ethnography. It requires certain qualities that not *The Other Lucknow: An Ethnographic Portrait of A City of Undying Memories And Nostalgia by Nadeem Hasnain. Vani Prakashan (2016), New Delhi 476 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) every ethnographer possesses.Hasnain has impeccable credentials to undertake such a research exercise. The book is the result of a research project fully funded by the AyodhyaShodhSansthan, an autonomous institution of the Department of Culture, Government of Uttar Pradesh. Nadeem indicates that during almost six decades that he came to live in Lucknow,he had always kept the dream of writing something on Lucknow live( page 15). As it turns out, the book is not exactly only something that the foreign and Indian tourists to Lucknow talk about, but quite a very distinct opposite of the totally one-sided depiction of the city by most if not all previous researchers, historians and sundry writers! The book in fact substantially corrects the historicalinjustice done by previous writings with the fuller and much more widercultural entity of Lucknow. There is agreement among scholars on Lucknow that its physical development, economic activities, and cultural identity has been shaped most notably by the ruling classes. While the nostalgia about the Nawabi influence lingers on,the fact remains that river Gomti flowing quietly in the heart of the city has witnessed tremendous changes in the city’s cultural profile during the last 68 years of the post-Independence period. Hasnain’s book contains two very excellent pieces, although at two different sections of the book, that deal with the evolution of the contours of Lucknow’s culture at two different time periods: one by Sandra Freitag(pp 21-46) giving a short cultural history of Lucknow that covers pre-Independencebetter but is somewhat sketchy for post –Independence period and the other by Aseem Hasnain under the heading of The Changing Lucknow and titled “ Lucknow Today: Dalit Imaginations(pp 317- ).However, there is a gap of quite a few decades in the narrative of evolution of Lucknow’s physical, economic, social and cultural profile that was brought about by the Congress governments until 1967, by an assortment of coalitions after 1967 tectonic political change followed by instable governments by a variety of political combinations and mid- 1980s by coalitions featuring SP, BSP, BJP first and then independent BSP and SP governments. Each of them left an imprint of their political culture on the city’s cultural fabric. There are scattered studies of different aspects of these empirical events in the efforts of a number of scholars but an integrated analysis collating the entire post-Independence period is yet to be accomplished. Lucknow’s culture is no longer‘you first’(‘PehaleAap’) that it was but has been more of ‘I,me,myself’ for the rulers of the post-Independence period, and this has percolated down to different segments of the Lucknow society including its subaltern segments.This is an independent full scale research theme and Nadeem had his hands full by devoting himself to graphically sketching the cultural profile of the subaltern Lucknow that earlier studies almost totally ignored. Consequently, he was not expected to complete this onerous task within the limited resources of his study. This is a task that someone else may undertake in future. CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 477 The book is organized in 22 chapters, a select bibliography, and an annexure,and contains large number of photographs some of which are of rare genre. Nadeem has taken great care in organizing the analysis of urban ethnography in the book which is reflected in the very logical sequencing of the chapters. The book consists of a short Introduction followed by a short cultural history of Lucknow by Sandra Freitag. This is followed by analysis of the social fabric of Lucknow consisting of Hindu, Muslim castes and occupational groups, Kayasths, and religious minorities. Lucknavi culture was primarily gelded by the influence of its Shia Nawabs and its courtesans, and the book recognizes their significance by including a separate chapter on the world of Shias. The physical Lucknow consisting of the Mohallas, Mandi, lanes,roads and markets are then discussed. Hazratganj and Aminabad have historical significance for the cultural experience that they have offered at various points of their history of evolution to those living in Lucknow and those visiting the city. Predictably, there is separate discussion on Hazratganj, ‘Ganjing’, and Aminabad. The chapter on the Subaltern and the Marginalized,that most tourist views of Lucknow gloss over, very graphically analyses their world. Lucknow’s cultural ambience is most visible not only in its historical monuments but also in its cultural landmarks, and Hasnain focusses on the notable ones among them. The Nawabi culture was a cross-breed ,often referred as the Ganga-Jamuni culture, in which festivals of the citizens of one religion were equally shared and enjoyed by those from belonging to the other religious faiths. The chapter on Local Fairs and Festivals brings this historical legacy very vividly. Lucknow possesses some very distinct religious /spiritual centres, and arts and crafts and Nadeem devotes separate chapters on these. Many of the Lucknow’s famous occupational skills that have now virtually vanished are sketched out next. Of course, some new ones have emerged in the Lucknow society, economy and polity that could have been ideally also discussed. Hasnain himself sketches the world famous Lucknow’s cuisine and culinary art but those on music,singing and dance traditions, the Ramleela,Qawwali,Daastaangoi and theatre are written by a sub- area expert,Akhilesh Dixit. Lucknow has a Bollywood Connection, and is known for its Urdu poetry and Urdu journalism. Others have glossed over the contributions of non-Lucknavites to Lucknow’s cultural legacy and these include those of Claud Martin and Walter Griffin who contributed significantly in the fields of education and architecture. Nadeem separately depicts their distinct contributions. Some like those of Saurabh Gupta and Alexander Schwarz(Museum of Socialism-Jai Prakash Narayan Interpretation Centre), Lohia Park, and the Janeshwar Mishra Park that are architecturally not as loud and stone-cast as those built by the BSP leader, Mayawati, are however not mentioned. Lucknow has expanded enormously beyond its heart and has now a 478 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) huge urban sprawl within the municipal limits of the city and has expanded its influence to smaller towns like Kakori,Malihabad and Bakhsi Ka Taalaab on its western and northern sides. Chinhat too was such an entity earlier on but it has been swallowed altogether by the city.Hasnain specially analyses the endemic Shia- Sunni violence in the city but balances it by also highlighting Lucknow’s shared culture and communal harmony. He has devoted a section on ‘Others’ in Lucknow that includes the Bengalis, Kashmiri Pandits, Oriya, Marathi, Malyali, and Assamese but not the Sikh and the Sindhi refugee groups.The latter have transformed Lucknow’s trade and commerce beyond recognition! The author devotes one section to Changing Lucknow which analyses urban villages and a very perceptive piece on Lucknow Today: Dalit Imaginations by his erudite son, Aseem Hasnain. Aseem has very perceptively analyzed the tectonic change in visual Lucknow brought about by BSP’s Mayawati and making visual Lucknow substantially much more than only an entirelyNawabi city.Other post-Independence regimes have also contributed to significant physical changes in Lucknow—like the Shaheed Smarak opposite the Residency, the embankments on both sides of the river Gomti, several notable administrative building landmarks in the Lucknow of the new rulers, the new buildings of the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court in Gomti Nagar and the new building of the CDRI across the Ring Road in Janakipuram Extension, and the mind boggling incompetence of both the Lucknow Development Authority and the State Housing Board in providing just housing minus spaces for essential, social, and economic services in their areas of physical development in outer Lucknow! However, if only there was another chapter that analyzed post-Independence changes to the physical, economic, and the politico-cultural mosaic of Lucknow that would have provided icing on the cake!The book has a select bibliography and references and an Annexure that offers rare details. A separate assessment of contributions from others is in order. The book has contributions from Sandria Freitag (on Lucknow’s cultural history),Joel Lee (the Feast of Lal Beg : Dalit Religion ‘Underground’),Akhilesh Dixit (on music, singing and dance and theatre) and Ramleela, Qawwali, Dastaangoi and,the Rekhti in Lucknow (Saiyed Anwer Abbas) and his equally scholarly son, Aseem Hasnain (on Lucknow Today: Dalit Imaginations).Sandra Freitag’s piece is very well written but its coverage of the entire historical continuum of Lucknow’s cultural history has some obvious gaps. Whereas her analysis is very fresh and illuminating for the Mughal, and British periods, its coverage of the post-Independence period leaves a gaping hole! Interestingly enough, a large number of scholars have researched it in its bits and pieces. For instance, there is Paul Brass who has done work on Charan Singh; Dipankar Gupta has worked on BhartiyaKisan Union ;SudhaPai and ChristoffeJaffrelot have worked on the rise of ‘lower castes’ on the political front of UP and CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMON HUMANITY 479 changing the texture and substance of political rule in the state;AK Verma, and Raj Kumar Rawan have given very incisive analyses of BSP ideology of Dalit-Bahujan leaders; my doctoral student, Ashoka Mishra has researched the role delineation by UP Chief Ministers from G B Pant to N D Tiwari, and I myself have written on the evolution of a culture of backwardness among UP rulers of the post-Independence period ( included in Arun Kumar Singh :2012) and Lucknow’s changing cultural mosaic in the third volume of my memoirs in Hindi ‘Part-Dar –Part’ under the heading‘Lakhnau ka Badalta Lucknawipan’ ( Shabdarambh, New Delhi, 2015). All these are published studies, and explain in some detail the cultural change that has come about in the city of Lucknow due to its Indian rulers. In the third volume of my memoirs, PartDar-Part(2016). Lucknow’s culture is no longer ‘PehleAap’ that it was earlier on but more of ‘I, me, myself’ now. Aseem Hasnain’s piece is the best cultural analysis of Mayawti’s loud stone creations in Lucknow that others have bitterly denounced!Aseem’s assertion that Mayawati’s monuments provide an alternate monumental narrative to Nawabi cultural legacy of Lucknow is 100% spot on!The pieces by Joe Lee, and Akhilesh Dixit could not have been better written. Overall, this is a very significant book that offers an alternate sociocultural portrait of Lucknow, and I am quite sure that it would have huge worldwide readership of commoners as well the researchers alike. I know that the Vaani Prakashan which has published this remarkable book are essentially publishers of Hindi books, that too of the mainstream Dwij Hindi literary tradition. They have goofed very badly in discharging their responsibilities by not having the manuscript of the book copy edited by a competent copy editor. To further compound this folly, they have not even cared to correct proofing errors! Given the rare nature of fare that it offers to a very wide audience, I am reasonably sure that the book would go in to subsequent editions. The publishers would have the opportunity to redeem themselves and do justice with the thematic substance that Nadeem Hasnain provides.I would also expect Hasnain to fill some visible gaps in his researched narrative when he revises the manuscript for subsequent publication. NOTE FOR CONTRIBUTORS THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST is a refereed, quarterly journal of the Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society. 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